From Monuments to Traces: Artifacts of German Memory, 1870-1990. (Reviews).

From Monuments to Traces: Artifacts of German Memory, 1870-1990. By Rudy Koshar (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000. xvi plus 352 pp. $45.00).

After producing a wonderful monograph about preservation and national memory in Germany's twentieth century (1), Rudy Koshar presents us with a marvellous interpretative synthesis of the existing literature on Germany's memory landscape. The interrelationship between national memory, culture and society is analysed with particular reference to the 'physical environment'. He divides his rich material into four main chapters: In the first one, Koshar examines the national monument as a 'framing strategy' to enhance national loyalty in a state which is exceedingly young and unsure of itself. Attempts to produce a common sense of history came fully into their own under Wilhelm II who encouraged and, in many respects, symbolised the growing consumption (through an increasingly organised tourism and entertainment industry) of monuments, buildings and other physical objects in the memory landscape. For the period from 1870 to 1914 he discusses with meticulous expertise a wide range of iconographic objects, such as t he Cologne Cathedral, the Marienburg, the Walhalla, the Victory Column, the Hermannsdenkmal, the Kaiser Wilhelm Monument and the proliferation of Bismarck statues and monuments up and down the country. He observes an increasing racialisation of an assumed ethnic core of national identity resulting in the hypemationalism of the Kyffhauser Monument and the Leipzig Monument to the Battle of Nations. The analytical focus on monuments is enriched by a look at the preservation and Heimat movements as well as historist architecture.

In the second chapter Koshar investigates the centrality of the ruin in Germany's memory landscape between 1914 and 1945. Twice in this period, German armies left behind trails of unprecedented death and destruction in their attempts to achieve European and world hegemony. He reminds us that the revolution of 1918/19 might have radicalised modernist architecture but did not produce major incidents of iconoclasm. After the mass slaughter of the First World War, military cemeteries and war monuments became lynchpins of heavily gendered nationalist myths which were easily appropriated by the National Socialists. Their cult of death and martyrdom increasingly transformed the national memory landscape into a 'biologised terrain of meaning'. (p. 116) At the same time, the commercialisation of national memory did not stop at the gates of war memorials and cemeteries, as Koshar demonstrates in an intriguing discussion of guidebook literature on First World War battlefields.

The third chapter puts the two Germanies' 'collective allergy to ruins' (p. 154) centre-stage and traces the debates about reconstruction. Questions of what was going to be reconstructed, what was going to be destroyed and what was going to be built anew were highly contested in both Germanies. Koshar also looks at the early iconography of the holocaust, presenting the period from about 1945 to 1970 as one in which attempts to remember the genocide were difficult and incomplete rather than absent. While much of what he says here is utterly convincing, the impact of Allied and Jewish sources on the early reception of the holocaust in Germany can be overstated (p. 200). As Helmut Peitsch's work on the autobiographies of concentration camp survivors demonstrates, there was no shortage of indigenous German accounts in the immediate post-war years. However, the camps, and in particular the holocaust, rapidly became a taboo subject in West Germany, and this began to change only very slowly from the late 1950s onwar ds. (2)

Koshar's final substantive chapter investigates the impact of 'popular historicism' (p. 230)--i.e. the history workshop movement and the history from below approaches--on the German memory landscape between 1970 and 1990. Their early concentration on the history of the labour movement, National Socialism and the holocaust significantly broadened the national memory, but it also produced a conservative backlash in the 1980s, symbolised by the two museum projects for German history, Bitburg and the Historians' Debate. Once again, the chapter also looks at developments in East Germany, where the impact of the heritage and tradition debate is discussed.

Overall, a range of recurring themes and symbols of German memory emerge from Koshar's analysis. In particular, the notion of victimisation, the theme of the resistance to outsiders and external as well as internal enemies are prominent throughout the period under discussion. But what comes out even more strongly from this volume is the 'excess of memory and history' (p. 7) in Germany which produced such a strong preoccupation among Germans with their own past. Koshar rightly emphasises the multicentred nature of German national memory over 120 years. A dazzling plurality of perspectives did not make for an easy consensus about what it meant to be German. There was much adaptation and alteration as well as continuity and repetition. The memory of German history was always both: stable and malleable, consistent and discontinuous, durable and in flux (p. 13).

In his attempts to conceptualise German national memory, Koshar uses Anthony Smith's concept of an 'ethnic community' and equates it with collective cultural identity and shared memories. In fact he sees it as the equivalent of the German notion of Kulturnation with its emphasis on ancestry and shared history. With Smith, he thus assumes a core of identity which cannot be reduced to what constructionists, following Benedict Anderson, have called the invention of the nation. As Koshar points out, he is mainly dealing with substantial material objects which were the precondition for the emergence of some sense of a common national history. While this is undoubtedly the case, Smith's concept also has a number of serious shortcomings: Smith often seems to accept the need for national identity as a given social fact. Homogeneity and cultural unity in his view need to be imposed on a heterogeneous society. His championing of the ethnic bases of nationalism oscillates uneasily between essentialist assumptions of a n ational identity resting on objective, factual historical processes as well as distinct cultural communities and the far more fruitful recognition that ethnicity, like nationalism, rests on perception, cognition and belief. In other words, ethnicity is not an objective fact but a social and cultural construction. Ironically, this insight brings Smith quite close to the position of constructionists like Anderson, who stress the relational aspects of nationalism. (3) Denying the constructed nature of the nation's ethnic and cultural fundaments will pose the danger of slipping into the kind of organicist thinking which characterised the champions of the Kulturnation concept in Germany, and which leads one to write about the nation as a person writ large. (A prominent example can be found on p. 153 of Koshar's book)

This volume self-consciously fits in with the project of Hagen Schulze and Etienne Francois to do what Pierre Nora has done for France, i.e. to investigate the 'lieux de memoire' of a nation. (4) Yet Koshar moves significantly beyond the national framework by providing many fascinating side glimpses on the memory debates in other European countries. Thus, to give just a few examples, he compares the National Socialist architecture and policy on monuments with the one pursued by the Italian fascists (129 ff.), he compares the rebuilding of German cities after the Second World War with Warsaw (165 ff.), and he looks at the memorialisation of National Socialist atrocities across Europe after 1945. (175 ff.). His timely call for a comparative history of European memory landscapes is combined with the adherence to a very old conceptual framework which sees the German case as a kind of intermediary between the experiences of Western and Eastern Europe. Its sense of nationhood rested both on territorial and politica l definitions. Ethnic and cultural factors came together in a volatile mix, making Germany a particular hybrid between the paradigmatic cases of political Western nationalism and ethnic Eastern nationalism. Ideas such as these were, of course, prominent in some of the classic works on nationalism. (5) Yet, this does not make them altogether more convincing. Especially comparative investigations which do not rest on ideal-types, and cultural transfer analyses have increasingly called into doubt the validity of such spatial distinctions. It would, however, be foolish to end a review of this marvellous achievement on a critical note, when there is so much to be commended about a book which argumentatively and lucidly unfolds the rich tapestry of German memory over more than one century.

ENDNOTES

(1.) Rudy Koshar, Germany's Transient Pasts: Preservation and National Memory in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill, 1998); see also my review of this book in: Stefan Berger, "Social History v. Cultural History: A German Debate", in: Theory, Culture and Society, vol. 18, no. 1, 2001, pp. 145-153.

(2.) Helmut Peitsch "Deutschlands Gedachtnis an seine dunkelste Zeit". Zur Funktion der Autobiographik in den Westzonen Deutschlands und den Westsektoren von Berlin 1945 bis 1949 (Berlin,1990); idem, "Discovering a Taboo: The Nazi Past in Literary-Political Discourse 1958-67," in: David Jackson (ed.), Taboos in German Literature (Oxford, 1996), pp.135-163.

(3.) A.D. Smith, The Nation in History. Historiographical Debates about Ethnicity and Nationalism (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 17, 21.

(4.) Hagen Schulze and Etienne Francois (eds), Deutsche Erinnerungsorte, 3 vols., (Munich, 2001).

(5.) See especially Hans Kohn, Nationalism, its Meaning and History (Princeton, 1955), and idem, The Meaning of Nationalism (London, 1967).