Exploring culturally-based drug resistance strategies used by American Indian adolescents of the southwest (1).Abstract This article presents the findings of a qualitative research Qualitative research Traditional analysis of firm-specific prospects for future earnings. It may be based on data collected by the analysts, there is no formal quantitative framework used to generate projections. study conducted with a group of 19 American Indian American Indian or Native American or Amerindian or indigenous American Any member of the various aboriginal peoples of the Western Hemisphere, with the exception of the Eskimos (Inuit) and the Aleuts. students attending a semi-urban middle school in the Southwest. Participants in small gender-specific focus groups reported on the strategies they most commonly use to avoid offers of alcohol and other drugs. Three primary strategies were identified: (1) redirecting, (2) avoiding/leaving, and (3) refusing. Implications for culturally-based substance abuse prevention are discussed, and suggestions for the incorporation of these strategies are made. Key words: American Indian, adolescent substance prevention, culturally-based programs. ********** Exploring Culturally-based Drug Resistance Strategies used by American Indian Adolescents of the Southwest Throughout the 1990s, empirical research Noun 1. empirical research - an empirical search for knowledge inquiry, research, enquiry - a search for knowledge; "their pottery deserves more research than it has received" has concluded that teaching refusal skills Refusal skills are a set of skills designed to help children avoid participating in high-risk behaviors. Programs designed to discourage drug use, violence, and/or sexual activity frequently include refusal skills in their curriculums to help students resist peer pressure while is one of the most effective approaches to youth drug use prevention (Shope, Copeland, Maharg, Dielman and Butchart, 1993; Hermann & McWhirter, 1997; Botvin, 2000). Ethnicity, gender, age, family context, and socioeconomic status socioeconomic status, n the position of an individual on a socio-economic scale that measures such factors as education, income, type of occupation, place of residence, and in some populations, ethnicity and religion. have been identified as important factors influencing the type and frequency of use of different refusal strategies (Marsiglia, Kulis, & Hecht, 2001; Moon, Jackson & Hecht 2000; Alberts, Hecht, Miller-Rassullo and Krizek, 1992). Much research on resistance and refusal strategies, however, has given limited consideration to the unique characteristics of ethnic and racial groups. The culture of the child has often been overlooked and research conducted with White students has been adapted to serve ethnic minority students (Botvin, 2001). Recent research has questioned the effectiveness of this approach, especially when one controls for family influences (Barrera, Bigland, Ary, & Li, 2001). The purpose of this study is to advance the existing knowledge of the drug resistance behaviors of American Indian youth. The assumption behind this research is that specific information about the strategies used by American Indian youth to resist drugs needs to be identified and incorporated into culturally-grounded prevention programs. Furthermore, it is suggested that such identification and subsequent integration of resistance strategies will improve the effectiveness of prevention efforts targeting Native American youth. American Indian Youth and Drug Use Use of alcohol and other drugs constitutes a serious health and social problem for many American Indian youth in their communities (Ehlers, Wall, Garcia-Andrade, & Phillips, 2001; Novins, Fleming, Somervell, & Manson, 2000). Native Americans have high rates of alcoholism alcoholism, disease characterized by impaired control over the consumption of alcoholic beverages. Alcoholism is a serious problem worldwide; in the United States the wide availability of alcoholic beverages makes alcohol the most accessible drug, and alcoholism is and alcohol related mortality, as well as the highest prevalence of positive family history for alcoholism of all ethnic groups in the U.S. (Wall, Garcia-Andrade, Wong, Lau, & Ehlers, 2000). Native Americans also have the highest smoking rate among major ethnic groups in the U.S. (Kegler keg·ler n. A person who bowls; a bowler. [German, from kegeln, to bowl, from Kegel, bowling pin, from Middle High German kegel, from Old High German kegil , et al., 1999). The overall health and social consequences of the reported high drug use rates have been well documented. For example, using alcohol, marijuana marijuana or marihuana, drug obtained from the flowering tops, stems, and leaves of the hemp plant, Cannabis sativa (see hemp) or C. indica; the latter species can withstand colder climates. , or other drugs was identified as one of the key risk factors for suicide among a cross-sectional sample of Native American adolescents (Borowsky, Resnick, Ireland, & Blum, 1999). American Indian youth are part of very diverse communities in terms of tribal affiliation, geographic location, and socioeconomic status. The existing Native-specific research tends to focus on reservation communitites while urban American Indian communities representing over half of the Native American population in the U.S. are often overlooked (Burhansstipanov, 2000). There is a growing awareness of the need to develop culturally competent services for Native American youth that recognize tribal differences and the urban rural divide (Danna, 2000). In addition, little research has been conducted on American Indian youth that do not use drugs. Against all odds, a significant number of urban Native youth do not use alcohol and other drugs. How do they refuse and resist drug offers? Are those strategies culturally-based? The present study explores some possible answers to these broad questions. The guiding assumption of this research is that American Indian youth demonstrate a core set of shared refusal strategies or behaviors that need to be understood within the youth's cultural background and social context. The Cultural Context of American Indian Youth Drug Refusal Behaviors Native and White people interpret Native drug use behaviors differently, reflecting the distinct symbolic moral universes of the two groups (Holmes & Antell, 2001). Historical forces leading to the loss of traditional cultural values and norms have been identified as encouraging drug use among American Indians American Indians: see Americas, antiquity and prehistory of the; Natives, Middle American; Natives, North American; Natives, South American. (Caetano, Clark, & Tam, 1998). The historical rage and grief that permeate permeate /per·me·ate/ (-at?) 1. to penetrate or pass through, as through a filter. 2. the constituents of a solution or suspension that pass through a filter. per·me·ate v. Native communities may lead Native youth to a cycle of drug use, numbing numb adj. numb·er, numb·est 1. Deprived of the power to feel or move normally; benumbed: toes numb with cold; too numb with fear to cry out. 2. the pain passed down throughout the generations. A growing body of literature related to causal factors causal factor Medtalk A factor linked to the causation of a disease or health problem in American Indian youth drug use highlights social factors such as stresses related to the legacy of colonialism colonialism Control by one power over a dependent area or people. The purposes of colonialism include economic exploitation of the colony's natural resources, creation of new markets for the colonizer, and extension of the colonizer's way of life beyond its national borders. and acculturation acculturation, culture changes resulting from contact among various societies over time. Contact may have distinct results, such as the borrowing of certain traits by one culture from another, or the relative fusion of separate cultures. pressures (Frank, Moore, & Ames, 2000; Beauvais, 1998). Native people from different tribes and regions have been found to identify a set of common cultural themes pervading both their perceptions of and experiences with drug use (Watts & Gutierres, 1997). Similarly, a unique Native cosmology cosmology, area of science that aims at a comprehensive theory of the structure and evolution of the entire physical universe. Modern Cosmological Theories may explain, in part, why American Indian adolescents often do not respond well to non-Indian, anti-drug programs (Herring, 1994). Attitudes toward the law have been linked to American Indian permissiveness toward drug use, while norms of peers and personal permissiveness appear to influence actual drug use (Sellers, Winfree, & Griffiths, 1993). Clearly, there is a need to understand the different types of resistance strategies that American Indian youth are using and the meaning assigned to them by the students in different environments and at different stages of development. Once those unique strategies are identified and tested, they can be incorporated into culturally grounded prevention programs. American Indian Drug Prevention Programs A variety of approaches to drug prevention have been developed in recent years. They have ranged from educational programs targeted exclusively to youth and provided in school settings to community-based and mass media approaches (Vega & Gil, 1998). While many programs are generic, in the sense that they are not designed for any specific ethnic group, others have been developed particularly or American Indian youth. There are many different designs to these programs. Some specifically target youth, while others integrate school-based programs for youth in community programs that involve tribal leaders, elders, and families (Petoskey, Van Stelle, & DeJong, 1998; Van Stelle, Allen, & Moberg, 1998). Lastly, some programs are primarily focussed on creating change at the community or tribal level. This study has implications for the first two types of programs. Prevention programs targeting Native American youth generally include a cultural component, including storytelling Storytelling Aesop semi-legendary fabulist of ancient Greece. [Gk. Lit.: Harvey, 10] Münchäusen Baron traveler grossly embellishes his experiences. [Ger. Lit. , music, and craft, and often include tools for handling peer and family pressure to use alcohol, decision-making skills, and self-esteem building (Weaver, 1999). For example, a program developed by the Chippewa tribe in Wisconsin included a K-12 substance abuse curriculum, teacher training to implement the curriculum, and training of community leaders, who then trained parents, extended family and community members (Petoskey et al., 1998). The school curriculum focussed on developing positive attitudes toward school, tribal identity, disapproval of substance use, and awareness of risk. This multifaceted mul·ti·fac·et·ed adj. Having many facets or aspects. See Synonyms at versatile. Adj. 1. multifaceted - having many aspects; "a many-sided subject"; "a multifaceted undertaking"; "multifarious interests"; "the multifarious approach did result in "slowing the rise of alcohol use shown in the comparison group" (p. 155). In other words Adv. 1. in other words - otherwise stated; "in other words, we are broke" put differently , while substance use was not prevented in target youth, it was reduced. Despite the demonstrated efficacy of some culturally-specific programs, a gap in the drug prevention literature is information about the real-world prevention strategies utilized by adolescents of color not of the white race; - commonly meaning, esp. in the United States, of negro blood, pure or mixed. See also: Color . Program might benefit from understanding the different types of resistance strategies used by youth of different cultures, in different environments, and at different stages of development. Once unique strategies are identified and tested, they can be incorporated into culturally-grounded prevention programs. Theoretical Foundation This research study was guided by two main theoretical approaches: communication competence and resiliency The ability to recover from a failure. The term may be applied to hardware, software or data. theory. In this section, a brief discussion of each will be applied to drug resistance research. Drug Resistance as Communication Competence A theoretical model of communication competence (Spitzberg & Cupach, 1984; Spitzberg & Hecht, 1984) argues that competence is a relational phenomenon and identifies four necessary components: knowledge, motivation, skills, and outcomes. The components of relational communication competence inform the development of effective drug prevention. Resistance competencies fall under the general area of social influence (McLaughlin, Cody, & Robey, 1980), a normative nor·ma·tive adj. Of, relating to, or prescribing a norm or standard: normative grammar. nor process in which messages are evaluated among a social acceptability dimension (Bostor, 1988). This approach studies how resistance skills are developed and adopted by youth. Educational researchers suggest that prevention strategies implemented early in a child's life can alter negative behavioral patterns In software engineering, behavioral design patterns are design patterns that identify common communication patterns between objects and realize these patterns. By doing so, these patterns increase flexibility in carrying out this communication. (Mconaughy, Kay, & Fitzgerald, 1999). Refusal, in general, requires the knowledge component of perspective taking (understanding the view of the person making the offer), and a large complex repertoire of refusal skills (Kline & Floyd, 1990). In summary, a communication competency COMPETENCY, evidence. The legal fitness or ability of a witness to be heard on the trial of a cause. This term is also applied to written or other evidence which may be legally given on such trial, as, depositions, letters, account-books, and the like. 2. approach identifies commonly utilized resistance strategies and their effectiveness. This approach focuses on the exchange of messages (offer, refusal, response to refusal, continued resistance), the relationship between offerer and resister, and the knowledge, motivation, and skills of the resister that are used to achieve desirable outcomes. Drug Resistance as Resilience resilience (r  ·zilˑ·yens),n The resiliency approach examines how individuals learn attitudes, behaviors, and strategies that foster strengths rather than undermine social competencies (Bogenschneider, 1996). The theory guides the exploration and evaluation of strengths and competencies related to preventing or halting halt·ing adj. 1. Hesitant or wavering: a halting voice. 2. Imperfect; defective: halting verse. 3. Limping; lame. drug use among families and individuals living in diverse communities (Link & Phelan, 1995). Resiliency researchers argue that greater attention needs to be paid to basic social conditions (Link, Northridge, Phelan, & Ganz, 1998). In order to craft effective interventions that improve the nation's health, individually-based risk factors need to be conceptualized by examining what puts people at risk and what protects them. Social factors, such as SES and social support, are relevant to disease prevention/treatment because they influence access to important resources and impact multiple disease outcomes, including drug abuse. Ethnicity and culture are also important social contexts that influence SES and shape social support. Resiliency theory focuses on an ecosystemic perspective that attends not only to the relationship between the individual and the stressor but also the context in which this relationship takes place. Considering the relational and ecosystemic context of drug resistance further enhances our understanding of why some individuals use drugs and other do not (Saleebey, 1997). Interdisciplinary in·ter·dis·ci·pli·nar·y adj. Of, relating to, or involving two or more academic disciplines that are usually considered distinct. interdisciplinary Adjective research has confirmed the role of three categories of protective processes at three different ecosystemic levels: (1) individual processes, (2) school processes, and (3) community and environmental support (Garmezy, Masten, & Tellegen, 1984). This particular study aims at understanding the communication competency of the participating youth in the context of their environment. Method Qualitative research methods have been identified as an effective means to respond to the lack of adequate knowledge on how to develop effective drug prevention programs for Native youth (Ma, Toubbeh, Cline cline, in biology, any gradual change in a particular characteristic of a population of organisms from one end of the geographical range of the population to the other. , & Chisholm, 1998). These methods were utilized in this study as tools to accessing the students' narratives in their natural setting. Participants of Procedures Nineteen Native-American students (10 male and 9 female) participated in this study. The youth were between 12 and 15 years of age, and attended a semi-urban middle school in the Southwest. The school had a large ethnic minority enrollment, with Hispanic students comprising 57% of the total population of the school, followed by White (21%), American Indian/Alaskan Native (19%), and African American African American Multiculture A person having origins in any of the black racial groups of Africa. See Race. (3%). Sixty-one percent of the student population received free or reduced price lunch. This school was selected for this study, because it had a higher percentage of American Indian youth in comparison to the average enrollment within middle schools in the state. The tribal affiliation of the youth in this study was Pima, which is more urbanized than many of the other tribes in the Southwest region of the United States United States, officially United States of America, republic (2005 est. pop. 295,734,000), 3,539,227 sq mi (9,166,598 sq km), North America. The United States is the world's third largest country in population and the fourth largest country in area. . Most of these students were bused to the school every morning from a nearby Indian reservation to their non-reservation public school. Subsequently, these adolescents literally lived in two worlds every day of the week. This study used a focus group methodology guided by a semi-structured interview A semi-structured interview is a method of research used in the social sciences. While a structured interview has a formalized, limited set questions, a semi-structured interview is flexible, allowing new questions to be brought up during the interview as a result of what the schedule (Madriz, 2000). Youth were recruited in collaboration with an American Indian school counselor A school counselor is a counselor and educator who works in schools, and have historically been referred to as "guidance counselors" or "educational counselors," although "Professional School Counselor" is now the preferred term. , who also obtained parental permission for youth participation in the study. A convenience sample of American Indian youth that had success in resisting drug offers was selected. Prior to beginning data collection, these youth attended an orientation session during which the purpose of the study was described, confidentiality was discussed, and questions about the study was addressed. Each focus group ranged in length from 45 to 60 minutes. Six focus groups were conducted either at the lunch hour or after school at the middle school. Groups were gender, specific, with three boy groups and three girls group, and ranged from two to four members each. The semi-structured interview schedule utilized in the focus groups was composed of questions related to delinquency delinquency Criminal behaviour carried out by a juvenile. Young males make up the bulk of the delinquent population (about 80% in the U.S.) in all countries in which the behaviour is reported. and substance use. Using a "storytelling" format, participants were asked to share their experiences related to questions such as "Have you ever been offered cigarettes, drugs, or alcohol?" and "If your parents found out that you had been using [drugs], what would they do?" Two researchers participated in each group-one primarily served as the group facilitator, while the other primarily served as note taker tak·er n. One that takes or takes up something, such as a wager or purchase: There were no takers on the bets. taker Noun . The former role was responsible for deepening deep·en tr. & intr.v. deep·ened, deep·en·ing, deep·ens To make or become deep or deeper. Noun 1. deepening - a process of becoming deeper and more profound the level of discussion related to the semi-structured interview schedule, while the latter role was responsible for recording aspect of the speaker's nonverbal communication nonverbal communication 'Body language', see there (e.g., gestures and facial expressions facial expression, n the use of the facial muscles to communicate or to convey mood. ). Data Analysis All group sessions were tape-recorded, transcribed verbatim ver·ba·tim adj. Using exactly the same words; corresponding word for word: a verbatim report of the conversation. adv. , and analyzed an·a·lyze tr.v. an·a·lyzed, an·a·lyz·ing, an·a·lyz·es 1. To examine methodically by separating into parts and studying their interrelations. 2. Chemistry To make a chemical analysis of. 3. using a qualitative research software (QSR QSR Quick Service Restaurant QSR QoS (Quality of Service) Satisfaction Rate QSR Quality System Regulations QSR Quality Status Report QSR Quality System Review QSR Quarterly Status Report QSR Quality System Requirement NUD NUD Non-ulcer dyspepsia, see there .IST, 1999). QSR NUD.IST is one of several code-based theory-building programs (Weitzman, 2000). It has the ability to index textual data as codes, and allows the researcher to build higher-order classifications and categories. Proposed relationship between codes and categories can be postulated pos·tu·late tr.v. pos·tu·lat·ed, pos·tu·lat·ing, pos·tu·lates 1. To make claim for; demand. 2. To assume or assert the truth, reality, or necessity of, especially as a basis of an argument. 3. , tested, and validated with this program. Results The respondents in this study identified three primary drug and alcohol resistance strategies that they utilized on the reservation, in the surrounding community, and in the school setting: (1) redirecting the discussion away from the topic of drugs or alcohol (2) avoiding or leaving the situation, and (3) saying "no" to offers. Respondents described detailed examples of their use of each of these strategies. Redirection Diverting data from their normal destination to another; for example, to a disk file instead of the printer, or to a server's disk instead of the local disk. See virtual directory, symbolic link, shortcut, redirector and DOS redirection. 1. Respondents described how they redirected discussions away from the topics of drugs or alcohol as a way of preventing offers to use illicit Not permitted or allowed; prohibited; unlawful; as an illicit trade; illicit intercourse. ILLICIT. What is unlawful what is forbidden by the law. Vide Unlawful. 2. substances. Typically, redirection was employed as the first resistance strategy. If this failed, respondents either avoided/left the situation or said "no" to offers to prevent their substance use. One male respondent In Equity practice, the party who answers a bill or other proceeding in equity. The party against whom an appeal or motion, an application for a court order, is instituted and who is required to answer in order to protect his or her interests. , who had never used drugs or alcohol, described how the he attempted to redirect re·di·rect tr.v. re·di·rect·ed, re·di·rect·ing, re·di·rects To change the direction or course of. n. A redirect examination. re the conversation away from drugs and alcohol with his peers, and when this failed, how he left the situation. SO: So, what happens when [friends offer you drugs or alcohol]? R2: [I] try to brush them off and get off the subject. SO: Really? R2: Yeah. SO: Can you describe that a little more? R2: Like, um, [I] say something that has nothing to do with [drug or alcohol]. SO: Does that work, usually? R2: Most of the time, yeah. SO: Has there ever been a time when you've tried that and it didn't work, [and] they kept bringing [the subject] back to drugs? R2: Yeah. SO: What did you do? R2: I just told them that I didn't want to do [drugs]. And, I just left Similarly, another male respondent described how he wanted to redirect the conversation with his peers, but ultimately ended up leaving the situation altogether. SO: So, in you situation, R6, when they were trying to give you pressure to do marijuana, what was going through your head at the time? R6: I kept wanting to change the subject, I didn't want to get involved with that stuff. And, I kept wanting to go away or something. SO: So, what did you end up doing? R6: I just left. In both of these scenarios, the respondents identified that there were minimal adverse social consequences to their abstinence abstinence: see fasting; temperance movements. from substance use. After his offer was declined in the former situation, R2 stated that his friend offering him alcohol said, "Oh, alright then," and left him alone, while in the latter situation, R6 stated the most of his peers were too "stoned" to care if he used drugs with them. Respondents stated that peers, for the most part, respected their decisions ro refrain from using drugs or alcohol, and did not pressure or ridicule them about their decision. Avoiding/Leaving the Situation Respondents frequently described ways that they avoided or left situation where drugs or alcohol were being used. For example, one female respondent described how she typically leaves a situation when peers are using drugs or alcohol. ... I just tell people that is on you, if you get caught. I just walk away. I am walking out, I'll see you guys later. I'll walk around. By the time I get back, they're usually done going whatever they do. Another male respondent described a more specific situation where he left a friend's house because of alcohol use. R2: Me and my friend were at a couple of other friends' house, and they asked if we wanted any alcohol, and we said that we just had to get home. SO: So, both of you guys kind of said it at the same time? R2: Yeah, [We] kind of just went off of each other's leads. SO: Did that help you that you had a friend that also said "no"? R2: Yeah. SO: What would have happened if your friend, "Yeah, OK, I'll [use alcohol with you]?" R2: I would have left anyways an·y·ways adv. Nonstandard In any case. Adv. 1. anyways - used to indicate that a statement explains or supports a previous statement; "Anyhow, he is dead now"; "I think they're asleep; anyhow, they're quiet"; "I [laughter]. Respondents also described other ways in which they avoided using drugs and alcohol. One male respondent described how he avoided alcohol consumption in situations when most of his peers were drinking.
For me, it's a lot easier, cause if they're already drinking,
you play it off, like "yeah, maybe later," They're already drinking
and they don't remember it. So it's a lot easier for me to brush
it off, because they're already, like, half-intoxicated. They
don't even know what they're saying.
Another female respondent described how she avoided her father's influences to use alcohol by staying close to her mother. ... [My siblings and I] usually stay around our mom all the time. So, we don't stay around my dad. When he comes home, we just pretend like we're asleep so he doesn't come around anywhere near us. That's cause that way he acts is scary. I think about it, and if I have kids in the future and I'm an alcoholic too, [my kids] are going to be scared of me just as [I'm] scared [of my father]. Three females respondents also discussed the importance of keeping busy in prosocial activities, so as to avoid the urge to experiment with drugs or alcohol. R3: I keep myself busy, really wanting to go out and do something and keep [myself] busy. I make sure there's always something for me to do. R4: I do activities or I usually go outside to do sports. R5: [I] try to clean my room. But, [it] doesn't always [get clean]. DH: [Laughter]. It keeps getting messed up again? So, is there anything else ... R5: I'll play catch outside with my mom. Saying "No" Respondents suggested that they felt compelled to say "no" to offers to use drugs or alcohol when they were being confronted to use them and there were limited options to employ other resistance strategies. For example, one male respondent described how he said "no" to his cousin, who offered him alcohol while they were driving together. I guess about a week ago, he asked me [if I wanted to drink]. [My friend, my cousin, and I] were driving around in the car, [we] just got [in] my friend's truck, and I guess we went to [my cousin's] house, and he said, "You want a drink?" [We said] no, because me and my friend don't drink. So, I said no, I don't want to. In this particular situation, due to the inability to avoid or leave the situation and the discomfort with redirecting the conversation with his cousin, the respondent may have felt compelled to say "no." Another male respondent described how direct confrontation with a group of unfamiliar men compelled him to say "no." Well, my school wasn't that far from where I lived. I walked home everyday in the park.
The [part of the city] that I lived in was not really safe and
there was (sic) always drive-bys, you could hear them at night
... always hear the police all the time. I was walking home and a
group of older men were there, and they were smoking marijuana,
and they offered me some. I said no, and when I said no, they said
they might hurt me. So, I decided to try it.
For this respondent, safety concerns and fear may have limited his ability to develop and implement other strategies to resist drugs and alcohol. Saying "no" might have been the easiest strategy for him to implement and most direct way to deal with the unexpected confrontation. Respondents also suggested that saying "no" was a way in which they asserted their identity and independence from their peers. For example, one female respondent described her use of this strategy with peers, which had the impact of asserting her independence from them. Well, at first they want[ed] me to do it and the end of year, for, an end of the year thing. I didn't want to because it's bad for you and I just said I just didn't want to do it. And they were calling me "chicken" and I said, "Well, I'm not going to be the one that's gonna be losing my brain cells for stuff like that." And they just said, "Alright, you don't have to [do it] if you don't want to." Another female respondent described how her peers expect he to say "no" to drugs and alcohol, because she has a reputation to uphold up·hold tr.v. up·held , up·hold·ing, up·holds 1. To hold aloft; raise: upheld the banner proudly. 2. To prevent from falling or sinking; support. 3. . DH: So, if somebody's asking you to go someplace some·place adv. & n. Somewhere: "I didn't care where I was from so long as it was someplace else" Garrison Keillor. See Usage Note at everyplace. and use drugs or alcohol with them and you say, "no," do they ever give you [a] hassle about that? R1: No. DH: No? Why not? R1: Well, the people who ask me, they know who I am, Like, I let them know who I am. And, they know that I wouldn't ... I wouldn't like ever do that. DH: SO, do you think that's because you sort of have a reputation that you're not going to do that stuff? R1: Yeah, pretty much. Discussion By using a qualitative research approach, this study was able to identify a set of strategies used to avoid drug use by a sample of American Indian adolescents. These strategies were described in the context of their daily lives, such as in school and in their family/tribal environment. From a resiliency perspective, one could conclude that the youth in this study had many individual strengths. Despite high-risk family and community environments, the data suggest that most of the youth in this study successfully refrained from drug use. The majority of the strategies that they utilized appear to reflect non-confrontational communication patterns consistent with Native American social norms (Green, 1999; Hornett, 1990). The participants preferred strategies that redirected conversations and activities away from alcohol/drug use and avoided involvement in such situations. These strategies became communicative com·mu·ni·ca·tive adj. 1. Inclined to communicate readily; talkative. 2. Of or relating to communication. com·mu competencies that youth utilized primarily on the reservation, but also in the school setting. Further, these approaches enabled the adolescent to preserve connections with their substance using peers or family members, while maintaining their personal abstinence. If the redirection or avoidance strategies were successful, the students then used a more direct refusal strategy. This approach enable the youth to manage their own behavior and was not typically coupled with comments about the inappropriateness of substance use or explanations of their views about usage. This study has implications for both generic and Native-specific drug prevention programs. The application of real-world resistance strategies of American Indian adolescents is a significant contribution to culturally-specific prevention programming. Programs are often developed based on strategies identified by educators or experts on adolescence, but rarely on strategies that teens themselves have chosen to use in problematic situations. For example, the hierarchy of strategies utilized by the youth in this study contrasts with prevention programs that teach overt refusal skills coupled with explanations as the primary drug resistance strategy (e.g., D.A.R.E). Integrating real-world resistance strategies into drug prevention programs builds these programs from the "ground up," thereby potentially improving the effectiveness of those programs for all types of problem behaviors. Limitations and Future Research While this study has profound implications for substance abuse prevention programming with American Indian adolescents, several limitations should be noted. As with most qualitative research, this study used a small sample of adolescents. The ability to generalize generalize /gen·er·al·ize/ (-iz) 1. to spread throughout the body, as when local disease becomes systemic. 2. to form a general principle; to reason inductively. the findings from such a small sample is limited. Furthermore, all of these teens are members of the same Southwest American Indian tribe, although many have family relationships with other tribes as well. While the over 500 American Indian tribal entities have many similarities, there are also distinct differences. Therefore, the culturally-based strategies identified by these teens should be evaluated for their applicability to other tribes and indigenous peoples The term indigenous peoples has no universal, standard or fixed definition, but can be used about any ethnic group who inhabit the geographic region with which they have the earliest historical connection. . Conclusions Culturally-based substance abuse prevention programs based on strategies identified and used by American Indian adolescents is a promising approach to effectively preventing drug abuse for these youth. Efforts need to be made to examine the real-world resistance skills utilized by vulnerable populations, and how these skills can help inform prevention programs for them. Further, research is needed to evaluate the efficacy of these types of drug prevention programs. Reference Alberts, J.K., Hecht, M.L., Miller-Rassullo, M., Krizek, R.L. (1992). The communicative process of drug-resistance among high school students. Adolescence, 27, (105), 203-226. Barrera, M., Biglan, A., Ary, D., & Li, F.Z. (2001). Replication of a problem behavior model with American Indian, Hispanic, and Caucasian youth. Journal of Early Adolescence, 21, 2, 133-157. Beauvais, F. (1998). American Indians and alcohol. Alcohol Health and Research World, 22(4), 253-259. Bogenschnieder, K. (1996). 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Wall, T.L., Carcia-Andrade, C., Wong, V., Lau, P., & Ehlers, C.L. (2000). Parental history of alcoholism and problem behaviors in Native American children and adolescents. Alcoholism-Clinical and Experimental Research, 24(1), 30-34. Watts, L. & Gutierres, S. (1997). A Native American-based cultural model and substance dependency and recovery. Human Organization, 56, 9-18. Weaver, H. (1999). Indigenous people and the social work profession: Defining culturally competent services. Social Work, 44, 217-225. Weitzman, E.A. (2000). Software and qualitative research, In N.K. Denzin & Y.S. Linclon (Eds.), Handbook of Qualitative Research (2nd ed.) (pp. 803-820). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. SCOTT K. OKAMOTO (2) DONNA E. HURDLE FLAVIO FRANCISCO MARSIGLIA Arizona State University Arizona State University, at Tempe; coeducational; opened 1886 as a normal school, became 1925 Tempe State Teachers College, renamed 1945 Arizona State College at Tempe. Its present name was adopted in 1958. (1) This project was supported by the College of Public Programs, Arizona State University. (2) Please send all correspondence to the first author at: Scott K. Okamoto, Ph.D. School of Social Work Arizona State University Tempe Az, 85287-18025 E-Mail: Scott. Okamoto@asu.edu |
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