Ethnic labeling in Mexican-origin youth: a qualitative assessment.

Outcomes are reported from a qualitative investigation addressing ethnic label selection, meaning, use, and influences upon Mexican-origin youth. Participants selected multiple labels with distinct meanings and influences. Findings indicate a need for school counselors to honor student label selection and to advocate for variable label use by school professionals and in school documentation. School counselors can provide resources and venues to facilitate student exploration of ethnic labels, as one key component of ethnic identity development.

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Numbered at 42 million, Latinos represent the largest population of color in the United States, with individuals of Mexican ancestry accounting for 64% of this group (Pew Hispanic Center, 2006). The Latino population is a youthful one, with Latinos making up 19%, or nearly 1 out of 5, of the K-12 school community (Pew Hispanic Center, 2005). These numbers clearly influence the nature and intensity of services to be offered by school counselors across the nation, indicating a need to respond to the multiple academic, social, and mental health risk factors experienced by this population.

Key areas of concern include the low academic achievement and social stressors experienced by Latino youth. Latinos have the highest dropout rate of all groups in the country; 21%, compared to 8% for Whites and 11% for African Americans (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). Multiple stressors experienced by many in this population include language and cultural barriers (Thoman & Suris, 2004), racism (Zayas, 2001), violent neighborhoods, drug problems, limited job opportunities (Vega & Gil, 1999), and high teen pregnancy rates (83%, compared to 34% for Whites and 63% for African Americans; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2007).

School counselors are uniquely placed and trained to address these stressors. In turn, such efforts are encouraged by recent directives in the literature, positing school counselors with the responsibility to address social injustices and unequal achievement gaps experienced by students (e.g., Lee, 2007; Ratts, DeKruyf, & Chen-Hayes, 2007). Unfortunately, the past literature indicates that Latinos as a group are reluctant to seek counseling support (Cabassa, Zayas, & Hansen, 2006). In addition, studies have shown counseling outcomes with Latinos as resulting in client dissatisfaction or attrition. Authors have identified culturally incongruent counseling services as a key reason for negative outcomes (Barrio et al., 2006; Lopez, Bergren, & Painter, 2008; Ruiz, 2002).

Hence, in attempting to assist Latino adolescents, it is essential that school counselors possess knowledge and understanding of the population in designing and implementing culturally appropriate services. A need exists for continued research regarding the Latino population, to illuminate the unique mental health and academic needs and to inform the development and implementation of counseling interventions (Ruiz, 2002; Torres Rivera, 2004). One area to be addressed by school counselors relates to the healthy development of adolescents of color.

ETHNIC IDENTITY

Ethnic identity is cited as a key aspect of self-identity and identity development. A dynamic and complex phenomenon, ethnic identity development encompasses the components of ethnic labeling and a sense of affiliation and pride in one's group (Phinney, 1992; Yip & Fuligni, 2002). Group affiliation is reinforced through practice of a common religion, cultural traits, and use of a shared language and history (Cohen, 2004). Identification with an ethnic group increases positive feelings about oneself, which has been associated with positive psychosocial adjustment (Schwartz, Zamboanga, & Jarvis, 2007).

Ethnic identity development has been posited as a stage process that takes place over time and through exploration and eventual commitment to one's ethnicity (Phinney & Ong, 2007). Phinney's (1993) model of ethnic identity development applied Marcia's (1980) statues of identity formation, which asserts that ethnic identity development moves through three stages. The first stage begins in childhood, with an unexamined ethnic identity. This stage is exemplified by little of no exploration of one's ethnicity.

The second stage, ethnic identity search, is marked by an increased exploration of the meaning assigned to one's own ethnicity and ethnic group membership. Research has cited this stage as most frequently experienced by those in early adolescence (Pahl & Way, 2006). The final stage, ethnic identity achievement, is marked by a person's clear, confident sense of his or her ethnicity. In this stage, the individual experiences a sense of commitment and pride to one's ethnicity. Phinney (1993) asserted that the final stage is more frequently achieved with college students than among high school students.

Ethnic identity has been cited as a key construct to be addressed by school counselors, due to research linking advanced identity stages to favorable academic, social, and mental health outcomes (Holcomb-McCoy, 2005). For instance, strong ethnic identity has been correlated with higher self-esteem (Bracey, Bamaca, & Umana-Taylor, 2004; Umana-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007), school achievement, social success (Ong, Phinney, & Dennis, 2006), positive school adjustment (Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind, & Vedder, 2001), and school engagement (Shin, Daly, & Vera, 2007).

In addition, a strong ethnic identity has been shown to act as a buffer against stress (Mossakowski, 2003), violence, drugs, and gang activities (Holleran & Waller, 2003; McMahon & Watts, 2002). Thus, authors have suggested that school counselors promote youth's ethnic identity exploration and with the goal of advancing their stage of ethnic identity development (Holcomb-McCoy, 2005; Quintana, 2007). In turn, this should promote adolescent coping skills for navigating multiple environmental stressors. In addressing this phenomenon with adolescents, school counselors could begin by addressing one salient component of ethnic identity--that of ethnic labeling.

LATINOS AND ETHNIC LABELS

Ethnic labeling is the act of identifying others or one's self in terms of a particular group (Phinney & Ong, 2007). An ethnic label is an important component of ethnic identity and forms a basis for social identity (Niemann, Romero, Arredondo, & Rodriguez, 1999; Pizarro & Vera, 2001). As children move from preschool to eventual adolescence, ethnic labels take on greater meaning. This eventually leads to ethnic constancy, whereby youth recognize that the unique traits of their ethnic group are permanent, regardless of time or setting (Bernal, Knight, Ocampo, Garza, & Cota, 1993).

In spite of the insistence of the government to apply a single label, Hispanic, to describe a heterogeneous population (Vaquera & Kao, 2006), the distinct label selections and meanings found across studies demonstrate that labels vary according to individual and contextual differences (Campbell & Rogalin, 2006; Phinney & Ong, 2007; Vaquera & Kao). Researchers have identified multiple influences upon label selection, including the decision to even use a label. For instance, youth have been found to mirror family members' preferences for label selection, whatever those preferences may be (Hurtado & Arce, 1987; Malott, in press). In addition, research has shown that youth from families who impart cultural values are more likely to use an ethnic label than those from families whose culture is not communicated, indicating a potentially important link between label use and knowledge of the culture associated with one's ethnic group (Knight, Bernal, Cota, Garza, & Ocampo, 1993). Another study highlighted the influence of peer contact upon ethnic label choice (Rodriguez & Gurin, 1990). In this study, frequent contact with other-ethnic peers led Latino youth to identify more strongly with ethno-political labels such as Chicano/Chicana, Pocho/Pocha, Indian, Cholo/Chola, Raza, and Mestizo/Mestiza.

Authors have also sought evidence of correlations between specific ethnic labels and youth academic performance. However, findings have been mixed. A study by Matute-Bianchi (1991) found that youth choosing the label Mexican experienced greater academic achievement. The author posited strength in rejection of Americanized labels, such as Chicano, and in identification with one's parental roots. Zarate, Bhimji, and Reese (2005) also identified correlations between academic success and certain ethnic labels, this time with students whose labels indicated bicultural identity (Mexican American, American, and Chicano). Conversely, the label Chicano was correlated with lower academic student achievement in another study (Rumbaut, 1994), implying that specific labels cannot consistently predict academic success or failure across contexts and populations.

Variability in study findings indicates multiple personal, academic, and psychosocial outcomes associated with ethnic labels (Zarate et al., 2005). Indeed, across studies, identical labels may indicate differing outcomes. This may be due, in part, to the complexity of label use and selection, which researchers are unable to capture through quantitative methodologies correlating a single variable (such as grades) to a finite number of label choices. In addition, label options in many of the studies were provided by the researchers, limiting the authenticity of label selection by participants.

PURPOSE OF STUDY

The literature indicates positive social and academic outcomes resulting from increased levels of ethnic identity in Latino youth (Greig, 2003). However, a dearth of investigations regarding the process of ethnic identity development potentially limits school counselors' understanding of the topic, subsequently impeding their ability to effectively and meaning fully address the topic with Latino students. This study proposes exploration of one aspect of ethnic identity development, ethnic label selection, applying a complex and in-depth exploration of the process of label selection and its many potential meanings and environmental influences. Specifically, the study asked, how do Mexican-origin youth choose ethnic labels and what meanings do they assign to those labels?

METHODS

This study applied a phenomenological methodology. Emphasis in this tradition is on gaining understanding through identifying the distinct and shared essences and experiences of a phenomenon (Patton, 1990). In-depth, semistructured interviews were deemed an appropriate medium for giving voice to the lived experiences of adolescents of Mexican origin.

Participants

The participants (see Table l) were 20 volunteers of Mexican descent, ranging in age from 14 to 18 (M = 16). All participants resided in or around a small, mid-Atlantic city with a large Mexican population and a school district where 33% of the student population was Hispanic. Eleven participants (55%) were female. Sixteen participants were born in Mexico and the rest born in the United States. The average number of years that participants had resided in the United States was 7.85, with a range of 2 to 16 years (SD = 4.95). Eighteen participants (90%)

reported an advanced level of Spanish proficiency, which indicated complete language fluency. The next level, intermediate, indicated partial-language fluency, with 2 (10%) indicating this level. Fifteen, or 75%, of the participants preferred using both Spanish and English in their daily lives. For participants who reported family income (n = 10; 50%), 5 (25%) were middle income ($37,774 to $60,000), 4 (20%) were lower middle income ($20,035 to $37,774), and 1 (5%) was lower income (below $20,035). Parents' jobs were reported predominantly as service or labor jobs.

Data Collection

Study procedures were approved by the principal investigator's University Institutional Review Board. A youth community center was used as the location for participant recruitment and interviews. Participants were recruited on site by the first and third authors, with the assistance of the director and employees of the community center. During recruitment, the study was explained to the adolescents and, if they agreed to participate, they were given a bilingual consent form and asked to have it signed by their parents and returned the following day. Of the total invited, one was unable to participate due to parental refusal. Participants were purposively selected (Polkinghorne, 2005), with a recruitment number of 20 in an effort to achieve data saturation, or redundancy, to verify that all possible responses were explored. The adolescents in the study met the following eligibility criteria: ages 14 to 18, both parents of Mexican descent. An attempt was made to equally represent males and females.

Interview questions (see Appendix A) addressed the process of label selection and meaning assignment, the significance or meaning of those who influenced youth label selection, and the way ethnic labels were used. Questions were taken from a prior study implemented by the first author with an adult Latina population (Malott, in press). Those questions were initially generated through a review of the literature (e.g., Bernal et al., 1993; Garcia, 1981; Hurtado & Gurin, 1987; Hurtado, Gurin, & Peng, 1994; Jones-Correa & Leal, 1996; Malott). In addition, a team of counselor educators and a pilot study with an adult Latina provided expert feedback regarding question relevance.

Interviews were conducted by the first or third author in a removed location at the community center (e.g., computer room). Both researchers are European-American women with differing levels of Spanish speaking abilities; hence, participants were given the option to interview in English or Spanish, depending on the adolescent's preference. Dialogue was audio recorded and ranged for a time period of 30 to 90 minutes; the average interview lasted 45 minutes. Each interview terminated with a set of demographic questions. Participants then were provided a $10 gift certificate for a local store, as thanks for contributing. Following interviews, field notes were recorded, noting the process of each interview and any difficulties (e.g., language or youth case in responding) experienced.

Researchers

The data analysis team consisted of two assistant professors, one graduate student, and one undergraduate student. The principal investigator and first author identified as European American with near fluent Spanish speaking skills. She had multiple clinical experiences with adolescent Latinos and their families in the United States and had taught or counseled in various Spanish-speaking countries. The second author identified as first-generation Italian American and was fluent in Italian with basic conversational Spanish language skills. She had extensive experience researching identity development with first-generation Americans. The third and fourth authors, both students and research assistants, identified as European American and first-generation Filipino American, respectively. Both students possessed conversational Spanish speaking skills and had worked or volunteered in various settings with adolescents and the Latino population.

Data Analysis

Phenomenological data analysis procedures recommended by Morrissette (1999) were used in this study. Audiotapes were transcribed by the principal investigator and the third and fourth authors. Following transcription, they were reviewed, along with field notes, to achieve an overall impression of the interview experience and to cross-check findings (LeCompte & Preissle, 1993). The analysis team then met with the first author for training regarding the data analysis process, with the goal of achieving consistency across team members regarding interpretation of terminology and meaningful constructs.

The first step of data analysis entailed that each researcher read each transcript several times, highlighting words and phrases that appeared significant, powerful, or meaningful in relation to the subject matter. Repeated thematic material also was noted and highlighted as meaningful. The next stage involved meeting as a team to compare and discuss interpretations of the individual findings, in an effort to verify consistency of thematic and salient material across researchers. The researchers then sought agreement regarding the highlighted themes or statements, followed by paraphrasing and assigning themes to those recognized as meaningful across all researchers. Such themes were referred to as first-order themes.

As an example, the researchers recognized that the majority of participants emphasized the importance of family in influencing their ethnic label selection and meaning assignment. The team members had highlighted those emotional and repetitive sentiments expressed across participants. The researchers verified that all team members recognized the sentiment. In turn, they chose to identify this finding as a first-order theme and assigned it the name family.

The next step involved clustering themes into broader second-order, thematic groupings. A general description was included to reflect the essence of experiences of the second-order themes. These descriptions were used to compare experiences across participants. For instance, the first-order theme mentioned above, family, was subsumed under the broader second-order theme of label influence (a theme influenced by the nature of questioning regarding who or what influenced label choice). In turn, a shared essence of the phenomenon of labeling and the process of label selection and influences began to form through examination of these descriptions and themes. In total, the team analyzed half (10) of the interviews together. The remaining transcripts were analyzed by the principal investigator, using the themes identified by the research team as a guideline.

Themes that emerged from all the participants' contributions were connected, as a final step. This included assessing similar and unique responses and discussing researcher understanding of individual and shared experiences across participants. The clustered themes for all participants then were presented in a grid format to be used as a visual aid. This process allowed comparison of participants' experiences and perceptions while creating a global picture of the participants' inner experiences (Morrissette, 1999). In comparing findings across interviews, themes identified in half or more of the interviews were selected for this article.

Efforts to Establish Trustworthiness

Credibility was established through immersion in the data and development of researcher reflexivity through field notes. Rich descriptions of participants' experiences through use of personal quotations have been provided. In addition, results were triangulated through collaboration with multiple researchers and the use of participant checks (e.g., implemented through contact of participants via e-mail, providing each youth a copy of his or her transcript, a summary of that interview, and the themes identified within the interview). Participant feedback regarding those documents was incorporated into the final results.

Dependability, also termed reliability, was achieved through maintenance of an audit trail to record the research process. The audit trail consisted of transcripts, ongoing records of emerging themes and influences upon data collection and analysis, and records of communication with participants. Finally, confirmability was achieved through carefully attending to the audit trail and recognition and discussion of personal assumptions or biases across researchers. The researchers maintained a recursive dialogue, as a reminder to continually bracket, or set aside, assumptions or biases throughout the data analysis process (Morrow, 2005).

FINDINGS

In response to a question regarding ethnic label preference, all 20 participants (see Table 1) reported using at least one ethnic label, with over hall (n = 12; 60%) assuming more than one. Seven individuals used only one label. A total of 11 different labels were selected, with Mexican being the most popular (n = 18), selected by 90% of participants (labels Mexicano and Mexicana were subsumed under the label Mexican, due to the fact that participants used the English and Spanish terminology interchangeably). The second most frequently selected label was Hispanic (n = 6; 30%), and the third was Mexican American (n = 3; 15%). Table 1 indicates all other label choices. Labels were cited as valuable for all but 3 of the participants. A common theme across the 3 who found labels unimportant was the fear that labels may stereotype or diminish individual uniqueness.

Inception of label use varied, although the majority cited first use during middle school years, when same-ethnic peers began dialoging regarding ethnic identity and, as one male participant, Victor (pseudonyms are used throughout for all participants), described, "dividing into different groups" according to label preferences. This division according to ethnic identification was perceived negatively and was cited as a source of stress by participants. Several adolescents stated that their labels changed over time. For others, the same label remained but assumed a new meaning over time. For instance, Rosetta said that, very early on, "I was Hispanic and I was a Mexican, but I didn't consider myself a true Mexican until I learned my heritage and my background." As she explored aspects of the Mexican people through literature and historical texts, the significance of those ethnic descriptors expanded in meaning and depth.

Overall, there were no observable trends regarding participant demographics and label selection or meaning. For instance, an equal number of male and female participants selected Mexican as a label. There were no apparent label trends across participants with differing nativity, ages, amount of time in the United States, or language preferences. Considering interest and insight regarding the topic, many of the youngest participants (age 14) were able to articulate at length, and in depth, regarding their label selection and meaning assignment, demonstrating a level of self-reflection similar to some of the oldest participants (age 18).

Label Meaning

Meanings assigned to labels by the participants varied. A total of 16 meanings were articulated, with 80% of the participants (n = 16) assigning more than one meaning to their labels. Only two participants indicated no assigned label meaning, due to a lack of exploration. As one of those two, Juan explained, "I haven't thought about that." The following two sections present two thematic findings regarding label meaning found across participants: origins and traits.

Origins. Origin was identified by the participants as a principle label meaning. The definition differed across participants; some identified origin as nativity, while others defined it as familial roots. Others combined both definitions. For example, Amy stated that her label of Mexican meant her birthplace and roots, because "I was born there [and] I've been brought up with the culture from there." Conversely, Selma, born in the United States, described origin as a reflection of her family history and background.

Participants found it important that their labels were unique from other Latino subgroups, to communicate their distinct identities and heritages. This was principally important when interacting with other Latinos. For instance, several youth described assuming the label Mexican in the presence of Puerto Ricans, a more populous subgroup in that area. Loyalty in recognition of their roots and honoring familial pride in those roots was a motivator for assuming their labels.

Traits. Multiple participants indicated that their label meaning reflected various combinations of Mexican traits and the desire to honor those traits. Traits were cited as Mexican foods, values, dress, history, traditions, and the Spanish language. Specific traditions included Mexican celebrations (e.g., holidays and quinceaneras), Mexican dancing, and weekly family gatherings. Representative quotes reflecting the importance of maintaining traditional Mexican traits or practices included, "I always keep my traditions ... I love my traditions," and, "My history ... enriches who I am."

Although multiple values were connected to label meanings, hard work was the value identified by over half of the participants. Vincent explained that Mexicans "trabajan todo el dia" (work all the time). Participants stated that they were proud to be part of a hard-working culture. In turn, they were inspired to follow suit in an effort to overcome difficulties faced as an immigrant or a child of immigrants. For instance, Gina asserted that her label, Chicana, represented "how you had to get your own jobs, how hard it was ... to get your own house, to raise your own family ... and then the fun and play comes later."

Label Use

The participants were asked in which situations they used their labels. Although multiple responses emerged, a single thematic response common across participants was the use of ethnic labels predominantly with strangers. This thematic response was titled educate.

When meeting new people of any ethnicity, the participants cited the importance of educating others regarding who they were, and this involved informing new acquaintances of their selected label. A representative statement was, "I would just [use my label] to more or less educate [others]." Sarita described this as letting people know "who I am" by sharing her labels of Hispanic, Latin, or Mexican.

It was particularly important to many of the participants to educate others regarding their specific origins (e.g., Mexico). Participants cited using the label Mexican when people confused them with Latinos of other origins (e.g., Puerto Rico). Rosetta explained, "I always get asked if I am Puerto Rican or Cuban ... if they ask me ... [I say] 'No, I'm Mexican." This desire to educate others appeared to be rooted in pride regarding their ethnic heritage. Linda proclaimed, "It's ... an honor to be Mexican," and Vincent explained that he used his label with new people "para representar a los Mexicanos" (to represent Mexicans). Their pride was connected to a sense of solidarity with other Mexicans and translated into a desire to inform others about their origins. In turn, they expressed a sense of representing their family, culture, and community in educating others regarding their identities.

Label Influences

The researchers asked who or what influenced the participants in their ethnic label selection. A myriad of responses surfaced, including the influence of mentors and written materials (e.g., historical books or written materials addressing labeling or label meanings). However, the most frequent thematic responses were family and peers.

Family. Family members, cited as parents, siblings, grandparents, and cousins, influenced participant ethnic label selection, although the ways in which they influenced label choices varied. Some youth received specific directives from the adults in their lives regarding label choice, which subsequently influenced the nature and intensity of identification with their ethnicity. For instance, Gina was told by her mother, "You're not American, you're Chicana because ... you were born in the middle," allowing for identification with both the Mexican and U.S. culture and practices. Conversely, Linda's parents stressed the importance of loyalty to her Mexican heritage, telling her she was "Mexican and ... should not try to be another person that is not Mexican."

For others, family members encouraged them to explore their heritage, which influenced their label choices and subsequently altered the meaning assigned to their ethnicity. This was particularly important for Rosetta, whose foster mother encouraged her to explore her heritage at a time when she was living in a predominantly Caucasian neighborhood. Rosetta explained that her labels Mexican and Hispanic remained the same but, as a result of the exploration, the meaning of those labels expanded. The new information increased her ethnic pride and affiliation with other Latinos of Mexican heritage, resulting in a sense of group affiliation that increased participation in cultural practices (e.g., joining a Mexican dance troupe) and resulted in a change of dress that mimicked what she perceived as "Mexican" style.

Other participants indicated that family members fostering a sense of pride in the Mexican heritage and culture influenced their label choices. For example, Vincent felt his family (particularly his grandfather) taught him about "Mexican values" and what it "means to be Mexican." These values and behaviors were subsequently mirrored by Vincent with a sense of pride and identification with his ethnic heritage. Similarly, Frederick stated that his father's self-description as "Mexican" influenced his adoption of the label. The fact that his father planned to return to Mexico and refused U.S. citizenship "definitely influenced the way I think," resulting in a strong sense of loyalty toward maintaining a connection with his Mexican heritage and roots. In essence, being Mexican was a core part of his identity, and his label reflected that affiliation.

Peers. Multiple participants reported their peers as having a direct influence on their label selection, with other Latinos as the greatest influence. For instance, Diana explained, "I started watching my peers and they said, 'I am Mexican' of 'I am Latino, I'm Puerto Rican,' and I follow[ed] their lead, and I said, 'I come from Mexico, too, I am Mexican.'" In turn, she sought to mimic her peers by identifying with her specific origin, also with a sense of pride in her heritage.

Others described label selection as prompted by a process of identity exploration shared with same-ethnic peers. At age 12, Jose described a process of exploration with his Mexican-origin peers, stating, "Me and my friends ... we used to think about ... what we wanted to be and all that, and one of my friends just asked that, what we consider ourselves?" This exploration occasionally included the use of educational materials. For instance, Rosetta, at age 8, observed a neighbor, a Mexican friend, "reading these books [about Mexican identity and history], and I was really interested in them, so I borrowed them." Hence, the presence of same-ethnic peers provided inspiration and guidance for many of the youth to explore the meaning of their ethnic identities, which in turn spurred the selection of a label that represented that identity.

Same-ethnic peers also influenced alternative ways of valuing labels. David described a friend who did not identify himself with any label, because "race to him didn't matter at all." David perceived this as a reflection of humility, stating, "I always thought that was cool." With the death of this friend, David decided to emulate his decision to eschew labels. In another example, Claudia deliberately selected the label Mexicana de Corazon (which she defined as "Mexican for life") to demonstrate her passion for her roots, which she perceived as lacking in many of her Mexican peers. Hence, her frustration with what she perceived in her peers as a lack of affiliation or loyalty to their origins uniquely informed her label selection.

Other-ethnic peers also influenced the participants' label selection. This was primarily due to inquiries regarding the participants' origins, usually upon initial arrival in the United States. Occasionally, those inquiries were racist and, subsequently, stressful or traumatic in nature. However, whether positive or negative, questions from other-ethnic peers prompted participants' exploration regarding self-descriptors and the meaning of those labels. For instance, as a result of attending youth conferences and meeting peers of different ethnic groups who inquired about his ethnicity and history, Emeril said, "That makes you kinda start thinking about [identity]." As a result, he began reading about label meanings, until he assumed a more profound understanding of his ethnicity. He then assumed multiple labels, including Latino, Mexican, and Hispanic, as a reflection of his ethnicity as a complex mix of Mexican, American, and indigenous traits.

DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR SCHOOL COUNSELORS

Labels selected by Mexican-origin adolescents in this study were varied and dynamic. Despite the governmental decision to assign a single label, Hispanic, as a descriptor for all Latinos (Vaquera & Kao, 2006), participants in this study predominantly preferred the label Mexican, primarily as an expression of cultural traits, family loyalty, or familial origins. This was true regardless of youth nativity or age: Hence, distinction according to familial origin mattered very much to participants. In fact, its importance led to conscientious efforts by participants to educate strangers regarding their label selection and the meanings assigned to those labels. Hence, in working with Mexican-origin individuals, school counselors might refrain from use of the label Hispanic in an effort to honor student label choice. In addition, counselors could inquire as to the unique culture and values associated with each student's label, recognizing that labels and label meanings cannot be assumed or applied without consultation with the adolescent.

In this particular sample, labels were not appreciated equally by all participants, and were actually eschewed by some. That may have reflected an attempt to avoid negative stereotypes associated with certain labels (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001), particularly for those participants who experienced racism when identifying as Mexican upon initial arrival in the United States. However, youth who lacked labels perhaps had yet to begin the exploration process regarding ethnic label meaning and, for that matter, any other aspects related to their ethnicity, as was the case with two of the study participants.

Reasons for label selection, or lack of, appear to be meaningful topics to be explored by school counselors with Latino students. Label selection or use that is negatively related to social and academic adjustment could then be addressed. For instance, school counselors could validate student experiences of hearing stereotypes or negative norms associated with groups (such as "Mexicans are lazy" or "Mexicans are uninterested in school"). Discussion then could ensue regarding ways to refute or respond to such statements. In turn, those adolescents who had thought little of what it meant to identify with their racial group could begin the process of identity exploration. For instance, in this study, Gina was told by her mother to use the label Chicana because she was "in the middle of two cultures." The counselor could encourage exploration of what it meant for Gina to be in the middle. "Middle" could indicate a negative sense of isolation from others (e.g., marginalization) or a positive experience of encompassing aspects of both the Mexican and American cultures (e.g., bicultural); ideally, the counselor would facilitate movement toward a more positive, bicultural identity.

Meaningfully, the open-interview format of the qualitative study design allowed a greater amount of diversity and complexity of influences to be shown than in prior studies, allowing participants to identify not only individuals but experiences or situations (e.g., peer exploration or loss of a friend) that influenced label selection. Unlike other investigations, this study also revealed the dynamic, or changing, nature of label selection and meaning assignment over time, including insight into what incited changes (e.g., positive or negative events or exposure to new information regarding one's culture or ethnic group membership). Salient influences included experiences or events, such as arrival in the United States or interactions with family or same-ethnic peers, serving to shape the adolescents' ethnic affiliation and understanding of what it meant to be of Mexican origin.

In turn, participant dialogue lent insight into support networks or tools for participants (e.g., certain values, family members, friends, or meaningful hobbies) that could be called upon, or negative ones that warranted intervention, to address problem behaviors or situations. For instance, considering participants who cited certain Mexican values and traditions as a key influence upon their label selection and meaning assignment, counselors could ask students to apply those values (e.g., hard work), practices, or traditions (e.g., family celebrations or membership in a Mexican dancing troupe) in providing support and inspiration to the youth, or to foster resiliency or problem resolution. Indeed, experts have noted the importance of honoring clients' values and beliefs to facilitate counselor-client connection and to provide culturally congruent interventions (Santiago-Rivera, Arredondo, & Gallardo-Cooper, 2002).

Participants cited pride in relation to their label selections and meanings, indicating ethnic labeling and meaning assignment as a significant topic to be broached by counselors within the school setting. Allowing Latino youth to discuss their lived experience can be a meaningful and healing process (Comas-Diaz, 2006). In addition, exploration of the topic of ethnic labeling is important in that it requires exploration of label meaning and use that, in turn, promotes understanding of the multiple dimensions related to ethnic identity (Fuligni, Witkow, & Garcia, 2005).

The following paragraphs offer additional suggestions for school counselors in addressing youth ethnic identity development. Commentary was organized according to the ASCA National Model[R] (American School Counselor Association, 2005). Relevant responsive services noted by the model are considered here. These include (a) individual or group counseling, (b) (providing) information, and (c) peer helping.

Individual Counseling

Authors have suggested that ethnic identity exploration and resolution can act as a protective process (Umana-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007), offering a valuable tool for increasing youth awareness of meaningful aspects of ethnicity while augmenting the benefits provided by a strong identity. Counselors also recognize racist experiences, with exploration of their potentially negative effects upon ethnic identity formation (Zayas, 2001). Such exploration could be facilitated through individual counseling. As demonstrated in this study, the selection of an ethnic label and the multiple influences regarding label selection and meaning assignment provide meaningful areas for discussion.

Group Counseling

This and other studies have cited the powerful influence of peers in relation to label selection (Rodriguez & Gurin, 1990). Positive peer support also has been linked to increased school motivation and increased participation in academic-related activities (Crosnoe, Cavanagh, & Elder, 2003). Group work is a powerful medium for tapping into peer influence when addressing topics of ethnic identity development. Indeed, authors have recognized group as a valuable approach to addressing ethnic identity (Holcomb-McCoy, 2005; Torres Rivera, 2004).

Groups composed of youth that are labeled uniquely from one another could provide a venue for discussion of the inter-ethnic divide that the participants in this study described experiencing. Role playing could be used to assist students in creating appropriate solutions regarding peer conflicts (Holcomb-McCoy, 2005). School counselors could facilitate exploration of shared histories and traits, ideally fostering connection and support across student subgroups.

Information

Findings from this study indicated the importance of honoring adolescents' individual label selections and highlighted the variability of label meanings and use. School counselors could inform parents, teachers, community leaders, and other school professionals regarding these facts and provide suggestions for addressing such topics in their work with Latino students. Counselors could inform those professionals individually, in a workshop format, or through staff or faculty meetings.

Adults could be educated regarding the history of label use--for instance, citing the government influence upon the adoption of the label Hispanic and the subsequent dislike of the label by many Latinos. This would increase adults' awareness of the many label options that exist. In addition, this would foster understanding of the political controversy surrounding label use, engendering adults to apply labels with caution and with respect to students' unique label preferences. Counselors also could inform adults of the implications of label use particular to the setting, such as the perception of the label Mexican as negative to adolescents in some settings, while viewed positively in other settings (Matute-Bianchi, 1991; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Waters, 1999). In addition, they could address the importance of students' pride in their labels and, ultimately, in their ethnic identities, espousing the academic and social benefits of experiencing pride in one's identity and heritage (Ong et al., 2006; Shin et al., 2007; Umana-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007).

A key group that school counselors could inform is school administrators. Counselors could propose the use of registration forms, signs, and pamphlets in the schools that allow variable label selections and honor cultural differences and languages. They could foster administrator awareness of any ethnic labels they personally have applied when addressing Latino parents, community professionals, and student groups. In addition, school counselors could inform administration of ways to develop school culture and policies supporting the celebration of multiple cultures. A specific example includes encouraging administration to allow the public display of artwork reflecting the school's Latino culture and history throughout the year, as opposed to a celebration of "differences" during Hispanic heritage month.

As this and other studies have demonstrated, family can play a key role in Latino youth's ethnic identity development (Malott, in press; Supple, Ghazarian, Plunkett, & Sands, 2006; Umana-Taylor & Fine, 2004). Hence, school counselors should inform family members of the importance of broaching topics related to ethnic identity development, stressing that adolescence is an essential time for addressing adolescent identity issues. Topics that family members could address include the meaning of labels, why family members select and use certain labels, and the essence or meaning of being Latino. Written materials delineating key points regarding labels and ways to develop adolescent pride in family heritage could be provided to parents.

Librarians and community members also can be educated. Community leaders providing services to youth could be encouraged to address identity development issues with adolescents. Counselors could assist them in combining identity development topics with any interventions provided. Counselors also could inform professionals of the importance of literature, textbooks, poetry, or other reading material addressing topics of ethnic identity. One example of an appropriate text is Lori Carlson's (2005) book for adolescents, Red Hot Salsa: Bilingual Poems on Being Young and Latino in the United States.

Finally, school counselors could educate the professionals who interact with adolescents on a daily basis--teachers. School counselors could address ways to incorporate topics of ethnic labeling into the classroom. Counselors also may encourage teachers to incorporate topics related to ethnic identity development into classroom lessons. For instance, a class on U.S. history might require students to research their own history of immigration. A history instructor may address identity politics, relating Latino ethnic label use in the United States to inspirational political movements and figures such as Cesar Chavez. An English class also lends itself well to addressing the topic of ethnic identity development. Students of any ethnicity could read, discuss, or compose essays, articles, or poetry regarding the concept of ethnic labeling and the meaning of their own ethnicity.

Peer Helping

This study and others have cited the important influence of peers upon the ethnic identity development of Latinos (Rodriguez & Gurin, 1990; Vaquera & Kao, 2006). Hence, school counselors could recruit and train same-ethnic peer helpers for mentoring Latino youth. Those students could be trained to facilitate discussions concerning ethnic labeling and identity issues individually, in group settings, or within a classroom.

Topics to address include the history and meaning of labels, experiences and impact of racism, peer group affiliation according to ethnicity, and how those influences affect academic and social outcomes. In addition, those peer helpers possessing strong ethnic identities could act as positive role models for youth at the initial stages of identity exploration. Hence, school counselors should provide training for peer helpers addressing those topics listed above, with the intention to increase their levels of ethnic identity development.

LIMITATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

Limitations include the fact that this study examined only one aspect of ethnic identity, that of ethnic label selection and the process of making meaning of one's ethnic identifier. In addition, only one subpopulation of the Latino group was explored. It is suggested that future investigations include additional populations of color, encompassing Latinos of various origins or other subpopulations (e.g., Asian and African Americans). Such investigations could address additional facets of ethnic identity development, such as in-depth assessments of ethnic identity exploration, commitment, and attachment (Phinney & Ong, 2007).

Finally, it was clear that ethnic labels and meanings associated with those labels were unique and important to youth in the study. Label choices were dynamic, changing over time and in response to events and key persons. Future studies could assess the impact of such a dialogue in a counseling setting, examining the relationship between that counseling intervention and youth academic or personal success. Adolescent groups may offer an effective venue for application of such a study. The development of culturally congruent services for this large and growing population is warranted if school counselors are to successfully address the many social and academic stressors experienced by these youth. The U.S. society will continue to be influenced by this group, and school counselors have the potential to positively shape that influence in the future.

APPENDIX A

Interview Guide

1. What label or labels do you use when you talk about yourself?.

2. What does "X" [the labels] mean to you?

3. In which situations do you use which labels?

4. Can you think of times or situations when you chose to use certain labels?

5. Can you think of times or situations when you chose not to use certain labels?

6. How did you pick your label(s)?

7. Who or what influenced your choice to use "X" [the label(s)]?

8. What did you call yourself in the past?

9. If your label has changed since the past, what prompted the change (what age were you)?

10. How old were you when you first started thinking about your label?

11. Who/what made you first start thinking about your label?

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Earn CEUs for reading this article. Visit www.schoolcounseior.org, and click on Professional School Counseling to learn how.

Krista M. Malott, Ph.D., is an assistant professor in the Department of Education and Human Services, Villanova University, Villanova, PA. E-mail: krista.malott @villanova.edu

Kathryn P. Alessandria, Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology, West Chester University, West Chester, PA.

Megan Kirkpatrick is a graduate student and Justine Carandang is an undergraduate student in the Department of Education and Human Services, Villanova University.

Table 1. Participant Characteristics and Label Selection

                      Origin                  Years
Pseudonym (a)   Age   of Birth   Last Grade   in U.S.

Emeril          18     Mexico     1st year      10
                                   college
Frederick       18     Mexico     1st year      12
                                   college
Juan            18     Mexico       11th        14
Diana           17     Mexico       12th       4.75
Nancy           17     Mexico       11th         4
David           17     Mexico       11th         6
Vincent         16     Mexico       11th         2
Eduardo         16      U.S.        11th         9
Selma           16      U.S.        10th        16
Amy             16     Mexico       9th         15
Pablo           15     Mexico       9th          3
Jose            15     Mexico       9th          5
Victor          15     Mexico       9th          3
Andrea          15     Mexico       8th          2
Gins            14      U.S.        9th         13
Berlinda        14      U.S.        8th         14
Linda           14     Mexico       8th         3.5
Claudia         14     Mexico       8th         12
Rosetta         14     Mexico       8th          2
Sarita          14     Mexico       7th          7

Pseudonym (a)   Label Preference

Emeril                Latino,
                 Mexican, Hispanic
Frederick            Mexican,
                 Mexican American
Juan                 Mexican,
                 Mexican American
Diana            Mexican, Latina,
                Hispanic, American
Nancy                Hispanic,
                  Mexican, India
David                 Mexican
Vincent              Mexicano
Eduardo          Chicano, Mexicano
Selma                 Mexican
Amy                   Mexican
Pablo                Mexicano,
                  Guanajuatencia
Jose                  Mexican
Victor                Mexican
Andrea            Mexican, Latin
Gins                 Hispanic,
                  Chicana, Guera
Berlinda             Mexicans,
                 Mexican American
Linda                 Mexican
Claudia         Mexicana de Corazon
Rosetta          Mexican, Hispanic
Sarita               Mexican,
                 Hispanic, Latin

(a) All participant names are pseudonyms.