Empowerment Groups for Academic Success: an innovative approach to prevent high school failure for at-risk, Urban African.

Twenty-first-century urban schools face unique challenges in being culturally responsive and providing quality education to culturally diverse and low-income students. The academic achievement gap for low-income and ethnic youth poses the need for new and innovative interventions by educational institutions. School counselors are in a unique position in schools to assume leadership roles in reducing academic disparity. This article discusses the experience of urban youth identified as being at risk as well as some of the realities facing African American students in inner-city public education, and it describes the need for school counselors to emphasize a group counseling approach from a multicultural perspective. The article presents the Empowerment Groups for Academic Success approach that aims at preventing high school dropout and improving academic performance for youth identified as being at risk.

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Today's urban schools face significant challenges in being culturally responsive and providing quality education for culturally diverse urban youth (Bemak, Murphy, & Kaffenberger, 2004; Locke, 2003). The growing academic achievement gap with lower success rates for inner-city impoverished youth has been clearly documented and is associated with fewer educational opportunities, a poor quality of education (College Board, 1999a, 1999b; Education Trust, 1998; House & Martin, 1998), high dropout rates as a result of cultural misunderstandings, negative stereotyping (Jackson, 1999), and Sewer resources (Education Trust). Although youth problems stem from a wide range of both internal and external forces (Atkinson, Thompson, & Grant, 1993), oftentimes students having problems in school are preoccupied with concerns outside the school setting. This is evident when youth are faced with challenges from social problems, such as poverty, violence, and racism, and may result in disruptions in family and community life that can hinder the emotional, social, and academic growth and development of children and youth (Bauer, Sapp, & Johnson, 2000).

The aim of this article is to present an innovative group counseling approach called Empowerment Groups for Academic Success (EGAS), which was implemented in a Midwest inner-city high school that was experiencing high rates of expulsion and suspension, teenage pregnancies, absenteeism, poverty, and poor academic records. In an attempt to work with students who were identified by teachers, counselors, and administrators as being at the highest levels of risk for suspension, academic failure, and school dropout, we established an innovative group counseling intervention approach with the goal of resolving the difficult personal and interpersonal issues faced by these students. The group intervention would serve as a means of improving academic performance and attendance. It is important to note that this article is not an evaluation of the approach, but rather a description of a potentially effective intervention strategy to work with a very difficult population, an approach that may be replicated by other school counselors.

The group was composed of seven African American girls in 10th grade, all of whom were identified as being at the highest level of risk. The first author, as a principal investigator of one of the six national Transforming School Counseling Initiative DeWitt Wallace--Reader's Digest grants awarded through the Education Trust, developed the EGAS approach and worked closely with a school counselor to implement the group intervention in an urban school identified as having students at the highest level of risk for academic failure.

Before we present the EGAS approach, it is important to briefly present information that will assist the reader in understanding the difference between the EGAS approach and more traditional interventions and the relevance of EGAS in addressing the unique challenges of urban youth. Thus the article will begin with a brief overview of the unique problems facing inner-city youth regarding educational achievement and will include specific experiences of African American high school girls in public education, the role of the school counselor in inner-city schools, an examination of the research regarding group counseling as an effective intervention for youth, and a discussion about the importance of addressing multicultural issues in group counseling.

IMPACT OF UNIQUE CHALLENGES FACING INNER-CITY YOUTH ON EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT

Inner-city youth face numerous problems that are endemic to poor urban areas and that have the potential to interfere with their ability to learn and succeed in schools (Bemak, 2002; Bemak & Chung, 2003; Dryfoos, 1994, 1998; Jagers & Mock, 1993; Witherspoon, Speight, & Thomas, 1997). Findings have shown that inner-city youth experience elevated rates of delinquency, higher incidents of violent and aggressive behavior, greater degrees of psychological problems, heightened behavioral problems, and educational and occupational expectations that are discouraging rather than hopeful (Black & Krishnakumar, 1998). In fact, it has been found that inner-city high school students have higher rates of academic failure and greater school behavioral problems (Allen & Mitchell, 1998; Gallay & Flanagan, 2000; Kenny, Gallagher, Alvarez-Salvat, & Silsby, 2002; Sameroff & Seifer, 1995).

For example, the overall national dropout rates were 11% compared to 14% for children in poverty (Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2000). The condition of poverty correlated with increased risks for feelings of hopelessness and other associated problems (Bolland, 2003, Boyd-Franklin, 1995; Guerra, Huesmann, Tolan, Van Acker, & Eron, 1995), such as substance abuse, violent and aggressive behavior, and teenage pregnancy. Other studies have shown significantly higher dropout rates, with 3 times the number of dropouts in severely distressed, impoverished neighborhoods (Kasarda, 1993).

Another important factor in urban life is the presence of violence. Fitzpatrick and Boldizar (1993) found that almost 85% of low-income, inner-city African American youths had witnessed at least one violent act while 43.3% reported witnessing a murder, contributing to the higher rates of post-traumatic stress disorder. This is correlated with findings that children who witness domestic violence at home exhibit a variety of behavioral and emotional problems while children who witness community violence imitate the behavior and become more aggressive (Guerra, Huesmann, & Spindler, 2003; Osofsky, 1999). Bemak and Chung (1998) coined the term psychological recoil effect, based on findings from a national study of Amerasian youth who were resettled in the United States from Vietnam, where the actual observing of an act of violence contributed to higher levels of stress and trauma than actually being victimized. These findings can be generalized to other populations who witness violent acts, and it has particular relevance to high-poverty, high-crime areas.

Inner-city youth are aware of threats to personal safety, and hence they may be involved in gangs and drug and alcohol use to cope with living in dangerous neighborhoods and heightened feelings of hopelessness (Bolland, 2003; Dembo, Blount, Schmeidler, & Burgos, 1986). Studies have shown that adolescents who act out in the classroom, skip school, and experience academic failure and poor motivation are more likely to use alcohol, cigarettes, and marijuana (Bryant, Schulenberg, Bachman, O'Malley, & Johnston, 2000; Dryfoos, 1990; Voelkl & Frone, 2000). Impoverished inner-city environments that contribute to adverse social conditions have been linked with narcotic addiction for many years and subsequently have an impact on educational performance and overall negative school climates (Chein, Gerard, Lee, & Rosenfeld, 1964; Gandossy Williams, Cohen, & Harwood, 1980; Harries, 1990; Hawkins, Catalano, & Miller, 1992; Johnson, Williams, Dei, & Sanabria, 1990; Shaw & McKay, 1942).

EXPERIENCE OF AFRICAN AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL GIRLS IN PUBLIC EDUCATION

It is not possible to consider the experience of" African American girls in public education without examining a broader perspective that helps to understand the social, economic, political, historical, and ecological contexts. African American children continue to experience chronic school failure in disproportionately high numbers (Education Trust, 1998), arguably a continuation of historical discrepancies in equal educational opportunities that result in low expectations for future success and internalized self-perceptions that are reinforced by the educational system (Graham, Taylor, & Hudley, 1998). Research has shown that urban African American children may internalize feelings of powerlessness associated with racial identity and the depreciation of African American culture (Gibson, 1993; Justice, Lindsey, & Morrow, 1999).

Although a positive identification with one's own racial group provides a psychological buffer against such factors as racism, prejudice, and discrimination (Phinney, 1996), having exposure and internalizing negative attitudes about being African American can result in negative self-images and behaviors as well as delinquency (Belgrave et al., 1994; Kunjufu, 1986; Lyles, Yancey, Grace, & Carter, 1988). Counteracting this is the development of a positive and healthy racial identity that leads to a positive self image and adoption of a value system that promotes personal and social well-being (Thomas, Townsend, & Belgrave, 2003).

A significant amount of the research on African American girls in public schools has targeted related social problems. Studies have found correlations between African American adolescent females and greater rates of teenage pregnancy, problems with substance abuse, violence and gang membership, and high infant mortality rates (Cousins & Mabrey, 1998). African American girls who observed high levels of violence and greater degrees of internalizing behaviors were found to be withdrawn, anxious, and depressed (Cooley-Quill, Boyd, Frantz, & Walsh, 2001). Possibly as a result of witnessing violence, African American adolescent girls reported physical fighting at the same rates as boys (Hudley, 2001) and greater degrees of internalized reactions, with higher rates of suicide attempts among African American girls as compared to their European American counterparts (Millstein, 1989). Despite the problems mentioned above that have an impact on academic performance and school completion, it must be kept in mind that there are numerous examples of students of color from urban areas attaining high standards of achievement (Sciarra, 2001).

SCHOOL COUNSELORS AND GROUP WORK: WHAT MAKES SENSE?

School counselors are in a unique position to effectively address issues facing inner-city youth. However, given the wide range of responsibilities that consume school counselors' time and energy, they may be involved to varying degrees with any number of tasks, including individual and group counseling, family consultations, student assessments, test interpretations, classroom guidance, teacher consultations, and linkages with outside agencies for referrals (Burnham & Jackson, 2000; Roland & Neitzschman, 1996). A significant portion of school counselors' work may be relegated to "clerk work," especially when they are perceived by school administrators as having less ability to contribute to the educational goals that are focused on academic achievement (Bemak, 2000; House & Hayes, 2002; Paisley & McMahon, 2001). Furthermore, budget constraints and school district priorities may reduce the number of available counselors and significantly define and limit their ability to effectively do their job. Therefore, it is not surprising that counselors have felt that they needed additional time to be effective and frequently complained about the paperwork and administrative responsibilities that have little to do with counseling (Dansby, 1996).

The American School Counselor Association recommends a counselor-to-student ratio of 1:300, while the National Education Association recommends an even lower ratio of 1:250 (Hobson, Fox, & Swickert, 2000; Montano & Bucher, 1999). Despite these recommendations, the ratios across the United States are frequently much higher, with disparities in different states, such as Minnesota (1:457), Michigan (1:709), Vermont (1:313), and California (1:1,182) (Hobson et all.; Montano & Bucher; Paisley & McMahon, 2001).

Given these realities of disproportionate ratios coupled with the assigned responsibilities of school counselors that go beyond the parameters of counseling, we would suggest that group counseling may be far more effective than individual counseling as a means of intervention that would reach the total student body in a school. This would require a major paradigm shift whereby group counseling becomes the intervention of choice rather than individual counseling. In turn, group counseling would become a "stand-alone" method of intervention (Bemak & Conyne, 2004) that does not necessitate supplemental individual counseling.

Redefining group counseling as the means of intervention would assist in meeting the demands of increased student loads and responsibilities assigned to school counselors. It is our belief, similar to other researchers, that school counselors can make a difference by assuming a new role and responsibilities to address the complex problems encountered by inner-city, impoverished youth (Bailey, Getch, & Chen-Hayes, 2003, Bemak, Chung, & Murphy, 2003; Bemak et al., 2004; House & Hayes, 2002; House & Martin, 1998). Our contention is that one part of the new role is to incorporate group counseling as a primary means of intervention. The following section further discusses this shift to group counseling as the intervention of choice.

GROUP COUNSELING AS THE INTERVENTION OF CHOICE IN SCHOOLS

Not only is group counseling an efficient means of coping with increased student loads and responsibilities for school counselors, but research has shown that group counseling is successful with children and in school settings (e.g., Becky & Fatten, 1997; May & Housley, 1996; Phillips & Phillips, 1992; Prout & Prout, 1998). A review of the literature (McClanahan et al., 1998) found that group counseling in schools was more effective than individual interventions, fostering better developed social competencies within groups, bringing about new insights that were unavailable through individual work, and enhancing social skill development.

Children's school-based divorce groups were found to be the most practical and efficient intervention, reducing shame and providing important peer support (Yauman, 1991). Peer modeling, problem solving, and validation also were found to be important in groups (Shechtman, Bar-El, & Hadar, 1997; Yauman, 1991) and provided critical elements into the interpersonal process that did not exist in individual counseling. The efficacy of group counseling in schools has been argued by others (e.g., Proehl, 1995; Roland & Neitzschman, 1996) who contend that groups provide a framework that more efficiently manages time constraints and provides the greatest service delivery to the maximum number of students in the most efficient manner.

Subsequently, we would advocate that group counseling in public schools is a more effective intervention in addressing some of the serious social problems facing our youth, particularly at a time when peer relationships, social skills, and social interaction are not considered priorities in an era of high-stakes testing, test results, and academic productivity. In fact, group counseling meets earlier calls for schools to become training grounds for social development and moral development (Dewey, 1963) and remains an area of great concern in today's world.

GROUPS FOR YOUTH AT RISK

Group counseling has been shown to be effective in working with at-risk students (e.g., Becky& Farren, 1997; May & Housely, 1996; Phillips & Phillips, 1992; Praport, 1993; Rosen & Bezold, 1996; Zinck & Littrell, 2000). It has been linked to improvements in achievement scores and interpersonal relationships (Shechtman, 1993) and to enhanced learning, especially when the emphasis has been on self-awareness and responsible behavior (Campbell & Myrick, 1990). Group counseling also has been effective with at-risk children and youth at various developmental stages. For example, at the elementary level, groups aimed at increasing appropriate coping behaviors have been found to be beneficial (LaFountain, Garner, & Ellason, 1996), and students in groups showed enhanced self-perception and improvement in attitudes and behavior (Bretzing & Caterino, 1984; LaFountain & Garner, 1996; Myrick & Dixon, 1985; Nelson, Dykeman, Powell, & Petty, 1996).

At the preadolescence stage, a reduction in anxiety and an increase in self-esteem were found for female incest victims (De Luca, Hazen, & Cutler, 1993). For adolescents, peer groups have been found to be helpful (Henry & Kilmann, 1979) as well as reference groups for assessing personal, social, and academic achievements (Bemak & Greenberg, 1994; May & Housley, 1996). Enhancement of self-image and improved locus of control among adolescents from divorced families (Omizo & Omizo, 1988), and group therapy of sexually abused female adolescents, were found to be more effective than individual counseling (May & Housley, 1996). In a dating violence prevention group, participants acquired positive communication skills and self-efficacy (Rosen & Bezold, 1996). Praport (1993) demonstrated that group counseling was able to improve school attrition, while Bauer et al. (2000) found significant improvement in group members' self-esteem and academic self-concept.

THE NEED FOR MULTICULTURAL GROUP COUNSELING

It is imperative that school counselors be culturally competent and culturally responsive (Lee, 2001), especially in light of the history of psychological and educational theories and practices being derived from a Eurocentric perspective that is not representative of the worldviews of many students (D'Andrea & Daniels, 2001; Lee). The same holds true for the multicultural group counselor. Bemak and Chung (2004) point toward the unequivocal need for school counselors to be effective working with multicultural groups and present extensive recommendations for training multicultural group counselors.

It is essential that groups in schools be attentive to cultural differences that go beyond traditional European-American models. To facilitate effective groups, it is important that school counselors consider levels of racial consciousness and racial identity (see Cross, 1971; Helms, 1990) that impact the functioning and dynamics of the group (Johnson, Tortes, Coleman, & Smith, 1995). This involves the school counselor knowing and understanding his or her own racial and ethnic identity and cultural worldview; and its impact on the racial identities and cultural worldviews of group members.

Studies have shown that students from culturally diverse backgrounds have benefited from culturally responsive groups. For example, students' self-perception increased for African American, European American, and Portuguese children (Walker, 1991), while Mexican American adolescents exhibited improvement in educational problems, quality of family life, and mental health (Baca & Koss-Chioino, 1997). Shechtman (1993) found significant student improvement in achievement scores and interpersonal relationships from short-term group counseling for Israeli children, while increased self-esteem and internal locus of control orientation were found for Native American adolescents who participated in group counseling (Kim, Omizo, & D'Andrea, 1998).

EMPOWERMENT GROUPS FOR ACADEMIC SUCCESS: A DESCRIPTION OF AN INNOVATIVE GROUP COUNSELING APPROACH

The EGAS approach takes into account the influence of social, psychological, and environmental factors on academic performance for inner-city youth, as well as the need for a changed role for school counselors and a culturally sensitive basis for developing effective interventions. This section includes a description of the group participants and leaders, a discussion of the selection of group participants, the rationale for the EGAS approach, and finally a description of the group sessions and their impact on group members.

Group Participants and Leaders

The target population for the group was girls identified by teachers and administrators as students at the highest levels of risk for school failure. At-risk criteria consisted of demonstrated poor school attendance, disruptive behavior, significantly low grades, and associated problems at home. These students were invited to a prescreening meeting. The format and goals of the group (support and help dealing with personal and social problems and improved school performance) were explained and interviewees were given a choice regarding participating in the group. Seven African American adolescent girls were interviewed during the prescreening process and all decided to join the group. The group leaders consisted of two European American facilitators, with the university professor being the lead facilitator and the school counselor co-facilitating. Two female, Asian master's degree intern students (Taiwanese and Korean) co-led the group during their respective internships during the winter and spring semesters.

Prescreening Interviews and Participant Selection

In choosing group members, it was important to ensure that the selection pertained to those who would benefit most from the format and style of the group (Ritchie & Huss, 2000). During prescreening, the needs, expectations, and commitment of the prospective group members were identified (Couch, 1995). A survey was sent to school staff requesting referrals of students who had very poor attendance, significant problems with study skills, and difficulties at home that appeared to cause marked disruptions in school behavior and academic performance. The school counselor and the university professor interviewed each of the students, attempting to find those students demonstrating the most significant problems related to these three areas. During the interviews they also challenged students' conceptions of personal failure and hopelessness, which have been identified as important in the screening process (Couch). Issues related to group goals, client's right to privacy, and informed consent were discussed. At the end of the prescreening interview, the leaders invited the students to participate in the group. All agreed and secured parental consent forms.

Rationale for EGAS Approach

Previous failed school interventions with the seven girls included detention, suspension, repeated disciplinary warnings, attempts at counseling targeted at behavior, linking with families, and behavior modification programs. Given the history of failed interventions, this group of individuals required an innovative and different approach. The EGAS approach to group counseling was unique and different in its emphasis on empowerment through group process, moving away from psycho-educational and traditional structured groups filled with exercises and activities planned by the facilitator. This allowed members a new way to openly explore and discuss issues that created disruption in their lives whereby group process was utilized as the basis for group intervention. The group interactions illuminated the members' interpersonal dynamics and created an environment in which they, as members, determined the content and design of the group.

One difficulty for school counselors who use the EGAS approach is the tear and concern that there is less control and focus, particularly with groups of students who have a history of disruptive behavior. EGAS is based on a core belief that facilitators should not "control" groups so that true empowerment results in members having an actual say in how a group is run. This is most effectively accomplished through an unstructured process group with clearly defined goals. By using the EGAS approach, group members developed ownership and had choices about discussing personal and social problems that were directly related to poor school behavior and performance and low attendance rates. The group's decision to discuss personal and social problems was, in our opinion, directly related to their poor school behavior and performance and low attendance rates. This provided a unique and different perspective in the group without replicating the many failed prior interventions that had discounted the profound personal, social, family, and community-based problems that negatively impacted each of the seven group members.

Subsequently each week the group participants decided the agenda topic for group discussion. This was extremely different for the girls in the group who, given their poor school performance, were accustomed to being told what to do by authority figures. Reversing this pattern and having the group participants establish the discussion topics quickly changed the group dynamics and fostered a sense of self-control and group ownership. This was the first step in empowerment, whereby the group members engaged in a partnership and actual ownership of the group process and content rather than responding to authority that rested solely with the facilitators. This is in line with a shift in which participants increasingly guide their own decisions and process (Bemak, 1998).

Topics of discussion chosen by participants included family and peer relationships, the death of friends and loved ones, pregnancy and single parenting, experiences with first sexual encounters, smoking, confrontations and poor relationships with teachers, and general school and academic concerns. The group met once a week for 45 minutes, with the time rotating in order to alternate missed classes. Teachers and school administration were highly supportive of the group intervention, knowing that the goal of the group was to enhance academic performance for seven failing students.

Group Sessions

Early group meetings. The group began in October and was defined to all participants as an opportunity to work on personal problems and improve school performance. Early sessions focused on the group members agreeing on group norms and procedures. The girls were concerned about possible contravention of group norms and alter a lengthy discussion determined how they would handle any future violations. Important in these early discussions was getting a "feel" for each other and the facilitators, particularly with all the group members being African American, the two facilitators being white and one being a male, and an international graduate student intern from Asia participating.

The issue of racial and ethnic differences within the group was openly discussed and explored, forging open dialogue that created trust and open communication. Initial conversations centered on relationships with extended family, discussions about relatives "borrowing" clothing, reactions to having to baby-sit for siblings, and the demands to do chores at home. As stories about these issues were discussed, a growing awareness about relationships in the group and with others began to take shape. Along with these insights, closeness began to develop with peers and with the group facilitators.

The holidays. As the group bonded during the weekly meetings, group members began to discuss the holidays. Interestingly, Thanksgiving and the Christmas holidays brought up memories of death and loss for all the members. For 4 weeks prior to Thanksgiving, the girls reminisced about friends and relatives who had died or were dying. They grieved, sharing their sadness and tears, and expressed their loneliness and lack of support in dealing with their losses. Years of loss and sadness poured out during the group sessions, and discussions centered on never before having a sail: place to discuss these buried feelings. The group talked about feeling similar to a family and the closeness of the experience. In fact, a unanimous request to the group facilitators was made to see if we (the group) could spend Thanksgiving and Christmas together rather than at the students' homes. Deep and meaningful discussions ensued about home, relationships, and safety within and outside the group. The group celebrated the Christmas holidays just before the school break, having a party with food and drink. Although the conversation during the party once again centered on loss and death, it was done very differently than 2 months before, with an atmosphere of holiday celebration and joy in being and sharing together. This was a transformation and turning point for the group.

Post-holidays, the theme of loss and grief continued in the group following the holidays. One of the girls had lost her grandmother in December while another group member acutely felt the loss of a close family member earlier in the school year during the holidays. The group members continued to experience what they called a "special closeness" and began referring to the group as "the family." As they shared about the difficulties in their own biological families, their own intimacy and openness with each other grew, confronting a talkative group member about "talking too much," challenging each other more openly about behaviors toward one another without becoming defensive or angry, and experiencing greater self-disclosure within the group.

Later group meetings. A crucial difference between the EGAS approach and other groups is the responsibility placed upon the group members to establish their own agenda that centers on the goals of the group. Thus the facilitators deliberately did not introduce a discussion about grades, attendance, and school performance but rather decided to maintain a general awareness of the group goals--for example, improved school performance--and supported the group members in determining the content of the group based on this goal. The hypothesis of the first author based on past experience was that these issues would be addressed through the discussions about other problems and eventually would be introduced directly by group members themselves.

In early February, the group brought up the subject of school performance. The girls shared that although their schoolwork had improved and their attendance rates were better, they were still struggling with "difficult" teachers. They discussed grades and responsibility, exploring who and what was responsible for their school failures. Was it teachers, unreasonable assignments, or personal attitudes and behaviors? The girls discussed the disrespect and prejudice they occasionally experienced from teachers, and they talked about ways to better deal with these situations. The discussion led to deep reflection about how they should in turn treat others, arriving at a strong consensual agreement not to mistreat anyone in ways they felt mistreated by some teachers.

A struggle with feeling mistreated by teachers and their own values and behaviors regarding the treatment of others was symbolized by a conflict over a bucket of candy in the group on Valentine's Day. The girls began to grab at the candy, trying to get their favorite kinds. The facilitators prompted a discussion about how to divide the candy, generating a mixture of responses. A heated discussion followed with some of the girls arguing that those who weren't behaving properly should he "whooped" (beaten); others felt that names should be written on the board (one member actually stood and wrote names of those who were "misbehaving"); while another member declared that she was the "mother" of the group (she was the only member who had a child) and therefore everyone should listen to her. Expressing strong feelings while respecting and listening to each other's reactions eventually led to an agreement about how to amicably divide the candy. As the girls reflected on how they handled this difficult problem, they agreed and reaffirmed that the group was indeed a family!

The family theme deepened during the next session when the first counseling graduate student intern was finishing her placement. The group members wrote messages to the intern on the board expressing their sadness that she was leaving and mourning over the breakup of the "family." Group members agreed that it was too difficult to talk about saying goodbye to a "family member," and the loss of the intern was not only a painful event, but it reminded them of other losses. Even so, they found themselves talking to the intern about her leaving in an honest and open manner, reflecting on how different it was to talk about their pain in the group.

Intimacy within the group continued in the following session with one member discussing the abuse she suffered after an argument with her aunt. Two other members shared stories of abuse by family members for the first time. Feelings of abuse were associated with other neglectful situations, and they discussed emotional abandonment by parents or guardians who paid more attention to significant others, the group discussed the pain and hurt they felt at being second in their parent's or guardian's life, sharing their deep-rooted discomfort. One member actually wrote lyrics to a song during the group to express her feelings.

A few weeks later a new intern joined the group and was warmly accepted. She was also an international student from Asia, evoking memories of the first intern. Group members gently tested her out, asking questions to see if she would "fit." They quickly agreed to accept her into the group and labeled her a "sister." The topic of discussion shifted to smoking and health, and members expressed concern and care for those in the group who smoked. For the next few sessions the girls explored experiences about how two of them began to smoke at ages 6 and 8, respectively; desires to quit; and associations between smoking and other behaviors such as sex, substance abuse, and poor school performance.

Spring break and the beginning of the end. Following spring break, discussions centered on the students' boredom during the school vacation. Nothing "special" had happened and group members shared about staying at home doing chores, watching television, and babysitting family members. In fact, for the first time, they all found themselves glad to be back at school with their friends and the group. Finding group support for the tedium of being at home, they again revisited issues about difficulties in school. The hopelessness they felt about passing or succeeding in school was gone, bringing new feelings of hope and frustration as they entered the last months of school. They discussed having some control over their response to the teacher who called one of them "ignorant" and another teacher's rudeness.

In early May the first hints about the group ending were acknowledged. Along with an awareness of the group ending was a restlessness and an occasional lack of focus in the group, One member announced that she was pregnant, which produced significant discussion on what she would do, her future relationship with her boyfriend, and the practicalities of supporting herself and the baby. In mid-May the group facilitators reintroduced the subject of the group ending. The group was resistant to talking about this, changed the subject, became silent, wrote personal notes, played, and uncomfortably teased each other. Their behavior was reminiscent of early group meetings. One member even talked about not returning to the group, provoking tension with other members.

By the next session, group members had reflected on the group ending. A process of self-evaluation evolved, whereby the girls reflected on themselves, each other, and the group as a whole. Poignantly they linked personal changes with their future, sharing about where they were going and associated fears. The group took part in a powerful and deeply felt discussion, recalling their pasts, where they had grown up, positive relationships they had had as small children, and the deep sadness they had from missing that time and place. Interestingly, discussion shifted from deep feelings about the past to thoughts about the future that included marriage, babies, summer activities, and the coming of age for driver's licenses. Special activities were discussed including a presentation to a graduate group counseling class at the university about their experiences being in a group, coupled with a visit to an on-campus art museum and a special dinner celebration at a restaurant to end the group. The girls were excited and scared about the trip to the university, but they looked forward to the presentation and the restaurant celebration.

Final group meetings. The visit to the university made a profound impression on the group members. They were nervous and scared, and for many it was their first trip to the university, even though it was less than 5 miles from their homes. They expressed concern that the graduate students would see them as ignorant and immature and that their clothing would be inappropriate. Once the panel discussion began, the members became increasingly at case and confident talking about their group experience. They answered the questions of the graduate students with self-assuredness and as an intimate and close-knit group. After the panel discussion, several group members commented about how the graduate students were "real people just like them" and "not some highly intelligent, stuck-up people." This had a deep impact on the group members who realized that college students were "normal" and that with hard work they also could attend university.

After the panel discussion, the group visited an art museum on campus. This was everyone's first trip to the museum, and they were awed by the vast differences in what people call art. They laughed and joked as they found some of the modern art "ridiculous" and others "beautiful and culturally relevant." The entire day was a journey into another world 5 miles away and a glimpse and realization that graduate students and a university life were attainable with hard work and effort.

A final luncheon celebration was at an Italian restaurant chosen by the group. For all but one of the group members, this was their first time in an "expensive" restaurant. They were highly inquisitive about items on the menu and surprised by the cost and greatly concerned that the male professor was going "to spend too much money" on them. They decided that for the final moment together they would rather be someplace more comfortable, so instead of having dessert at the restaurant the group went to a local ice cream parlor. Through tears and ice cream the group members hugged each other as they said their final farewells.

DISCUSSION

The EGAS approach facilitated profound discussions and deep reflection about the group experience and the group members' lives and its impact on their academic achievement. Contextually it is important to note the lack of effective interventions prior to this group for any of the girls who participated in the project. Teachers, school administrators, and the girls themselves all agreed that they were destined for failure as students and school dropout within the next year or two. The group was a means to intervene in a pattern of failure that we have named the "Cycle of Disengagement" and to explore difficult and painful issues within a group of peers.

Examples of the level of safety and importance of the group for these young women were illustrated in letters written by two group members and statements in post-group follow-up interviews. One letter was written after one of the girls was "jumped" (attacked) by a group of girls in school. The victim of the attack believed that one of the group members was part of the gang that attacked her, leading to a serious potential fissure in the group. The accused wrote the following letter to the facilitators:

   I know you probably wondering why her and
   I aren't talking. Well no, actually is because,
   maybe about Children services, the fight and
   her getting jumped. I really don't know.
   Could you put me and her to the side today or
   any other day to get us straightened out. Love
   Always ...

The letter introduced an issue to the group for resolution that in the past would have generated anger, violence, and heightened personal and social problems. In fact, as the issue was discussed in group, there was a consensus that without the safety of the group this problem would have escalated into serious, full-blown school conflict.

In a second letter when the girls were asked to evaluate the group experience, another girl spoke about the importance and richness of the group experience. She wrote the following:

   This group has helped all of us. It has really
   helped in many different ways. It helped me to
   learn how to share and express my feelings and
   thoughts. It has helped to take some of the
   stress off of me because I got a lot off my
   chest. After a while the group has become a
   little family to me, and you [the female counselor]
   have become a second mother to me.
   You showed me love and support and you
   treated me like one of your own. You also
   showed me to make good choices for myself
   and my child and how when I make a mistake
   to learn from it and move on. Thank you for
   everything. Love Always ...

Other girls commented about the group's impact during a post-group taped interview 6 months after the group ended. One stated,

   The most important thing that I took from
   the group was when they [the group] were
   telling us about going to school and being on
   time. Because now I go to school and I am on
   time.... I studied more and got more into it
   [schoolwork].

She also commented about the impact of the group on her personal life: "Me and my mom get along better now. Better than we did then." Another girl commented, "The group is helping me today by reminding me to be more open.... It got me thinking more about my life." A third member reflected on her changes: "I go to school more compared to last year ... at the beginning my grades didn't change, but now they are up more." She added, "The most important thing I learned was how to communicate.... It was uplifting and it helped me a lot. I improved in a whole bunch of things. I think we should have it this year."

We would attribute the self-reported impact of the EGAS approach to using a unique methodology that facilitates an open-ended process group aimed at true empowerment. This approach is very different when compared to more traditional structured group interventions in which established agendas and topics are determined by group facilitators. Using the EGAS approach, the young women determined the group content that was meaningful to them while maintaining the underlying goal of academic achievement. As one group member shared 6 months later when she was commenting on what she remembered about the group, "I remember us all crying together." Although a group crying together is not something one would typically link with academic improvement, it was what this student remembered most. In the EGAS approach we believe that the group experience and process will assist members to heal, and this is developmentally and culturally relevant in relationship to school performance. To disregard the intensity of the experience of inner-city youth without attention to the daily trials and tribulations that one faces because of poverty, discrimination, and social oppression is to neglect the deep-seated healing that is critical for the success of youth at risk for school failure.

Thus the aim of EGAS is to empower members so that they can discuss topics of concern by setting their own agenda rather than to impose a structured, theme-focused group on attendance or grades. This approach permitted the seven young women to share deep sadness and to help each other heal, all of which we believe are very closely associated with school failure. EGAS is rooted in the belief that beginning a group with discussions about school and schoolwork would repeat the Cycle of Disengagement, a pattern that is prevalent for many urban youth at risk of school failure.

Interestingly, group members pointed out how the group actually reconstructed a family with the male counselor/professor being identified as a father figure, the female school counselor being regarded as a mother figure, the interns seen as aunts, and peer members viewed as siblings. During the course of the group, members actually started referring to the group as a family, and they regularly discussed the idea of the facilitators being a surrogate father and mother. The healthy reenactment of the family (Yalom, 1995) is an important aspect of healing in groups and it provided a safe foundation for the members to discuss and resolve difficult emotional experiences.

A follow-up survey with group members 1 year later found positive long-range effects. The following is a general summary of those findings:

* The girls expressed a greater ability to share their individual feelings and to more effectively resolve interpersonal problems.

* There was continued support among the group members, with a general consensus that they could share difficult emotional issues with other members of the group in ways that were not possible to share with their own family members.

* The girls were unanimous in their prolonged experience of universality, knowing that they were not alone with their feelings and experiences.

* Self-reports (privacy records and inaccessibility to school records made a review of records impossible) included more attention to schoolwork, better attendance rates, and improved attitudes as a result of the group experience.

* All of the group members aspired to a future college degree as compared to when they entered the group and no one had college aspirations.

* Everyone wanted the group to continue. They missed the support and family nature of the group, and they were remorseful when talking about the absence of "laughing, arguing, fussing, and cussing together."

It is important to note that unexpected events happened that prohibited more formal data collection and analysis to determine school improvement for the seven group members.

SUMMARY

The EGAS approach is a unique and different way to address the depth and level of the personal, social, community, economic, and environmental problems of inner-city students identified as being at high levels of risk for school failure. Traditional intervention methods have not adequately addressed achievement gaps and school failure, with disproportionately

large numbers of inner-city students continuing to be at risk of failing or dropping out of school. The EGAS approach was developed based on the belief that structured group interventions that narrowly target only one of many problem areas for students at high levels of risk, and group approaches that do not allow group members to assume responsibility and ownership for the group, fall short of dealing with the complexity and long-standing problems that many urban youth face.

The EGAS approach with the seven young women described in this article seemed to make an impact on improved attendance, more vigorous study habits, aspirations for the future, fewer disciplinary referrals, and enhanced grade performance. The approach is described in this article in hopes that other school counselors may be able to replicate EGAS and intervene in the Cycle of Disengagement that negatively impacts so many urban youth's lives.

The power of EGAS was instrumental in the personal, social, and academic changes exhibited by the students during the group. Furthermore, given the high ratios of students to school counselors in our schools, we believe that group work has the greatest benefit for meeting the needs of all students identified as being at risk and must be the intervention of choice for the professional school counselor, rather than individual counseling. The open structure in the EGAS approach allowed students, for the first time, to experience a true sense of empowerment and control over their lives and destinies. Many of the issues that the members discussed were spoken about for the first time, fostered by the environment of the group where they experienced a sense of safety and cohesion.

Through the exploration of interpersonal relations, discrimination, self-worth, anger, sadness, loss, behaviors, family relations, hopes, sexuality, and their future, for the first time group members examined the relevance and importance of school and the relationship of education to their future. As a result, marked improvements were evident in the group accompanied by self-reports about improved academic performance. Thus we would recommend an EGAS approach that is founded on a belief in self-exploration and empowerment through process and the necessity of having culturally sensitive interventions that are open to the exploration of differences. With the EGAS approach, there is an exploration through groups of associated issues and problems of students at high risk of failing, and an engendering of real empowerment, which we believe are keys to improving the school performance for students with untapped potential. Further studies of the EGAS approach with inner-city, high-risk youth are recommended.

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The authors would like to acknowledge the DeWitt Wallace--Reader's Digest Fund grant and the Education Trust, which supported this project with an aim toward equity and social justice through parity in academic achievement for low-income and ethnic minority students through the Transforming School Counseling Initiative.

Fred Bemak, Ed.D., is a professor and program coordinator and Rita Chi-Ying Chung, Ph.D., is an associate professor, Counseling and Development Program, Graduate School of Education, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA. E-mail: [e-mail]. Linda A. Siroskey-Sabdo, M.A., is a school counselor in Columbus, OH.