Emotional regeneration through community action in post-industrial mining communities: the new Herrington Miners' banner partnership.

The essential is not what life has done to people, but what people do with what life has done to them.

Jean-Paul Sartre 

Introduction

The failure of the miners' strike in 1984-5, which was a strike over the preservation of jobs and communities, resulted in an acceleration of the ongoing process of mining closures across the national coalfield. Since those closures, high levels of long-term unemployment, poverty, social exclusion and a decline in community resources have left the now post-industrial mining communities devastated. Both voluntary and government agencies have long recognised a significant increase both in youth crime and in the abuse of drugs and alcohol generally (Coalfield Taskforce, 1998; Waddington et al., 2001; Waddington, 2003). When, in 1993, Wearmouth Colliery--the last deep mine in County Durham--closed, it brought to an end centuries of coal production in what was one of the largest coalfields in the world (Beynon & Austrin: 1994). The social consequences of the closures for the mining communities in Co. [County] Durham have been such that they are judged to be among the most deprived communities in Europe (Coalfield Taskforce, 1998).

Interviews with union officers (1) reveal that the closure of Wearmouth Colliery left the Durham Miners' Association (DMA) fearing that the influence of mining culture and politics in Durham would meet a similar end. Hudson (1995) claimed that mining communities were already becoming apathetic towards the annual Durham Miners' Gala prior to the 1984-5 strike. By the mid-1990s, those early fears appeared to have been justified, with the numbers attending the Gala declining year on year. Once the most visible expression of the power and influence of the DMA, with attendance exceeding 200,000 in some years, by the early 1990s, Gala attendance had fallen to less than 10,000 (DNA).

Despite this initial decline, the Gala is now experiencing a resurgence that those centrally involved in its organisation are at a loss to fully understand. According to reports from the DMA and the police, the 2004 Gala was the largest since 1960, with in excess of 70,000 people attending. A significant factor in this resurgence has been the commissioning of new lodge banners (2), at no little cost (3) , emanating from the most recently-closed collieries as well as from collieries that closed well before the Second World War. The DMA reports that a further nine replica lodge banners are under commission, to be carried for the first time at the Gala in 2005.

The main focus of the research for this paper has been to discover the motivating factors encouraging community groups in these post-industrial mining communities to return to the Gala, often with new banners, and in increasing numbers. In doing so, we will look at the influence that concepts such as 'culture' and 'heritage' have played in this resurgence, and what, if any role the DMA continues to play in the post-industrial mining communities of Co. Durham. The qualitative data presented comes primarily through a case study of the most effective of these community-based groups--the first to commission a new banner, and the group to which others have gone for advice and support: the New Herrington Miners' Banner Partnership (hereafter referred to as 'the Partnership'). The data used has been collected from focus-group discussions, individual interviews and participant observation of Partnership meetings and discussions. The paper offers an explanation for this resurgence through an examination of the complex meanings the Gala holds both historically and currently for mining communities. It also, by necessity, examines the role of the DMA, the organisation created to represent miners in the county, which is part of the federated system that is the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM).

Emotional degeneration in post-industrial mining communities

In this paper, we use the concepts of 'emotional degeneration' and 'emotional regeneration' in an attempt to theoretically ground our understanding of the New Herrington experience. The term 'emotional regeneration' has been used elsewhere, but not in the context of deindustrialisation. Hustedde and King (2002) and Hoggett and Miller (2000) argue that communities, like individuals, suffer trauma following loss; that they go through resultant processes such as mourning; and that they need emotional regeneration as a consequence. Our thesis is that the postindustrial communities of Durham coalfield experienced a process of emotional degeneration following the loss of their industry. While our evidence is mainly drawn from our case study of New Herrington, other research suggests that this is not an atypical case.

Like many other post-industrial communities, New Herrington has experienced what Gilbert (1995) describes as the 'destruction of fixed relations between locality and work' (p. 49), resulting in what he describes as 'contemporary anomie'. Without using this specific term, others have identified states of anomie in other, previously solidaristic communities left bereft of meaning by the loss of work (Waddington et al., 2001; Linkon & Russo, 2002; Waddington, 2004). Social exclusion, economic hardship and poor mental and physical health are all well documented manifestations of long-term unemployment. Allied to social decay and the problems associated with increased anti-social behaviour, particularly in the area of substance abuse, the circumstances surrounding the day-to-day experience of individuals living in such communities can lead to such an anomic situation. In post-industrial mining communities, with their occupational as well as socially-constructed culture, and a strongly embedded attachment to 'place', we would define this as a process of emotional degeneration. We would also define the activities of the Partnership, outlined below, in terms of emotional regeneration, as the individuals concerned attempt to give meaning back to their lives.

It is at this point that we should pause in order to acknowledge McCulloch's warning about definitional clarity when discussing 'community'. Partly in criticism of his own work, he decries the indiscriminate use of the term 'community', and warns that it 'appears to be treated as a quality relationship rather than being a type of social structure which can take a number of distinct forms' (2000: 15). Gilbert (1995), in his work on 'community', makes a definitional distinction between 'miners' towns' and 'mining towns', and in doing so offers South Wales and the North East of England as places where 'miners' towns' can be found. Gilbert defines 'miners' towns' as 'tight-knit single industry communities, socially, and often geographically, isolated and distinctive' (1995: 51). Using Gilbert's definition, New Herrington is a 'miners' town'.

As these occupational communities developed they had, through their trade union, developed their own form of 'welfare state' as a protection against the exigencies of life in pre-Second World War Britain. The creation of the welfare state and the nationalisation of the industry following the Second World War resulted in the State becoming the employer, as well as the provider of welfare.

The relationship between the State-as-employer and the miners was, at a national level, generally collaborative, with serious conflict only seen in the strikes over wages in the early 1970s. The closure programme following nationalisation, which was inevitable in an extractive industry, was achieved with little conflict as miners began to enter into an almost nomadic existence, moving from mine to mine as they closed. However, and against the backdrop of massive industrial closures resulting from the neoliberal economic policies of the Thatcher government, the miners decided to resist a more rapid run-down of their industry. When, in 1984, the NUM called for a national strike to 'defend jobs and communities', the whole weight of the State was turned against the miners, who were now described as 'the enemy within', with the welfare system in particular used as a weapon against striking miners (Jones & Novak, 1985). The inclusion of the term 'communities' in the rationale for the strike was not an example of prescience, since miners were well aware of the destruction wrought in communities by the closure of the collieries that had brought them to life.

With the victory of the State in the 1984-5 strike, many communities were abandoned to their fates following the closure of their collieries. The union, defeated industrially and politically, was left bankrupt. Critcher et al. (1999), Waddington et al. (2001) and Waddington (2003) all provide comprehensive studies of the evolution of post-industrial mining communities since that time. Their work graphically highlights the various problems facing redundant individuals and families living in now-redundant communities. Of prime concern for Waddington et al. are the high levels of unemployment symptomatic of the post-industrial experience, and the consequential effects of depopulation and a decline in the services and material conditions of the community.

While economic hardship and the material decline of communities are recognised by both government and development agencies (Coalfield Taskforce, 1998), Waddington et al. draw attention to the dramatic and negative impact on community and individual morale (2001; 2004). This stems from the dismantling of established relationships that takes place within redundant occupational communities and is, they argue, the primary problem facing such communities (2001). This process is accelerated by the loss of what they call 'focal points of social contact', such as pubs, working men's clubs and the local shops, all of which are sites of social interaction. Additionally, the loss of community rituals, which allow collective community engagement and the celebration of industrial identity, are hard felt. As a consequence, people report a disconnection with the very community that once defined all aspects of their lives. At the heart of this disconnection is the loss of important sources of social support, opportunities for communal interaction, and the pride associated with an industrial identity based on mining (Waddington et al., 2001). This is as true for women as it is for men, with redundancy and unemployment confusing previously-negotiated gender relations. Women who had worked exclusively in the domestic sphere found their 'workplaces' invaded by unemployed men. At the same time as having the burden of managing on limited financial resources, they find themselves forced into taking primary responsibility for the emotional maintenance of the family, and coping with the depression of their menfolk (Waddington et al., 2001). Overall, the absence of the workplace and other important social focal points has resulted in personal, public, and political problems becoming 'privatised'. While the work of Waddington et al. was carried out in the Doncaster area, the findings resonate deeply with the experiences of New Herrington.

New Herrington is a 'miners' town', as defined by its specific attachment to New Herrington colliery, the mine that brought the community into existence. The appearance of New Herrington is also typical of other post-industrial 'miners' towns', since it displays clear visual evidence of decay in the structural fabric of the community: houses are boarded up; many of the small local shops and pubs have closed; and until recently, no physical evidence of why New Herrington had come to exist remained, since the colliery site was reclaimed soon after the closure of the mine in 1985.

For many in New Herrington, the Gala was the last remaining link to the complex matrix of influences that had defined their lives: occupation, class, community and trade union and in 1986, even this link was broken.

   When we took the banner out to go to the Gala it was a
   very windy day, and as soon as we unfurled it, it was torn
   to shreds. We knew then that the banner would never go
   back into Durham, and we realised that the village had
   died. (Pat, treasurer of the Partnership)

The respondent above is not talking about the death of the physical infrastructure of the village; she is talking about the banner as the symbolic and representational heart of the village. For Pat, and for other members of the community who still cherish a shared and collective history, what had died was the physical representation of all that they were. The banner represented their emotional attachment to 'place'; to occupation, to culture and to tradition. With the loss of the banner, all that remained were the consequences of postindustrial life, which manifests as a degenerative social process that results in what a member of the Partnership defines as 'community depression': 'This is a community that has lost its confidence, and suffers from what I would describe as collective depression' (Bal).

As stated above, we believe that the term 'emotional degeneration' best describes this process within the New Herrington community. The notion of emotional degeneration is summed up in the response to a question regarding the timescale of the activities of the Partnership. When asked why they waited thirteen years before considering a new banner, the collective answer was, 'We were going through a process of mourning'. In order to fully understand such a fundamental reaction, we need to understand the significance the annual Miners' Gala continues to hold for the mining communities of Durham.

Mining communities and the Durham Miners' Gala

The Durham Miners' Gala has been an annual event since 1871 (4), and while it has altered in form and place over the years, the core elements remain unchanged. Led by a brass band, each lodge banner is paraded through the community it represents, and is then transported to the city of Durham where, along with banners from other communities, it follows a traditional route through the city to the racecourse. The culture of mining communities is embedded in these lodge banners: they are the physical manifestation of a deeply-rooted occupational identity. The entire history, social, political and economic, of the Durham coalfield can be seen through the imagery of the banners (Emery, 1998). While each banner is unique, collectively they are a physical representation of occupation; of working-class politics and aspiration; of collectivism; and of community-based welfarism.

The Gala itself can be described as part union rally, part political rally, part community get-together and part family picnic. If the banners are iconic manifestations of the industrial identity of a community, then the Gala acts as an opportunity to celebrate that identity. As Beynon and Austrin argue, from its inception the Gala has acted to consolidate the 'social solidarity of the communities, in which miners and their families come together to publicly celebrate themselves' (1994: 211). While the communities of the Durham coalfield have experienced and endured many changes, the Gala survives, remaining firmly located within the occupational and class politics of the DMA and the communities which that organisation continues to represent.

Those communities have been described as an amalgam of family, community, chapel and co-operative store (Ackers, 1996), with the union at the heart of each (Beynon & Austrin, 1994), and with their inhabitants described as 'archetypal communitarians' (Anderson, 1991). While criticising Anderson for the limitations of the term 'archetypal communitarians', Gilbert (1995) does concede that miners, and the communities within which they worked and lived, can be described as a 'self-consciously working class local society, radical in political outlook, and disciplined and determined in strikes or when threatened' (p. 49).

The DMA was at its most influential prior to the creation of the welfare state in 1948. At a time when all communities in the UK were bereft of the many services we now take for granted, the DMA became, for the mining communities of Co. Durham, a mini-welfare state in and of itself. Each lodge provided a 'Colliery Welfare Institute', funded through membership subscription and providing recreational, welfare and educational resources to all. These services were reorganised, following nationalisation in 1947, through the Colliery Institute and Social Welfare Organisation (CISWO). Homes for retired miners were provided in each mining village, financed through lodge subscription, and convalescent homes were provided, financed collectively by all lodges through the DMA.

While Ackers (1996) argues that the union was 'rarely the majority force' in the coalfields, in times of need, either industrial or social, the union was always there, providing a constant and pervasive presence. While each individual mining community was as 'varied and individually complex as human beings' (Beynon & Austrin, 1994: 167), the social and industrial relations within those communities, developed over succeeding generations, created traditions, attitudes and beliefs that together created an institution that both serviced, and in many ways controlled, those communities (Douglas, 1974; Allsop & Wray, 2002).

For those with welfare needs, or those experiencing personal or social problems, the lodge was often the only source of assistance. This social development within the Durham coalfield is best described by Ackers (1996: 164-5), who states, 'The Durham miners advanced from a dispirited and degraded set of individuals to a proud and respectable body of individuals by building a massive and stable union association welded to a wider community network'.

The extent of the relationship between the DMA and the community is perhaps best seen through the influence the DMA had over the political sphere of community life. From its earliest beginnings, the DMA had the ability to control the selection of individuals sitting on parish and local councils, as well as that of the MPs representing constituencies in the coalfield (Beynon & Austrin, 1994; Strangleman, 200l).

As the struggle against the proposed pit closures of the mid-1980s brought the concept of community to the fore, it also resurrected a long-established impression of miners as 'others'. By describing the miners as 'the enemy within', Thatcher was restating an opinion as old as the industry itself: that miners as a group were somehow different from the rest of society. In a letter written in the early 1840s, John Buddle, the manager of Lord Londonderry's mines in Durham, wrote,

   ... what we have to guard against is any obvious legislature
   interference in the established customs of our peculiar
   race of pitmen. The stock can only be kept up by
   breeding--it never could be reinvented from an adult
   population. (quoted in Beynon & Austrin, 1994: 27)

Strangleman et al. (1999) offer a more contemporary view that sees mining communities as 'being narrow and parochial as almost representing a difference race, set apart from "civilising forces"'. While they describe this as a negative view of mining communities, this 'otherness' of miners is well recognised in the literature (see Rees, 1985; Gilbert, 1995; Ackers, 1996). This 'otherness' was maintained, if not reinforced, in 'miners' towns' as the harsh realities of industrial life in the coalfields throughout the twentieth century offered inhabitants few alternative sources of employment. The industrial policy of successive governments sought to retain a narrow industrial base in the region, in order to maintain a willing and available workforce (Hudson, 1989).

Given these circumstances, Strangleman (2001) argues that the cultural networks and practices that were firmly embedded in these mining communities prepared succeeding generations for employment in the mine. Roberts (1993) describes this process as one of 'anticipatory socialisation', through which an understanding of the conditions and requirements of mining were gained before entry to the mine.

We would argue that the Gala is the visible representation of that complex process of socialisation into occupational identity and class politics, and symbolic of the long-established and deep-rooted relationship between community and union. Participation in the 'ceremony' of the Gala represents a restatement of allegiance to the community, to the union, and to a unique culture: 'This is how it is; this is who we are'. Beynon and Austrin (1993) describe the Gala as a mechanism through which miners and their families came together to publicly celebrate themselves, and in doing so build social solidarity, with children taken as a form of 'social baptism' (1994: 211).

In this way, the meaning and importance of the Gala as a visible representation of all that mining communities stood for was passed down from generation to generation. Simultaneously, it acted as a political defence by providing both the communities and the union with the opportunity to be in the political limelight, to focus on the importance of the industry for the country as a whole, and to raise the profile of collectivism and working-class politics. Overall, it was, and remains, 'A stage upon which aspirations were voiced, where comradeship was consummated, solidarity expressed and the sheer joy of survival demonstrated in music and dance' (Beynon & Austrin, 1993: 206).

Given the symbiotic relationship between occupation, trade union, community and class affiliation described above, we must ask how it has been possible to salvage the Gala, taking into account a bankrupt trade union and the levels of economic and social deprivation in the post-industrial mining communities.

Fundamentally, the reason the Gala survived was that the DMA was able to secure funding to keep it going. Following the closure of Wearmouth colliery in 1993, and in recognition of the parlous financial state of the DMA, the leadership made an appeal to the wider trade union and labour movement, as well as to local authorities in the region. This appeal ensured that the 1994 Gala would take place. It is at this point that the story takes a strange twist. When the initial appeal for financial support was made, it was picked up by the national press. Almost immediately, a New Zealand entrepreneur who had read of the appeal pledged 60,000 [pounds sterling], which would guarantee the survival of the Gala for three years. Despite early misgivings as to the motivation behind the offer, the DMA accepted this short-term 'safety net'. At the same time, organisers acknowledge that the response from the broader labour and trade union movement has been 'magnificent'.

The DMA was desperate to maintain the Gala, since the event provides the union, and the wider trade union and labour movement, with one of the few remaining opportunities to argue leftist and collectivist politics:

   It is the only damn platform we have left! Historically, it
   was always a wonderful political rally, as well as a family
   and community day, but it had become quite conservative
   and traditional. The miners' strike changed all that--repoliticised
   the event. (George Robson)

These comments raise two important points: the determination of the DMA to continue as a political force and to meet its responsibilities in the communities; and the role of the 1984-85 miners' strike in reinvigorating the Gala. We will return to the question of the strike later, but argue that the Gala survives because the officials of the DMA, stung by the defeat of their union and the subsequent impact on their communities, were determined to secure the resources necessary for its continuation.

In order to secure the Gala, these officials chose to make a significant change in attitude towards the involvement of other trade unions in the event. Historically, the DMA had always jealously guarded the event as being for miners only. While other trade unionists could, and did, attend, no official representation in terms of banners was allowed. That exclusion came to an end with the need to garner support, and in 2003, for the first time, a non-DMA banner was taken into Durham Cathedral for the Miners' Festival Service, at which new banners are dedicated and old banners rededicated. This banner represented UNISON, a trade union that has unfailingly supported the DMA in recent years. Due to this change in attitude, banners from other trade unions are now a small, though significant, part of the Gala, indicative of the wider trade union commitment to the Gala's survival. However, simply maintaining an event that was already in steady decline does not explain the huge increase in numbers now attending each year. For an explanation of this resurgence, we have to go into the mining communities themselves.

Emotional regeneration through community action

During interviews with DMA officials, our attention was drawn to what they described as a number of 'hot communities', in which groups were working to ensure that their particular community would continue to be represented at the Gala. The Partnership was described as exemplary of such efforts, as it was the first group to commission a new banner. Since first contact, the Partnership has been central to our research.

The Partnership was formed in 1999 with the specific purpose of raising the funds to commission a replica banner to replace the banner damaged in 1986. Given the cost of such an endeavour, the Partnership initially developed a five-year plan to achieve this, but within two years, sufficient funds had been raised and a replica banner was taken to the 2001 Gala. Having achieved their initial ambitions three years early, members of the Partnership immediately developed a second five-year plan: to create a memorial garden on the former site of New Herrington colliery. Designed to commemorate the lives of all those who had worked at the colliery, as well as all those miners from around the world who had lost their lives underground, this garden was opened in July 2004, again significantly earlier than the target date. As one member put it at the opening, 'It is here to mark our passing. Mining is not here any more, and there is no evidence of the pit left above ground, but we cannot forget why this place is here.'

As well as these significant achievements, the Partnership also commissioned a photographic exhibition (5) depicting the changes to mining communities, and their inhabitants, in the twenty years since the strike of 1984-5. The imperative behind this project is primarily educational, and the Partnership has developed plans to use the exhibition as a learning resource that can be taken to schools and community groups--an initiative that has been welcomed by all of the local schools in the area. While these are, by any standards, significant achievements, in order to understand them properly in the context of the individuals concerned, we need to examine how, and more importantly, why they were attempted.

Membership of the Partnership is diverse in terms of age (ranging from people in their mid-twenties to those in their late-seventies), gender and occupation (a small minority of those involved are not from mining families); and not all active members of the Partnership live in New Herrington itself. The Partnership came about following a conversation between an ex-miner and a community worker based in New Herrington. The latter (Jane) explains, 'We were talking about the problems of men in the area, and we got to talking about the mines, the strike and how much the banner meant to the community, and it started from there.'

Since the original banner was the property of the New Herrington lodge, the lodge secretary was contacted and, following initial discussions, a small group was formed. Following an initial fundraising effort in the community, it was realised that a more formal organisation would be needed in order to raise the significant levels of funding required to purchase a replacement banner. Using the local network of contacts, individuals with strong personal attachments to the community and/or to the DMA were brought together to form the Partnership. In his discussion of community groups in post-industrial mining communities in South Wales, Adamson (2001) comments on the noticeable absence of the trade union movement, stating that the trade unions have 'become obsolete, demonstrating no linkage to the lives of the marginalized working class' (p. 119). The same cannot be said of the DMA. The DMA was the obvious place to go for help when the nascent group first raised the idea of a replica banner. Since then, the relationship between the Partnership and the DMA has grown to the extent that other groups approaching the DMA with similar ambitions are automatically directed to the Partnership for advice and support. Purdue (2001), making a similar point to Adamson's, suggests that community activism, while relying on social networks, lacks 'clearly defined institutions of power' (p. 2214). In the case of the Partnership, the DMA represents a significant 'institution of influence', if not power, that provides it legitimacy within its own community.

The members of the Partnership are similar to the people Mayo (1997) describes as community 'godmothers' and 'godfathers': individuals of influence and standing in their communities. The unofficial leader of the Partnership is Bob (DMA lodge secretary of New Herrington colliery for many years until the closure), whose influence in the community is a significant asset to the Partnership. According to DMA officials, the continued influence of lodge officials in postindustrial mining communities is a pattern replicated across the coalfield, an indication of the level of involvement of the DMA in the communities. Because of the particular social relations of production in the mining industry in Durham, the influence of the lodge officials extended well beyond the workplace into the wider community (Douglas, 1974; Allsop & Wray, 2002).

The extension of that influence into the wider community ensured a community-wide respect for lodge officials that can still be found. Bob readily acknowledges the importance of his DMA connections in his continued work in the community. The respect he is afforded, and his influence in the community, are maintained by his ongoing 'union role', which involves him in the resolution of problems within his community, some related to employment issues, others not. Because his role as lodge secretary continues to exist twenty years after the closure of the pit, both in his consciousness and, more importantly, in the consciousness of his community, he is still able to exert significant influence over the Partnership, the local authority and other community groups.

The chair of the Partnership is Norman, a retired miner who has long been associated with community groups in New Herrington, and who has much experience as a fundraiser. The treasurer is Pat, who was a shop steward in the garment industry for many years, and who is also Bob's wife. While Pat sees the role of running the group as a man's role, she has been described as the 'sheet anchor' of the group, continually keeping it focused on the task at hand. Brian, an ex-miner, is described as the 'doer' in the group, and the secretary is Pauline, Brian's wife. Other members of the group include community workers and, informally, a local councillor (also an ex-miner). Collectively, these individuals brought with them the skills required for such projects, and their standing and influence in their community is such that they have the ability to carry others with them.

Funding for the replica banner was raised from small grants from a range of funding bodies, and from fundraising in the local community. An early decision was taken that this banner would be representative of the community as a whole for a number of reasons. First, and most importantly, this was in order to try and regenerate the 'community' in the fullest, collective and inclusive sense; second, the decision acknowledged that the DMA, as a local organisation, only existed in the form of the lodge secretary; and third, it was realised--pragmatically--that funding would be more forthcoming for 'community' projects than for 'trade union' projects, which could be defined as political and would thus be unlikely to secure financial support. Instead of being totemic of an exclusionary industrial organisation, it is now a vehicle for inclusion and social cohesion.

As an organisation seeking funds from a range of fund-holders, the Partnership developed its own unique approach that has resulted in it being highly successful:

   We always acknowledge that the money has been spent,
   and give feedback to the funders. We invite them to any
   event we hold associated with that grant, and if money is
   left over we always return it. This makes it easier the next
   time we apply. (Pat, treasurer)

   Support for the Partnership within the community itself
   has been, and remains, mixed. Little active support is
   available, but local fundraising events are well supported
   in terms of ticket sales, etc: 'People will buy tickets for
   fundraisers and things, even if they don't turn up on the
   day' (Bob, chair).

This kind of response is attributed, in part, to the strike of 1984-5. During that strike, the majority of miners at New Herrington had returned to work, turning their backs on the DMA and their former comrades. The Partnership believes that many of those who returned to work are unwilling to give more than financial support due to their feelings of shame at having deserted their union. While this may be true, the Partnership is at pains to state that the banner is now representative of the community as it is today, with the internal divisions created by the strike now of the past. As Bob says, 'What is important for people to understand is that the banner is now representative of a way of life that goes back centuries, rather than a battle standard from a twenty-year-old industrial dispute.'

In all of these efforts, the Partnership has used the influence the DMA retains over local politics, a situation also recognised by Strangleman (2001) in his study of a similar postindustrial community in Co. Durham. This was particularly the case with the memorial garden, when the Partnership came into serious conflict with officers of the local authority with responsibility for the reclaimed colliery site. All the political influence the Partnership had in the community was used with the local authority, and ultimately the obstacles presented by those officers were removed. Their plans for this site did not end with the memorial garden. The ambition now is to make the remainder of the reclaimed site a facility for the whole of the community--as defined by the community, and not by the local authority. As researchers, given the opportunity to observe such a successful group of people, the most complex (and ultimately interesting) question to answer was: what are the motivational imperatives driving the group?

Members of the Partnership are united in their identification with all that mining communities represent: occupation, class, culture, union and tradition, all of which they subsume under the term 'heritage'. They exhibit a shared understanding of the present and a common memory of the past--a past they define as having been better than their present situation. When probed to explain why heritage is so important to them, one member described it thus: 'Mining communities are communities that are never seen elsewhere. They are very special places. It was your family, everyone knew everyone else.'

While this may seem a romanticised view, the Partnership readily acknowledge the negative aspects of mining community life. They readily acknowledge that mining, as an occupation, was hard and brutal. We have discussed above how the social relations of production experienced by miners within this particular mode of production developed strong occupational and cultural identities that impacted on all aspects of life in the community. Those same social relations of production also created and enforced strict gendered roles within families and the local society. Cultural conformity was enforced by what Beynon & Austrin (1994) describe as 'suffocating sanctions against deviance from the established norm' (p. 364)--a conclusion with which all older members of the Partnership agree. However, they still believe that the community that made them who they are was stronger and more collectivist in its outlook than the one they now have, with people caring for one another and looking out for friends and family. They describe New Herrington in the mining era as having a community spirit and a pride in its occupational identity that eased the burden of work.

They are also driven by the need to pass understanding of this to future generations. As one member of the group explained:

   We want a proper history written, a people's history, the
   truth. We have to keep it alive ourselves because no one
   else will tell the kids what our lives were about and how
   those lives have changed. The banner and the Gala are
   just representations of what our lives, our heritage if you
   like, is all about. We are talking about educating the kids,
   so that they will know what it was like to live in a mining
   community.

   In 2002, the Partnership raised funds to take the children's
   groups (Scouts, Cubs and Guides) to the Gala in order
   to introduce them to the ceremony that would normally
   have been a part of their birthright. The teaching resources
   they are developing around the photographic exhibition
   are the next steps in that educational process.

   There is no doubt, however, that the main motivational
   factor for all the older members of the Partnership is the
   1984-5 strike. If the Gala, for them, was the 'social baptism'
   that Beynon and Austrin (1994) describe, then this strike
   represented a 'political baptism'. The strike is a topic
   mentioned at every meeting, and its significance to the
   Partnership has been recognised by others: 'The strike
   underlies all they do. All of their activities are a form of
   defiance, of letting 'them' know that they are not going
   to go away' (Jane).

This politicisation of individuals involved in strikes is not a new phenomenon. Mann (1973), expanding on Luxemburg's thesis, talks about 'explosions of consciousness' (p. 45) in relation to the level of political demands made during industrial disputes. The 1984-5 strike was a purely political dispute, an attempt to force the State to change a threatening industrial policy directed at the industry. While Mann himself describes this explosion of consciousness as 'a rather mysterious, even metaphysical process' (1974: 45), there is no doubt that this defeat has been a significant influence on those members of the Partnership who were part of it, whether as miners, miners wives, or children of miners.

   Part of what we do is about letting Thatcher and her like
   know we are still here. They closed the pits and took the
   jobs, but every time we take that banner out, we are saying
   to them, we're still here, and we are still fighting for our
   communities. (Bob)

While little has changed in the community in terms of economic or structural regeneration, the activities of the Partnership have gone some way to providing the opportunity for what we describe as emotional regeneration. These events have provided a much-needed social focus, and an opportunity for social networking and for relationships to be re-established and confirmed.

The Gala plays a number of valuable roles in this emotional regeneration: it is a community ritual that raises morale and reminds (or educates) those involved about the honourable heritage of mining and trade unionism. While there still exists within the group a certain fragility about the project, given the small number of active participants and the age of the most influential, it would appear that a foundation has been built within the community. This can be evidenced through the enthusiasm of local schools with regard to joint educational projects, and the emerging involvement of the local church hall as a secure base for the Partnership.

Conclusion

The importance of employment and occupational identity cannot be ignored in terms of the emotional well-being of workers in a modern capitalist society. Much has been written about the physical and mental consequences of long-term unemployment, and these consequences are intensified when experienced by a single-occupation community. For such communities, one of the key problems they are forced to address is that of why the community should survive the mine it was created to serve. For those living in such communities, the collective loss of occupational identity, exacerbated by the breakdown of the social fabric of the community, results in what we describe as emotional degeneration. Our research suggests that the people of New Herrington, like those of many other mining communities, are struggling with the problem of 'normlessness', or collective anomie.

In their compelling narrative of a post-industrial community in the USA, Linkon and Russo (2002) discuss the importance of memory when communities struggle to reconcile an industrial past with a socially-excluded present and an uncertain future. They use the phrase 'community of memory' in order to describe a communal understanding of the past and a collective identity of 'place'. As the concluding sentence of the book says, 'Like any community, Youngstown is constructed out of the experiences and memories of the people who live here, and as the landscape changes and representations that preserve memory change, much is lost' (P. 249).

That sentence could have been written about New Herrington, and it could also have been written by the New Herrington Miners' Banner Partnership. Our thesis is that the Partnership is attempting to emotionally regenerate its community by drawing upon a past 'community of memory'. Everything the Partnership has done, and plans to do, can only be seen as an attempt to perpetuate their own particular 'community of memory'.

That community of memory, for the miners of Durham, is enshrined in their banners and in the community ritual of the Gala. Where pride and dignity have been stripped away by unemployment, mining communities have come together to ensure their survival: the Gala offers the last opportunity for a demonstration of that dignity.

For these communities, regeneration, economic or otherwise, is not about moving on and forgetting the past. On the contrary, memory is the source of succour and inspiration for activists, as they see the continuance of occupational identity as crucial to the well-being of their communities. Mining culture, symbolised by iconic banners and by involvement in the festival of the Gala, is deeply rooted in the consciousness of those involved in the Partnership, and of those who support the Gala from across the ex-coalfield, not least the DMA. Contemporary participation in the Gala, allied to the symbolism of the banners, provides post-industrial mining communities with an opportunity for what we would describe as 'culturally determined participatory socialisation', through which individuals--disenfranchised from the wider society through social exclusion and poverty--can, for the period of the Gala at least, reflect on a more certain, prosperous past.

The Partnership undoubtedly possesses the skills and energy required of any successful community group, and could have succeeded in a variety of endeavours of benefit for its community. The funding its members have raised could have, for example, provided the resources for a community centre, or planted decorative gardens, etc., as many other community groups have done.

However, everything achieved by the Partnership has focused upon artefacts that provide representations of meaning for themselves: the banner, the commemorative garden and the photographic exhibition. These artefacts collectively re-establish the identity of the community as a mining community, given the absence of any other physical reminders. This closely mirrors the Youngstown experience (Linkon & Russo, 2002).

Williamson (1982) sounds a cautionary note, arguing that the influence of mining culture will not extend beyond the memory of the last remaining miner, and arguing that the reproduction of mining culture, long-term, is in doubt. The Partnership has recognised this danger and is consciously seeking, through educational work, to ensure that its legacy is passed to the next generation--a legacy that will hopefully extend beyond the mortal presence of the men and women who experienced mining at first hand.

Much of their self-conscious understanding of the situation in their community has been prompted by their experiences of the strike. Williamson could not have envisaged the politicisation resulting from the 1984-5 strike--a politicisation that underpins everything the Partnership is, and does. For those members of the Partnership who were directly involved in the strike, the dispute left a scar that is, as yet, unhealed. It is our opinion that the strike is the motivational factor in the resurgence of the Gala. If the closure programme had been allowed to follow the piecemeal and largely uncontested process that was the norm, pre-Thatcher, then we are of the opinion that the Gala, along with those community groups that are instrumental in its resurgence, would no longer exist.

The efforts of those involved in the Partnership result from attempts to reclaim a collective identity taken from them following the defeat and the subsequent closure of their colliery within months of the return to work. This is particularly true of Bob and Pat who, because of Bob's position as lodge secretary, were centrally involved in the dispute, and were victimised by both the police and those miners who had returned to work.

The strike, for all those involved, brought an increased attachment to occupational identity; and for the members of the Partnership (and perhaps for many of those attending the Gala), occupational identity is stronger now than it ever was before the strike. Attendance at the Gala has always been an expression of occupational identity: since the strike, it has become at once a celebration of that identity and an act of resistance.

While the strike has been crucial in the recommissioning of a banner in New Herrington, it is unlikely to have had such an influence on those communities 'going back to the Gala' that were not intrinsically fighting for their communities in 1984-85. In each of the 'hot' communities, there may be different motivations for activists. This diversity will be the focus of future research.

For the members of the Partnership, the strike reinforced and, perhaps more significantly, internalised the sense of 'otherness' previously imposed by outsiders. The identity of 'miner' is now worn by the Partnership as a badge of honour, a result of a positive reconfiguration of its members' industrial identity. As one graphically put it, 'The miners are a class in themselves, different from the rest of the working class. This is what we are trying to tell our children, to give them some pride in who they are.'

This politicisation has resulted in a situation that might appear paradoxical to the outsider. Those who now identify themselves as 'other', even to other members of the working class, at the same time wish to reconfigure their occupation identity to ensure inclusiveness, rather than to simply echo the past.

However, members of the Partnership have recognised that the old, exclusive collectivism associated with mining culture is not helpful in the context of what they are trying to achieve. What is needed is a more inclusive collectivism that attracts all sections of their community.

The evolving relationships between the Partnership and other emergent community groups deserves further investigation, and will be the focus of further research. However, what can be concluded now is that the DMA continues to support and, where possible, fund the various groups that continue to maintain a connection to the union, either through their continued membership, their involvement in the Gala, or through carrying out their representative roles as lodge officials.

At the same time, the Partnership is involved in a consideration of the nature of the relationship between the new organisation they have built and the DMA. So-called 'community union' ventures have attempted to secure, through top-down initiatives, the representation of 'hard to reach' groups of people (Wills, 1998; Wills & Simms, 2002). The Partnership offers potential for the development of a post-industrial community unionism that works from the bottom-up. While built on the foundations of the DMA, the Partnership has carefully positioned itself to include all sections of the community: the unemployed, the young, and particularly women.

In the current context, the community of New Herrington has no reason to exist, other than as an urban dormitory for people either working elsewhere or unemployed. Little remains in the community to share in or to be proud of. For those involved in the Partnership, remembering the past with pride is crucial to the regeneration of confidence in themselves, and hopefully the wider community.

They see that remembrance, and the education of succeeding generations, as crucial to the future of their community. Through their attempts to maintain a collective heritage, and to reinvigorate community confidence and well-being, they have provided the prerequisites to emotionally regenerate themselves: meaningful and rewarding activity; the promotion of a collective identity and culture; and, not least, the pride of significant achievement.

The people of the Partnership have refused to be placid victims of the political and economic forces that reduced their community to marginality. They are active agents who, based on their traditions, values and beliefs, consciously made the choice to resist that marginality. They and their community may continue to be seen by some as a part of history, but the example given by their ambition, enthusiasm and enterprise has much to offer contemporary society.

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Notes

(1.) The research this paper is based upon is being supported by a British Academy grant.

(2.) 'Lodge' is the term used within the DMA to describe the Union Branch.

(3.) Banners can cost up to 6,000 [pounds sterling] each.

(4.) In the 133 years since the first Gala, only war and major strikes have prevented its occurrence. The 2005 Gala was the 121st Gala.

(5.) This project was partly funded by a grant from Northumbria University.