Donatello's Gattamelata and its humanist audience *.

Italian Renaissance sculpture frequently demonstrates the re-discovery of classical antiquity. (1) In the Renaissance the influence of Greek art was almost always filtered through Roman copies. But there may have been instances when Renaissance sculptors consciously encountered the art of classical Greece and recognized it as an aesthetic form sui generis. (2) This essay addresses the impact of Greek, Roman, and humanist sources -- visual and literary -- upon Donatello's equestrian statue of Gattamelata and its audiences at Padua. (3) (Fig. 1)

The imposing bronze equestrian statue of the Paduan condottiere Erasmo da Narni (ca. 1370-1443), the "Gattamelata" (speckled cat) who led Venetian forces to victory in the Milanese wars, stands on a high pedestal before the Basilica of Sant'Antonio. The first visual touchstone is a small relief passage of two nude horsemen located on the back of Gattamelata's saddle. (Figs. 2, 3) Insights about the use of Greek sources in fifteenth-century art may emerge from consideration of these figures in the context of Florentine and Paduan studio practices, as well as habits of collecting and display. During the years 1444-53 Donatello's studio near the Santo at Padua may well have been open to humanists such as Pietro Donato (Bishop of Padua 1428-47), Francesco Barbara (1390-1454), Jacopo Zeno (ca. 1418-81), Palla Strozzi (ca. 1373-1462), Leon Battista Alberti (1404-72), and Ciriaco d'Ancona (ca. 1390-1452). Given this constellation of characters, it is possible that informal meetings pertinent to the classical element s in Donatello's Paduan work took place there. Ciriaco is a key figure in this cohort, unique in his first-hand knowledge of Greek sites, admirer of Donatello, and author of an epitaph for the monument to Gattamelata, which was composed in tandem with an epitaph by Francesco Barbaro. (4) Ciriaco had been to Padua in 1443, but the epitaph and his sonnet, "Nivea Paros," most probably date from some time between January and July 1449, when he was in the north of Italy before his departure from Genoa in September 1449 to points unknown.

A subsequent part of this essay suggests that Alberti's treatise De equo animante (On The Living Horse) of ca. 1444-47 seems to be materialized in the overall composition of Donatello's bronze equestrian group, and that it is likely that Alberti and Donatello's ideal horses were mutually influential. Again, the contention that Alberti was inspired by drawings or models in Donatello's studio is part of the larger argument that Donatello was in close contact with humanists in Padua as he had been in Florence -- humanists who admired his projects and collections and shared their literary culture with him.

DONATELLO AT THE PARTHENON

The two small horsemen on Gattamelata's saddle recall the nude riders from the interior west and north friezes of the Parthenon. (Fig. 4) Donatello's figures, modeled quite freely, and framed by delicate acanthus scrolls, are mounted on rearing horses; their nudity is set off by short capes billowing behind them, and one rider carries aflame. In ironic contradistinction to the restrained Gattamelata ensemble of which they are a tiny part, these figures ride without armor, saddle, stirrups, or reins. (5) An unmistakable parity of scale between horse and rider echoes that of the human and animal figures in the Panathenaic cavalcade. (6) And although the materials, size, and scope of Donatello's figures are different from those of Phidias, the quotation resonates.

In a normal viewing situation, Donatello's nude riders are nor at all visible from the ground -- even with the aid of binoculars. The fact that such elegant figures would be produced and then effectively hidden is perplexing to the modern viewer, especially in view of the fact that the installation of the Gattamelata was so carefully planned. (7) Indeed, they seem to belong more to the world of private notation than to that of the public sculpture in which they are physically embedded. It remains, therefore, not only to identify the locus classicus for the riders, but also to discern the artist's iconographic intention, and to imagine the spectatorship -- if any -- for which they were created.

Let us look at the iconographic aspect first. The statue's obvious comparison with the Marcus Aurelius in Rome and the bronze horses on the facade of San Marco at Venice (which were believed to be by Phidias), establish a theme of victory all'antica in terms of recognized classical precedents. (8) The hero's gesture of imperial adventus and elaborate fictive armor confirm the general idea that the Gattamelata represents a kind of equestrian apotheosis, a victory in both the military and spiritual senses, facing as it did the "paradiso," or cemetery, of the Santo. (9)

Compared to Erasmo da Narni's utilitarian armor, which is said to be a suit of armor conserved in the Arsenal of Venice (Fig. 5), Donatello's all'antica Renaissance fantasy is hyper-populated with angels, erotes, and genii of every category and stylistic type. (Fig. 6) Four anguished pre-adolescent putti in high relief -- ascendant, yet apparently bound at the ankles -- lounge as atlanti around the saddle. In much lower relief, festive and musical putti represent engraved and embossed elements of the fictive armor. Cats' heads emblazon the pommel of the front scroll of the saddle and lionesses spring from parade helmets on the marble relief slabs on both sides of the base. These young lionesses refer not only to the soldier's totemic nickname, which was derived from that of his mother, Melania Gatrelli, but also pun on the name of Gattamelata's widow, Giacoma da Leonessa, who apparently had the monument erected by decree of the Venetian senate. (10) The Medusa head on the breastplate of Gattamelata's lorica i s derived from examples commonly found on Roman military statues, though no ancient rendition is quite so large, vivid, or focussed as that of Donatello. (11) Here, Medusa's psychological presence echoes that of the general himself, who possesses a gaze of Julius Caesar-like intensity. In the fifteenth century, the Paduan humanist-physician Michele Savonarola (ca. 1384-1468) described the figure as "seated just like a triumphant Caesar, and with scarcely less magnificence." (12)

Gattamelata's funeral took place at Padua the day after his death in 1443, at which Lauro Querini praised his character and military achievements ("homo pius, vir humanus, modestus, prudens"). Twelve days later the Bergamasque humanist Giovanni Pontano delivered an oration at Padua in the presence of Venetian officials emphasizing that the death of the general was a great loss for the Venetian republic. (13) An inscription by Porcelio Pandoni (ca. 1405-85) - "The order of the senators and my own pure faith rewarded me with worthy gifts and an equestrian statue" -- was eventually used for Erasmo da Narni's actual marble tomb of 1456-58 by Gregorio d'Allegretto, inside the basilica. (14)

Donatello's equestrian monument, which was finished long before the actual tomb, bears his own signature (OPUS DONATELLI. FLO.), and had two important memorial inscriptions associated with its creation and dedication. These two inscriptions are germane to the argument presented here. Memorial epitaphs honoring Gattamelata, and associated with Donatello's statue, were composed by Ciriaco d'Ancona and Francesco Barbaro. Barbaro, the leading Venetian humanist of the fifteenth century, who had long respected the intelligence and valor of Gattamelata, was a Venetian senator in the later 1440s, and became Procuratore of San Marco in 1452. It is therefore assumed that he was connected with the Venetian proclamation of 1447 that the statue be erected with funds provided by Gattamelata's son Gianantonio, his widow Giacoma di Antonio Beccarini da Leonessa, and a nephew, Gentile Beccarini da Leonessa, who was also his successor as Commander in the Venetian army. (15)

There were two complementary dedications, then, Ciriaco's emphasizing the Venetian decree of 1447 to have the statue made, and Barbaro's stressing that funds were provided by Gianantonio and Gentile da Leonessa (both of whom were Gattamelata's proteges and high-ranking soldiers in the Venetian army). These texts are assumed to have been invented for inscription on the two long sides of the pedestal of Donatello's monument. But they were never inscribed there, and whether they were meant to be physically incorporated into the monument or rather to float free as literary obbligati is not altogether clear. Francesco Barbaro, who studied Greek as well as Latin, had been to Florence in 1415, and was a friend of Niccolo Niccoli (ca. 1364-1437) and Leonardo Bruni (1370-1444). A quintessential civic humanist in his words and actions, Barbaro was to Venice as Bruni was to Florence. (16) Francesco Barbaro was educated at the gymnasium of Gasparino Barzizza at Padua, had taken up Greek studies in Venice (where there was no university) studying with Guarino Guarini, who moved from Florence to Venice in 1414 and stayed for five years. (17) Barbaro was an enthusiastic Platonist (probably dating back to his studies with Barzizza) and wrote to George of Trebizand that if the constitution of Venice was based on Plato's Laws it was because, "our ancestors not without cause turned to Plato and other wise men to understand and learn how to acquire and retain civic liberty, and to increase and amplify public majesty." (18) Indeed, as early as 1436 Barbaro showed the public majesty of Venice (San Marco and its treasury) to his friend Ciriaco d'Ancona, who in 1441 pronounced the four bronze horses of San Marco as the work of Phidias. (19) It is pertinent that over a decade later Barbaro and Ciriaco would compose verses in honor of another bronze horse, the Gattamelata, which incorporated little reliefs of Athenian riders. In his epitaph for Gattamelata, Barbaro used phrases from the Roman eulogy to Q. Fabio Massimo, which had also serv ed as a model for the Florentine eulogy of 1393 in honor of the condortiere John Hawkwood. (20) His text follows.

Here is Gatramelata of Narni, a nobleman illustrious no less for the vigorous way he waged his campaigns than for his success in them, the most cautious leader of his age and the most experienced in matters of war. He crushed the Abruzzesi at Reggio Emilia and avenged the Church with just arms. He also restrained the Perugian enemy exulting fiercely in its victories. Having been received among the patricians in the most difficult time of the Republic, as the unconquered commander of the Venetian army he accepted Verona. After it was lost through deception, he recovered it through trust, counsel, and arms; and he restored the Venetian Republic to its pristine dignity. He died in enormous glory. The public grieving is proof of this. His funeral was celebrated with every honor and with the tears of the soldiers no less than with well deserved praise. Gentile da Leonessa, who learned the art of every kind of warfare under him as his teacher and commander, and Gianantonio, his son, piously took care to have this e questrian statue made for him. (21)

Ciriaco's text, which follows below, belongs to the same orbit of Donatello's equestrian monument: Stefano Gattamelata of Narni supreme commander of the Venetian army, joining in a military alliance with the Church in Reggio Emilia, routed the Abruzzesi; in an unexpected victory put to flight the Perugians and the remaining forces of the enemy; in the Ligurian War he blocked Niccolo Piccinino, chasing him across the Adige; and having transported an enormous fleet over the steep slopes of Mount Penede to Lake Garda, he avenged the defection of Verona and having liberated Bergamo and Brescia from the siege, he secured the Venetian Republic, shattered and wavering as it was from a multitude of defeats. To this man, as a monument of faith and virtue, the Venetian Senate decreed that this equestrian statue be made, in the year of the incarnation of the divine Christ 1447. (22)

What these epitaphs and other evidence show about the iconography of the Gattamelata is that Donatello's two little Athenian horsemen participate in a commemorative program of heroic apotheosis; their association with the Panathenaic procession at the Parthenon, which was then thought to be related to Periclean military victory, was ideally suited to themes of triumph and commemoration that pervade the whole monument. (23)

In Trecento and Quattrocento Italy, Phidias, Polykleitos, and Praxiteles were recognized, by way of sources like Pliny the Elder, as legendary-historical sculptors of the highest rank. Writers from Petrarch (1304-74), to Filippo Villani (1345-1407), to Leon Battista Alberti had read about fifth-century Greek art, including Phidias' sculptures at the Parthenon. Due to this literary tradition, statuary imported from the Greek archipelago was almost automatically revered for its possible connection with these artists. Nor is it a coincidence that Leonardo Bruni, who studied Greek under Manuel Chrysoloras (d. 1415) from 1397 to 1400 together with Niccolo Niccoli and Palla Strozzi, and later corresponded with Ciriaco d'Ancona, styled Florence as a second Athens in his Laudatio Florentinae Urbis of 1404, which was itself based upon the second-century AD Panathenaicus of Aelius Aristedes, a history and exaltation of ancient (classical) Athens. (24)

But Florentine links with the physical vestiges of antiquity at Athens were not merely literary theoretical, or hyperbolic. Members of the Florentine Acciaiuoli family were the Lords of Athens from 1388 to 1456, residing in a palace built into the Propylean gates of the Acropolis. (25) And the priest Cristoforo Buondelmonti (ca. 1375-after 1430), an Acciaiuoli kinsman, traveled to Greece in 1415 and 1418, writing of his geographical and antiquarian discoveries. (26) Buondelmonti's chronicles, which existed in many redactions, circulated among humanists in Florence, and were copied extensively by Ciriaco d'Ancona. (27)

Donatello had been involved with humanists in their study of ancient art from the beginning of the fifteenth century. Poggio Bracciolini (1380-1459) (who incidentally married Buondelmonti's daughter Vaggia in 1436) was typical in his mania for Greek sculpture, that is, for any ancient sculpture brought to Italy from the Greek archipelago. Heads and statues imported from Greece took pride of place in his gardens; and he wanted to install such objects in a Ciceronian-style library at his villa "La Valdarnina" near Terranuouva. (28) It is well known that Poggio's taste in ancient sculpture was vetted by his friend Donatello. In a letter of 1430 Poggio boasted that Donatello had praised some of his ancient statuary in Rome: "Donatellus vidit, et summe laudavit." (Donatello saw it and praised it most highly.) (29)

Sculpture imported from Greece was much desired by collectors like Poggio, Pope Eugenius IV (ca. 1383-1447), and Cosimo de' Medici (1389-1464) for its provenance. (30) But graecitas as a visual rather than simply historical quality must still have been a relatively unformed concept. (31) For example, when Poggio sent the friar Francesco da Pistoia to buy sculpture on the island of Chios, he warned him to beware of certain graeculi, who for purely commercial motives ascribed second-rate statues to Phidias and Praxiteles. (32) The antiquities from Poggio's collection, which included a marble head of "Minerva" crowned with laurel, and a faun (described as "Bacchus cum duobus corniculus") among dozens of other objects, can no longer be traced, and take form, like so many other early collections, only in the scholarly imagination. (33) Maria Grazia Pernis, for instance, has proposed that the head of Mary in Donatello's Cavalcanti Annunciation at Santa Croce was based on a Praxitelean Aphrodite imported to Italy fr om Greece by Poggio Bracciolini -- a head which she suggests must have looked like the example of the "Bartlett Aphrodite" in the Museum of Fine Arts at Boston. (34) Luigi Beschi has coined the useful term "archeologia collezionistica" for this avenue of largely speculative study." The circuit of collecting in Donatello's time was such that men like Poggio Bracciolini, Cosimo de' Medici, and Pope Eugenius IV frequently acquired antiquities from the humanist-merchant Andreolo Giustiniani, a member of the governing Genoese group in Chios, who was himself continually re-supplied with stock by Ciriaco d'Ancona as he traveled throughout the Greek islands and mainland. (36)

It may well have been Ciriaco d'Ancona, the merchant-antiquarian from Ancona, Donatello's contemporary and friend, who provided him both directly and indirectly with information of the most tactile and documentary nature about Greek art. A tireless traveler, diplomat, and humanist, Ciriaco fittingly chose Mercury as his patron deity. His role as the "father of modern archaeology" went hand-in-hand with his activities as explorer, diplomat, and purveyor of Mediterranean material culture, trading in Greek wine, Persian and Turkestan carpets, Chinese vases, ancient Greek gems and sculpture, fragments of Roman porphyry, and slaves from Eastern Europe and the Greek Levant. (37) Ciriaco d'Ancona compiled a great series of commentaria: texts, descriptions, epigraphs, and drawings from his Mediterranean explorations, including those to Chios and the Greek islands. (38) These volumes of notes are believed to have perished in the sixteenth century, leaving only a tantalizing fragment conserved in the Biblioteca Ambrosi ana in Milan. (39) Judging from a well-known, rather stilted, silver point and ink view of the west facade of the Parthenon (Berlin) (Fig.7), which was derived from an on-site sketch in Ciriaco's commentaries, from some drawings from the commentaries re-interpreted by Giuliano da Sangallo (Vatican), and from the fact that several illustrative folios seem to be missing from Scalamonti's fifteenth-century Life of Ciriaco at Treviso, we can intuit that considerable figurative as well as philological material has been lost. (40)

Ciriaco d'Ancona was in Florence in 1433, when he visited several prominent Florentine humanists including Palla Strozzi and Leonardo Bruni. He toured the library of Niccolo Niccoli, where antique objects such as cameos, coins, and bronze statues were intermingled for display in his library of ancient texts; and Carlo Marsuppini (1390-1453) escorted him through Cosimo de' Medici's collection of ancient sculpture (here the Medici sculpture garden comes to mind). (41) Ciriaco's fifteenth-century biographer, Francesco Scalamonti, related that on the same occasion, "He also saw in the houses of Donatello and Ghiberti many statues, both antique pieces and their own modern works in bronze and marble." (42) This episode demonstrates not only Ciriaco's interest in ancient art and the production of contemporary all'antica sculpture, but also the prestige of Ghibetti's and Donatello's workshops as salient attractions in the Florentine itinerary (on par, at least in Scalamonti's text, with the Roman arena at Fiesole and the living lions in Piazza della Signoria). It also indicates that their studios ("houses") served as repositories of sculptors' collections as well as works in progress. (43)

How are we to conceive of Donatello's "collezionistica" (approach to collecting) in concrete terms? One way of imagining the material environment of his Florentine studio is to consider the ambivalent nature of two bronze "prophet-heads" that protrude from the lower central panels of Donatello's Cantoria made for Santa Maria del Fiore. The pair of heads are of uncertain provenance, having languished in the Bargello as antiquities until they were matched with payment documents for Donatello's Cantoria in the twentieth century. In his monograph on Donatello, H.W Janson proposed that one of the heads was ancient and the other a bronze counterpart (neither a cast nor an exact copy) made by Donatello, who installed them together as a pair of prophets in the Christian context of the music gallery. (44) Janson's scenario is interesting: if it is correct, then the pre-1930s photographs of these objects as they were installed in the Bargello, where they look like portrait busts in their own right, might give an idea o f how similar objects were arranged, juxtaposed, and apprehended in the workshops of Donatello and Ghiberti around 1433 (Fig. 8).

Having visited Chios and the Greek islands for the first time in 1425, Ciriaco traveled incessantly in Greece from 1443 to 1447, visiting ruins, and acquiring fragments of sculpture, as well as codices, gems, and coins. In 1436 he described the Parthenon as a wonderful temple of Pallas Athena, the work of Phidias. He said it was decorated everywhere with beautiful statues -- on both facades, inside on the topmost band of the walls (the Panathenaic procession), and outside on the architraves, all marvelous works of sculpture. (45) After his 1444 visit to Athens Ciriaco elaborated in a letter to Andreolo Giustiniani that he had been able to recognize the Parthenon and the iconography of its sculpture:

from the testimony of Aristotle's words to King Alexander as well as from our own Roman Pliny and from many other good ancient writers, [it] is a wondrous work of Phidias. . . . This excellent and marvelous temple survives to this day. . . . Above the columns are epistyles nine and a half feet long and four feet high, on which you see superbly carved sculptures of the Thessalian battle of the Centaurs and Lapiths, while on the frieze placed high on the inner walls about two cubits from the top, that great artist Phidias has magnificently represented the victories of Athens in the time of Pericles, each frieze being about the height of a ten-year-old boy. Finally, on each of the fronts, you look up at colossal images of men and horses, entirely filling the two pediments, which fittingly ornament that vast temple. Of this magnificent work I have taken care to include a drawing, as best I could, in the journals of my present travels though Greece. (46)

Around the same time as the letter to Andreolo, Ciriaco d'Ancona composed "Nivea Paros" (1445), a sonnet in praise of Parian marble, based upon Cristoforo Buondelmonti's elegiac descriptions of the marbles of Paros. (47) The earliest known redaction of this poem, which survives in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Florence, ends with a dedication to Crusino Sommaripa, Lord of Andros, Paros, and Antiparas. (48) A somewhat later version of "Nivea Paros" appears, significantly on the page preceding Ciraco's epitaph to Gattamelata, in the Biblioteca Capitolare at Treviso in a miscellany of Ciriaco's writings which span his career from 1435 to 1449. (49) In this redaction, which is dated to 1449 in this essay, Ciriaco compares sculptors of his own day -- namely Lorenzo Ghiberti, Donatello, and Niccolb Baroncelli -- with the ancient Greeks: Phidias, Praxiteles, and Lysippos. (50)

Nivea Paros di marmor candente
Cycladum decus aequoris Aegei
Honor de artisti de heroj et de dei
Sicche di te si fa splendente

Ornasti Apollo in Delpho et l'oriente
Per Cyrrho et per Alcide Indi et Sabei
Minerva Athene et Jove i campi alphei
Alexandro austro et Caesar l'occidente

Di Phydia et Polycleto el gran valore
Mostro qual fusti de Natura pari
Da te Lysippo e gli altri hebbe splendore

Hor per Nencio et Donato a nostri mari
Nicolo Baroncielli en tuo decore
Fa Leonel col patre al mondo clari

Ornasti il quinto gia papa Martino
Sculpto in milan per man di Iacobino.

Snowy white Paros of gleaming marble
Glory of the Cyclades in the Aegean Sea,
Honored by the artists, the heroes and the gods alike,
that in you they wee made resplendnt.

You rendered Apollo beautiful in Delphi,
You ornamented the east with figures of Cyrus and Hercules made by
 Indians
and the peoples of Sheba,
Minerva in Athens and Jupiter in the Alphean fields,
Alexander in the east Caesar in the west.

The great prowess of Phidias and Polykleitos
showed that through you sculpture could equal Nature;
It was from you that Lysippos and the others achieved renown.

Now through Nencio and Donatello on our shores,
And the elegance that Niccolo Baroncelli bestowed through you makes
Leonello d'Este and his father famous,

You also rendered beautiful the late Pope Martin V
Carved in Milan by the hand of Jacopino. (51)

Several important art-historical connections occur in this sonnet, which was probably composed between January and July 1449 in Padua at the same time as his epitaph for Gattamelata. It is obviously most intriguing that Ciriaco cites Donatello as one of the heirs of Phidias, Polykleiros, and Lysippos apropos the pair of nude "Panathenaic" riders under discussion above. Ciriaco clearly had equestrian sculpture on his mind in 1449, as he also refers to the ultimate predecessor for Donatello's Gattamelata at Padua, namely the bronze equestrian monument at Ferrara by Niccolo Baroncelli (d. 1453) that Leonello d'Este (1407-50) erected in honor of his father, Marchese Niccolo III (d. 1441). With regard to the dare of this poem, Ciriaco is certain to have seen the Este horse in progress when he visited Leonello at the court of Ferrara on 8 July 1449, which might possibly then serve as a terminus post quem for "Nivea Paros" and the Gattamelata epitaph, which are generally dated to some time between January and July 1 449. Regarding Ciriaco's classicizing poetic license it is also worth noting that in this ode to Parian marble, he does not seem to mind that Donatello, Chiberti, and Niccolo worked in bronze. The poem's final reference, to Jacopino da Tradate's hyper-gothic statue of the enthroned Pope Martin V (1421) in the Cathedral of Milan, was most likely added by Felice Feliciano (1433-80), the scribe of this manuscript (fols. 108v-98r), who produced it for the distinguished painter and humanist Samuele da Tradate, Jacopino's son. (52) Intellectual circles spawned friendships with long trajectories, and the Milanese-born Samuele was a Gonzaga courtier in Mantua together with Mantegna: the two artists accompanied Giovanni Marcanova (ca. 1418-67) and Felice Feliciano on the famous antiquarian outing around the lake of Garda in September 1464. Samuele, who according to Felice organized the outing, was crowned with myrtle, periwinkle, and ivy, and merrily played the zither in the skiff. (53)

The Ferrarese equestrian ensemble, by Florentine sculptors Niccolo Baroncelli (the horse) and Antonio di Cristoforo di Firenze (the rider) stood on a marble base in the form of a triumphal arch, the so-called Arco del Cavallo, designed by Leon Battista Alberti, who had also judged the competition of bozzetti (models) in 1443 for the equestrian group, arriving at the Solomonic decision to split the commission between horse and rider. (54) Following closely upon these events, Alberti composed a treatise (dated by experts ca. 1444-47, written in north Italy or Rome) dedicated to Leonello d'Este, entitled De equo animante. (55) The monument to Niccolo III (d. 1441) was commissioned in 1443, under way in 1449 when Ciriaco d'Ancona visited the court of Ferrara on 8 July 1449, erected in 1451 (a year after Leonello's death), and destroyed in 1796. (56) Had the equestrian statue of Niccolo d'Este escaped the Napoleonic invasions, it, rather than the larger Gattamelata, which was finished two years later, would have s tood today as the first surviving bronze equestrian statue since antiquity. It had claim to an important ancient prototype, namely the monument to Trajan Caesar on the triumphal arch at Ancona, which was a touchstone for all of Ciriaco's subsequent antiquarian researches. (57) In any case, the two north Italian equestrian monuments, one at Ferrara and the other at Padua, commissioned in 1443 and 1444 respectively, must have been made in a typically Florentine spirit of competition, especially because Niccolo Baroncelli (ca. 1395-1453) and Antonio di Cristoforo had been pupils of Donatello's archcompetitor and longtime associate, Filippo Brunelleschi, and because Baroncelli was a Florentine sculptor with extensive Paduan connections. (58) It is also significant that Francesco Barbaro, who apparently launched and supported the Gattamelata project, was the Venetian ambassador to Ferrara from 1444 to 1447, and therefore aware of the planning and progress of the Este equestrian monument. (59)

Donatello actually cast the Gattamelata ensemble in the years from 1447, when it was ordered by the Venetian Senate, to 1453. Ciriaco, who had since been to Athens at least twice, probably visited the Gattamelata in progress around the same time he visited Ferrara. Therefore it is likely that Ciriaco composed both "Nivea Paros" and the epitaph to Erasmo da Narni in spring or summer 1449 at Padua. He could have supplied drawings or three-dimensional models any time from January to July 1449, and would conversely have had access to all the wax models and cast bronze elements that Donatello had created by that time.

Here, at the risk of some repetition, it may be useful to recapitulate Ciriaco's geographical itinerary during these years. Having been to Padua in 1443, Ciriaco left for the Levant in January 1444 and did not arrive back in Italy until late December 1448 at the earliest. He spent the winter of 1447-48 in Mistra. On 18 October 1448 he was still in northwestern Greece. In three letters written on 30 December 1448, Filelfo speaks of him as either in Venice or about to arrive there from the Levant, bringing with him antiquities and inscriptions from Greece and Asia. In late June he was in Rimini and Ravenna respectively; on 8 July he was at the court of Ferrara. On 31 August 1449 he applied to authorities in Genoa for permission to travel "to the west and south." Then we lose track of him permanently. If he visited Padua it would have been either from Venice in January to June 1449, before going south to Rimini, or in July 1449, when he seems to have been making his way north again. (60) Since Ciriaco's inscript ion for the Gattamelata emphasized the Venetian decree of 1447, it was probably written in northern Italy, presumably Padua or Venice, under the advice of Francesco Barbaro, some time between January and July 1449. And again, the fact that the inscription is copied by Felice Feliciano in the Treviso manuscript on the page facing the "Nivea Paros" sonnet, which was presumably written after having seen the Este horse in July 1449, indicates that Ciriaco composed the two texts around the same time. (61)

Since Ciriaco had visited Donatello's studio in Florence in 1433, and compared Donatello with Phidias around the same time he composed the dedication for the Gattamelata monument in Padua, we may speculate that some kind of exchange took place there between the two men -- a conversation about ancient and contemporary sculpture that may well have accompanied the Athenian reflexes in Donatello's Paduan work.

Just as Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519) would later produce numerous drawings and models in his own attempts to create an ideal monumental horse in Milan, we may assume that Donatello, who was trained as a goldsmith in the early fifteenth-century manner of Lorenzo Ghiberti, made drawings and models in wax or clay in the course of designing and producing the sculptural ensemble. (62)

Coming in from the outside as an explorer-archaeologist, Ciriaco d'Ancona had accumulated an enormous collection of drawings, gems, coins, statues, and codices that can no longer be traced. (63) We know, for instance, that in 1432-33 Ambrogio Traversari was in Venice when Ciriaco arrived there with a collection of artifacts including ancient gemstones and gold and silver coins, one with a head of Alexander. (64) Near the end of 1448, Filelfo speaks of him arriving in Venice with an array of antiquities from the Levant. By 1449 he owned various small objects such as a head of Medusa, a cameo depicting the mermaid-monster Scylla, and a deeply carved gem of convex crystal with the head of Athena in a Corinthian helmet signed by "Eustacheo son of Dioscorides" (Berlin) that Ciriaco believed to represent Alexander the Great. (65) (Fig. 9) In addition to using these artifacts as currency in trading or archaeological data, he sometimes had replicate casts made of significant cameos or engraved gems to give as gifts t o friends such as Theodore Gaza (1400-75), King Alfonso I of Aragon (1395-1458), Jacopo Zeno (ca. 1418-81), and Angelo Grassi, Bishop of Ariano.

The humanist scholar Jacopo Zeno was Bishop of Feltre and Belluno from 1447 to 1460 and became Bishop of Padua in 1460. Zeno wrote a laudatio to Ciriaco d'Ancona thanking him for replicas and antiques and commending him for having presented an insect enclosed in a piece of amber to Alfonso of Aragon, with the Plinian allusion to the "spread wings of the fly enclosed in the rosy golden light of amber." (66) Ciriaco gave a replica of a sardonyx cameo of the nude Scylla to Theodore Gaza, who was in Ferrara at the behest of Leonello d'Este to teach Greek with Guarino Guarini. (67) On 4 November 1443 Gaza thanked Ciriaco with a Greek epigram. The image was apparently cast in lead and probably painted to imitate the deep red background and white figure of the sardonyx cameo, like the one Ciriaco presented to Angelo Grassi. Grassi thanked him in a letter dated 11 December 1443 for a cast lead simulacrum of the monster Scylla made from Ciriaco's own famous sardonyx agate cameo. (68) The Scylla cameo and casts no long er exist, but Grassi described the original cameo in Ciriaco's collection in verse as a celebrated object, radiant, with the figure of Scylla white as snow rising from a dark background. He described the figure as a reclining nude maiden, as beautiful as Venus, who wore a skirt of wolf-fishes and whose lower legs spiraled into a dolphin-like tail.

This account corresponds to the Scylla of Virgil's Aeneid, a young virgin with beautiful torso and breasts -- a seductive mermaid, with wolves' heads around her loins and the curving tail of a dolphin. (69) Although a Sicilian silver tetrarchum of ca. 415 BC features a rather awkwardly compressed image of the nude Scylla surmounted by a crab, the type is not known in any cameo or lead-cast from antiquity or the Renaissance. (70) Most perplexing, however, is the problem that it is difficult to imagine a lead copy even remotely capturing the translucent beauty of the white and red chalcedony of a sardonyx cameo, which Grassi called "radiant." All of this vanished material culture of "archeologia collezionistica" constitutes an important part of the visual landscape for Donatello and his audience. For this reason it is pertinent to the "period eye" through which monumental sculpture was apprehended.

Returning to the Gattamelata, no single unambiguous intermediary source of transmission for the small nude "Panathenaic" riders has been located among extant relief fragments, coins, or gems. Nor is such a "key" object mentioned in contemporary documents. It is significant, however, that the selection of autograph inscriptions and copied drawings of the Parthenon in the manuscript now conserved in Berlin has a Paduan provenance, having been compiled by Ciriaco as a gift given to his long-time friend, Pietro Donato in 1437. (71) In the lower margin of the Berlin Parthenon drawing is a light sketch, in a hand considerably more fluid than the rest of the page, of a sort of composite contraction of the processional friezes, moving from right to left, with a horseman resembling those from the interior friezes, at the extreme right. (72) Most scholars believe, even though the text of this manuscript is in Ciriaco's own hand, that the drawings were rendered by a more "professional" north Italian artist, possibly Pis anello, Stefano da Verona, or one of their pupils, with the Panathenaic passage added by yet another hand, presumably an elegant synthesis of some rougher sketches. (73)

Did the Berlin drawing that Ciriaco gave to Pietro Donato in 1437 serve as a model in anteprima for Donatello's Panathenaic riders? Could the added frieze passage have been drawn by Donatello himself based on Ciria-can material?

It does not exceed the boundaries of historical interpretation to suggest a likely (but impossible to prove) scenario as follows. Simply stated, when Ciriaco arrived in Padua in 1449, he may have presented Donatello with a coin, gemstone, lead cast, or drawing of the Panathenaic horsemen, and stated, "This is the work of Phidias at the Parthenon." At which point Donatello would have worked up the theme in wax, fleshed it out to the humanist's approval, and incorporated it into the Gattamelata monument, unseen by others -- until the invention of the telephoto lens. But, again, the question of audience is particularly important here.

THE WORKSHOP AND THE ACADEMY

Because of its venerable university and its proximity to Venice (which conquered it in 1405) the city of Padua had long been a center of humanist and antiquarian culture. Following early Greek and Roman antiquarian interests in Venice and the Veneto, the Paduan physician Giovanni Dondi dall'Orologio (d. 1384), for example, went to Rome as early as 1375 to study and record ancient artifacts and art. (74) The famous boarding school for humanist studies run by Gasparino Barzizza had a distinguished classical library and tutored the following men among other pupils: Pietro Donato, Francesco Barbaro, Filelfo, and the young Leon Battista Alberti. Alberti studied there from around 1415 to 1418 (at least ten years before he re-entered the Florence from which his family had been banished) overlapping Barbaro who received a doctorate in civil law at the university of Padua in 1416, having first studied under Barzizza. (75) Barbaro and Filelfo eventually became distinguished as scholars of Greek, which they studied in t he second decade of the fifteenth century. Another wave of serious interest in Greek studies began in Padua with the arrival of the Florentine exile Palla Strozzi in 1434, who was to live there until his death in 1462.76 Until 1444 the Greek scholar John Argyropoulos was at the University of Padua. During the 1440s Pietro Donato, Francesco Contarini, and Giovanni Marcanova maintained collections of classical inscriptions and artifacts. (77) Leading protagonists of classical literature and epigraphy in Padua included Pietro Donato and Palla Strozzi, both of whom had direct connections with Ciriaco d'Ancona. Recorded payments for the Gattamelata were made through a Paduan bank upon the instruction of Palla Strozzi's son, Onofrio, who acted as Donatello's representative to Erasmo da Narni's heirs. (78) Palla Strozzi, a Florentine who was an exact contemporary of Donatello, lived out his exile in Padua reading Greek texts including works by Plato and Aristotle. (79)

To explain the possible involvement of transplanted Florentines such as Palla Strozzi, Bonnie Bennett and David Wilkins have proposed that the Gattamelata project had a Florentine connection leading all the way to Cosimo de' Medici, who owed a debt of gratitude to Erasmo da Narni for having indirectly caused the downfall of the Albizzi regime in Florence in Favor of the Medici when he defeated the Milanese on behalf of the Venetians in 1434. (80) Although Cosimo had indeed considered Gattamelata an ally, it is unlikely that he was an economic patron of the monument in Padua. Nevertheless in the greater scheme of things, because of his longstanding admiration for both Gattamelata and Donatello, he was probably interested in the work, and can be considered a member of a larger humanist audience for the statue, if not a member of Donatello's Paduan inner circle. (81)

In their discussions of art and Paduan humanism, scholars have made much of the so-called gimnasiarca padovano of the painter and impresario Francesco Squarcione (ca. 1397-1468). (82) Squarcione's art-school is thought to have been furnished with plaster casts of antiques, fragments of ancient sculpture, coins, gems, medals, and drawings after antiquities from Greece and Rome. (83) His studio itself has been considered a kind of "museum," and renderings of such treasures were probably also circulated in his workshop's pattern-books, an established tradition of North Italian art, familiar from examples such as the taccuino (book of drawings) of Giovannino de'Grassi at the Biblioteca Civica Angelo Mai in Bergamo. (84) Some recent scholars have rightly suggested that the three-dimensional "casts" may have simply been plaster mannekins of arms, legs, and torsos made from life rather than from Greco-Roman statuary. (85) Nevertheless, Squarcione's studio -- a kind of workshop as exhibition-space where objects and i deas could be visited -- made Padua a point of reference for artists, and has even been likened to the most elite Florentine and Paduan cultural institutions. (86)

Mantegna was among the many pupils trained by Squarcione from his collections of ancient sculpture. (87) His Paduan forma mentis, which emphasized the value of Greco-Roman antiquities, evolved further in his mature years, when he explored the southern shores of Lake Garda with Felice Feliciano and Giovanni Marcanova, and when he formed an archaeological museum in his house at Mantua, which merited a visit from Lorenzo de' Medici in 1483. (88) Giorgio Vasari stated, a century after the fact, that Squarcione, who was "not the world's greatest painter," had trained Mantegna by having him draw from plaster casts, some of which were formed from ancient Greek and Roman statues. (89) Squarcione's successes and failures as a painter, what precisely the exempla in his shop consisted of, and whether or not Squarcione himself was able to translate these models into inspired drawings, are not central issues here -- only that he is said to have maintained a kind of "proto-Academy" at Padua from the 1420s through the 1450s .

Donatello probably maintained a similar kind of studio in Padua, perhaps in a more elegant manner, during the decade 1443-53, as he worked on the components of the High Altar of Sant'Antonio and Gattamelata simultaneously, creating an enormous Paduan enterprise in figurative art. Large-scale Renaissance bronze sculpture was extremely labor intensive, and Donatello's system of bronze casting in Padua, with Andrea del Caldiere as technical master of the foundry, consisted of working up detailed models in stucco or wax, and after the piece was cast, of working back into the bronze by chasing, carving, incising, and polishing, almost as if it were an object roughed out in marble. (90) His studio must have resembled a kind of informal museum, with various components of the Gattamelata and the Altare del Santo on continuous display, together with ancient objects, casts, and drawings. (91) Donatello's Paduan workshop employed numerous (as many as twenty) assistants, including the sculptor Bartolommeo Bellano (ca. 14 34-97) and Donatello's most gifted Paduan assistant Niccolo Pizzolo (1421-53), who would eventually collaborate with Mantegna. (92) Whether or not Mantegna himself ever actually participated in the studio, it is widely acknowledged that the work Donatello made there was of paramount importance for the development of Mantegna's career as a painter. Donatello, rather than Squarcione, may have provided the germ of a model for the eventual archaeological museum that Mantegna kept in his house at Mantua. (93)

Donatello's shop may have served as a forum for the demonstration of new ideas worked up in modeled, sometimes ephemeral, form. Workshop ephemera coexisted with antiquarian fragments, and in such an environment, Donatello's "Miracle of the Penitent Son" relief, for example, whether in a paper, wax, or bronze state, with its bizarre, stadium-like perspectival network, may have leaned next to the head of Gattamelata, which stood at eye level like an ancient bust of Julius Caesar. These objects intermingled with Ciriacan artifacts, Donatellian drawings and models, and ancient objects. (94) Such a scene would nor only parallel the Paduan example of Squarcione (however paltry or grandiose that collection actually was), but it would follow the Florentine tradition established by Lorenzo Ghiberti's workshop in the first years of the Quattrocento, which Donatello himself had frequented as a young artist. Ghiberti's foundry in Borgo Allegri had quickly become a training ground for the most ambitious young sculptors an d painters. And Ghiberti's collection of ancient and medieval objects, the utilitarian purpose of which (like pattern-books) was to stimulate figurative representation, became a symbol of intellectual prestige, like a private library, launching the sculptor into the role of antiquarian connoisseur -- a role that Donatello seems to have accepted readily. (95) Indeed, we recall that when Ciriaco d'Ancona visited the Florentine workshops of Ghiberti and Donatello in 1433 he viewed their antiques side by side with works in progress.

The various components that made up the High Altar and the Gattamelata, then, probably had their first and most critical reception as individual objects in Donatello's studio. These works in progress (drawings, models, and cast bronze elements) would have been interspersed with gems, small bronze statues, marble reliefs, medals, and other exempla from antiquity. Donatello, as a mature, accomplished artist, would have thus initiated a kind of museum ante litteram, not so much to possess objects for their material value, but to incorporate them into the collective humanistic visual and ekphrasric vocabulary.

It is here that a group of spectators for the two nude horsemen (which were ironically rendered invisible once the statue was installed in public) begins to emerge. A special audience of cosmopolitan eruditi, possibly including Pietro Donato, Palla Strozzi, Francesco Barbaro, Ciriaco d'Ancona, Leon Battista Alberti, and their counterparts and friends, would have enjoyed the allusion to the work of Phidias in fifth-century Athens as it was demonstrated in drawings, wax models, and cast-bronze elements in Donatello's shop. Regarding Palla Strozzi's intellectual interests in exile, it may not be a mere coincidence that Edgar Wind (in a conversation with Jeno Lanyi prior to 1939) commented that the two nude riders under consideration here reminded him of the evening horse-races described by Plato in the Republic, in which participants passed torches to one another in relay. (96) Indeed, some of Plato's works, including a Latin translation of the Republic, were in Barzizza's library, and would therefore have been known to Pietro Donato and Francesco Barbaro. (97) Nor is it incidental that the Pietro Donato, Bishop of Padua, owned Ciriaco's drawing of the Parthenon, or that Barbaro and Ciriaco were the authors of inscriptions for the Gattamelata monument.

It can be proposed that Leon Battista Alberti, who also knew Donatello, Francesco Barbaro, and Ciriaco d'Ancona, and was in northern Italy in the 1440s, was also a protagonist in the configuration of intellectuals surrounding Donatello at the time of his Paduan production. Donatello's work seems to have inspired Alberti (who we recall was also deeply involved in the creation of the equestrian monument in Ferrara) in his composition of the treatise on the living horse, De equo animante. The Gattamelata statue and De equo animante appear to have been mutually influential.

THE LIVING HORSE

A decade after Alberti recognized Donatello as "our great friend Donato the sculptor" in his treatise on painting, the two men seem to have collaborated on ideas of equestrian physiognomy, proportion, and decorum that are manifest in the equestrian Gattamelata and the De equo animante. (98) Moving from the microcosm of the nude riders that decorate the saddle to the Gattamelata as a whole, the ensemble is a massive, compact group, especially compared (as it inevitably has been) to Verrocchio's later equestrian statue of the Bergamasque general Bartolommeo Colleoni (d. 1476) in Venice. Art theorists from Filarete (fifteenth century) to Leopoldo Cicognara (eighteenth century) to John Shearman (twentieth century) have written about the historical dissonance in the ancient-modern mix of the Paduan general's portrait, armor, and stance, about the static quality of the equestrian group, and the unduly small scale of Gattamelata in proportion to his horse. (99) Ironically, the great eighteenth-century historian of s culpture Leopoldo Cicognara even lamented the fact, in his critique of the Gattamelata, that Donatello had not been aware of horsemen such as those on the interior frieze of the Parthenon. (100)

For many all'antica features in early Renaissance art, there seem to have been counterbalancing impulses of empirical naturalism and local function and meaning. (101) Donatello's Gattamelata and Alberti's De equo animante are not exceptions to this rule. Fifteenth-century humanists and sculptors knew from Pliny the Elder that the idea of the equestrian memorial statue was Greek in its ultimate origins; likewise Alberti's De equo animante was based on Greek literary sources insofar as his descriptions of the volatility; emotions, and psychology of a horse deliberately followed Xenophon, the Greek historian, soldier, and philosopher. (102) We have seen that classical learning including an understanding of ancient Athens was by no means lacking in Florentine-Paduan intellectual circles, and yet Donatello and Alberti's horses speak as insistently of fifteenth-century ideals and North Italian and Tuscan traditions as those of classical antiquity. (103)

Although Alberti's De equo animante was ostensibly composed as a veterinary text, about the "natural inclinations of horses" as well as their formal beauty, it was in several ways a parallel text to Donatello's Gattamelata. (104) The essay, and its insistence on "naturalism" together with its integrated references to classical literary models, may have nourished Donatello in his presumed competition with the simultaneous composition of the equestrian monument in Ferrara. The reciprocal cause and effect of Alberti's ideas upon Niccolo Baroncelli's horse, which no longer exists, cannot be gauged. But Donatello's statue conforms to Alberti's text in several of its features, and since Alberti's art theory typically followed existing practice, we may speculate that drawings or models from Donatello's studio facilitated Alberti's treatise as well.

In De equo animante Alberti advocated a kind of equine civic humanism," stating that a horse on the battlefield should always show "the excellence of glory and the decorum of liberty" in his bearing. (105) Such a horse had to be trained to tolerate great physical efforts in order to save his fellow citizens and defeat his enemies, for the dignity and glory of the patria. (106) He had to be ferocious and disciplined in battle, and happy and festive in triumphal parades. (107) Alberti explained that even a horse that is used for warfare should be raised to be peaceful, like a human citizen, who maintains his good manners, sense of duty, and civic dignity Like a civilized man, the horse's violent instincts ought to be controlled for the common good. (108)

It is enough to recall the criticisms of Filarete, Cicognara, and Shearman to identify a strong plastic expression of these qualities in Donatello's Paduan equestrian monument. The horse and rider form a closed composition, with the rider relatively small compared to his horse, especially as opposed to ancient prototypes such as the equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius in Rome. Gattamelata's masterful control of his horse, and the synchronic unity of horse and rider, communicates a clearly legible sense of decorum. (109)

Gattamelata's horse is specifically visualized in Alberti's triumphal parade mode, rather than in a state of battlefield fury. The proportions of Donatello's horse, so much broader and heavier than classical precedents, correspond with Alberti's prescription in De equo animante. Alberti emphasized that a perfect (fifteenth-century) stallion must have a large body, with solid and robust limbs, legs broadly distant one from the other, a large backbone that does not protrude nor is concave, and a great wide chest, "pectore superbo," that can easily support a rider in full armor. (110) To be most beautiful, the horse should also have a curly tail (fluid and wavy, but at the same time solid and nervous), small flexible ears, flared nostrils, and a short abundant (almost curly, "subcrispa") mane that falls to the right of the horse's neck. (111) Alberti's discourse on the proper use of reigns and spurs also finds a detailed parallel in Gattamelata's regalia. (112) Alberti's perfect horse has a Tuscan literary prece dent in the anonymous Sonetto del Cavallo Perfetto, of the late Trecento, which itself has been identified as a textual prelude to Paolo Uccello's Hawkwood Monument of 1436. (113)

Historians of the material world of Renaissance Europe have shown that fifteenth-century people perceived actual living horses and equestrian monuments with extraordinary interchangeability. A sort of "flicker effect" blended the apprehension of real horses with their highly naturalistic sculptured surrogates. (114) Alberti's treatise on the living horse and contemporary plastic representations of equestrian groups such as the Gattamelata ought to be understood in light of this observation. Although De equo animante is considered an essay about living horses, with no reference to artistic representation -- hence its "naturalism" -- Alberti did insert one sculptural analogy, when he stated that a horse must be well blanketed and groomed, because even statues made of ivory or bronze would rot under accumulated grime. (115)

The impact of Leon Battista Alberti as classicist, artist, and naturalist, whether it be in his writings or his lively presence, could have been instrumental in the ambience of Donatello's Paduan studio. (116) The hypothesis that Alberti's assistant in Rimini, Matteo de'Pasti (ca. 1420-68) ended up with a cache of Ciriacan material suggests that Alberti, too, had access to Athenian drawings and descriptions like the folios dedicated to Pietro Donato, and that fresh from the Ferrarese competition, he too might have been a member of the audience for the exquisite Phidian riders on Gattamelata's saddle. (117)

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, we may envision Donatello's Paduan studio as a "museum" of sorts, not in the architectural sense, but as a viewing space for a variety of images and objects, antique and contemporary reliefs, gems, cast replicas, and drawings. This Paduan viewing space, whether taken literally or figuratively in historical retrospect, was frequented not only by painters, sculptors, and apprentices, but also by humanist intellectuals. Following Ciriaco d'Ancona's death (1452) and the Ottoman occupation of Athens (1456), the presence of Greek art in Italy was diminished and almost disappeared for about two centuries. (118) But it may not be straining the limits of interpretation to speculate that it was actually here in Donatello's Paduan workshop in the later 1440s that the textual antiquarian tradition of Phidias and Classical Greek sculpture first coalesced on an intellectual level with the primary referent visual material in the minds of Italian artists and humanists.

Donatello may well have been homesick. But despite his assertion at the age of sixty-eight that he longed to return to Tuscany, "so as not to die among the Paduan frogs," (119) we may assume that Donatello's ten-year residence in Padua was enriched with a humanist audience of the most sophisticated order.

* Parts of this essay were given as a lecture entitled "Donatello at the Parthenon" at the 2000 meeting of the RSA. I am grateful to many friends: James Beck, Gina Borromeo, Stefano Casu, Gino Corti, Alexander Gourlay, Margaret Lewis, and Louise Rice. John Monfasani, Michael C.J. Putnam, Nelia Saxby, and David Warner helped with translations. Two anonymous readers for RQ and particularly editor Paul F. Grendler provided valuable suggestions. Above all I thank Father Edward W. Bodnar for his patient reading of a draft and valuable responses to my many questions. Every effort has been made to obtain permission to reproduce copyrighted material. Copyright holders should inform the author of any oversight if proper acknowledgment has not been stated.

(1.) Agosti, Farinella, and Settis, 1061-67.

(2.) Beschi, 1983 and 1986.

(3.) Donatello's statue, made from 1447 to 1453, towers before the southwest corner of the church on a tall substructure, which serves as a pedestal as well as cenotaph; Janson, 151-53.

(4.) For a summary of Ciriaco's life in the context of Venetian antiquariansim, Brown, 81-91.

(5.) Gosebruch, 14-15.

(6.) Such nude equestrian figures reappear, transformed into a much more tormented, even mannerist forms, in Donatello's "Lamentation of Christ," in the San Lorenzo pulpits; see Lavin; Herzner.

(7.) For the design and situation of the equestrian ensemble see Caglioti, 1:88, 100, 141.

(8.) Some time after November 1441 Ciriaco wrote the "Itinerarium" to Pope Eugenius IV, attributing the four horses to Phidias: Perry, 33; Scalamonti, 10.

(9.) Jeno Lanyi, in an unpublished lecture of 1939 given at the Warburg Institute, was the first to analyze Gattamelata's armorial ensemble in terms of apotheosis, as the figure faces the "paradiso" of the Santo. Art-historical arguments have appeared in the literacure as to whether the iconography was Christian or Platonic; but this seems clearly to be a work in which Christian and pagan ideas of victory are seamlessly reconciled. In terms of urban situation, Gatramelata is also special protector of church and state in Padua, which was then a Venetian city; Kauffmann, 134.

(10.) A forthcoming study by Stefano Casu will analyze the nature of the commission itself in terms of its humanist sources.

(11.) Stemmer, passim.

(12.) "Nec silentio pretereundus est strenuus in armis vir ille er illustrissimi dominii veneti felicis exercirus olim gloriosus imperator, Gattamelata, qui in hello etiam nostro in tempore tantum florvit, ur etiam victor fortunatus evaserir. Er enim eneus configuratus est super eneum equum sua cum magnitudine decorum apud angulum templi Antonii nostri accidentalem: veluti Cesar triumphans non parva cum magnificentia sedet. Ossa cuius eondern in templo magno eum ornata sepulta sunt." As quoted in Sorzano, 1957-58, 32-33.

(13.) Sorzano 1957, 112-14.

(14.) "Dux bello insignis dux et victricibus armis, Inclitus atque animis Gatamelata fui; Narnia me genuit media de gente meoque, Impero venetum sceptra superba tuli; Munere me digno et statua decoravit equestri, Ordo senatorum nostraque pura fides." Eroli, 182.

(15.) Mennitti Ippolito; for Francesco Barbaro see King, 323-25.

(16.) Wilson, 24-25; Brown, 104, 148.

(17.) Wilson, 114.

(18.) Translation by King, 44-45, from Francesco Barbaro, Diatriba praeliminaris in duas partes divisa ad Francisci Barbari et aliorum ad ipsam epistolac ab anno Christi 1425 ad annum 1453, ed. A.M. Quirini, 2 vols. (Brescia: J.M. Rizzardi, 1743), 2:290: "Non sine causa majores nostri a Platone aur a sapientissimis viris aequandae et retinendae communis libertatis et augen dae ac amplificandae publicae majestatis rationem habuisse et didicisse videantur."

(19.) Brown, 84; Perry, 33; Scalamonri, 10,

(20.) Eroli, 221.

(21.) "Hic est Gathamelata Narnius, rebus non minus fortiter quam prospere gestis in militari gloria eques illustris, dux aetatis suae cautissimus, reique bellicae peritissiumus, Brutos compressit in Flamineam, ecclesiam justis ultus est armis; et Perusium hostem vitoriis ferociter exultantem, coercuit. Difficillimo reipublicae rempore inter patritios adscitus, Veneti exercitus imperator invictus, accepit Veronam; dolis ammissam, fide, consilio, et armis recepit; inclinatamque rem Venetam, restituit in pristinam dignitatem. Mortuus est ingenti Gloria. Testis publica moestitia. Fuit funus omni honore, non minus militum lacrymis quam meritis laudibus celebratum. El statuam hanc equestrem Gentilis Leonessa, sub eo magistro et imperatore omnis belli arte edoctus, er Johannes Antonius filius pie faciundam curaverunt." With the rubric "Epitaphium dar. Viri Francisci Barbari in laudem Gathamelatae, imperatoris gentis Venetorum," on f. l60v of MS 57 (membr., s. XV miscel.) of the Biblioteca Civica Guarneriana, San Da niele del Friuli.

(22.) "Stephanus Caramelata [sic] Narnius, Veneti exercitus imperator maximus, in Flaminia eclesiac [sic] socia arma iungens Brutios fudit; Perusinos reliquasque hostium copias inopinata victoria profligavit; bello Ligurico N(icolaum) Picininum, hostem prospero preliorum eventu ferocem, trans Athesim persequendo coercuit; traductaque in Benacum per abruptos Penede montis colles ingenti classe, vindicata Verone defectione, Bergomo, Brixia obsidione liberates, Venetium rempublican multiplici clade concussam atque labantem stabilivit. Huic Senatus in monumentum fidei et virtutis statuam hanc equestrem faciundam decrevit. Anno divi Christi humanitatis [humanatatis cod.] MCCCCXLVIL" Treviso, Biblioteca Capitolare, 2 All, gia I-138, cc. 194, r-v. (Erasmo da Narni's baptismal name was Stenfano.)

(23.) Schneider suggested that Gattamelata's armor was composed according to a complex platonic theme. See also Leach, 85-89. For Ciriaco's belief that the Panathenaic procession was in honor of a military victory, see Bodnar 1970, 100, and above.

(24.) Krautheimer, 279; Bruni, xxi-xxv; Publius Aelius Aristedes composed the Panathenaica in the second century AD, possibly under the reign of Hadrian.

(25.) Beschi, 1986, 3:325.

(26.) Beschi, 1983, 256; Brown 77-81.

(27.) Mitchell, 1962, 283-99.

(28.) De Benedictis, 20-26.

(29.) Bracciolini, 1964, III: Epistolae, Epistola XII, Liber IV, 322-24.

(30.) Pernis, 16-20.

(31.) Beschi 1983, 256; Weiss, 132.

(32.) Bracciolini, 3, Epistola XII, IV, 322.

(33.) Ibid. 322-24: "Caput Minerva scribit esse cum laurea corona, Bacci vero cum duobus corniculis."

(34.) Pernis, 16-20

(35.) Beschi, 1983 and 1986.

(36.) Landolfi, 444.

(37.) Colin, 52-64, 109, 184-86.

(38.) Bodnar, 1960, 3.

(39.) Ibid, 22-35; Milan, Ambrosiana, Ms. Trotti, 373.

(40.) The pertinent manuscripts are as follows: Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, Codex Hamilton, 254, fols. 81v-90r; Vatican Codex, Barberinus Latinus 4424, fols. 28r-29v; Treviso, Bibliotech Capitolare, Codex I, 138 fols. 108v-98r. See Beschi, 1998, 83-103; Di Benedetto, 89-99.

(41.) Scalamonti, para. no. 102, pp. 69-70, 132.

(42.) Ibid., para. no. 103, pp. 70, 132: "Et apud Donatellum Nenciumque, statuarios no.. biles, pleraque vetusta novaque ab [eis] edita ex aere marmoreve simulachra."

(43.) Ibid., para. nos. 101-04; see Chiarlo, 1984, 271-97.

(44.) Janson, 124.

(45.) Bodnar, 1970, 96-105, 188-99, esp. 100.

(46.) Trans. by Mitchell, 1974, 114-16, from a letter to Andreolo Giustiniani transcribed by Bodnar from Targioni-Tozzetti 1773, 5:66-69, 408-61, the source of which is Codex Magliabecchiano Palatino, Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale. For a transcription see Bodnar 1960, 52-53: "Phidiae mirificum opus extitisse, Aristoteles ad Alexandrum Regem, Pliniusque noster, et alii plerique nobiles testantur Auctores -- Extat vero nostram ad diem eximium illud et mirabile Templum O Columnae desuper Epistilia longitudine p. VIII cum dimidio, altitudine vero IIII. in cuis Thessalica Centaurorum et Laphitarum pugnae mirifice consculptae videntur, et in summis parietum listis duorum fere cubitum a Cacumine discretas, Athenarum Periclis tempore victorias Artifex ille peregregie fabrefecerat, pene decennis Pueri staturae. In frontibus vero tota re velaminis demersione [sic] magnis Colosseisve simulachris Hominum et Equorum tam ingentis Delubri omamenta, atque decora alta videntur. Cuiusce magnificentissimi Operis figur am hisce nosuis et hac tempestate per Greciam commentariis, quod licuit reponendam curavimus."

(47.) Targioni Tozzetti, 5:424-25, cites Buondelmonti, whose Trattando dell'Isol di Paros spoke of "Paros airissima valde," "marmor candissimum."

(48.) Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale (BNF), Manoscritto Palarino Targioni 49 (gia 53), c. mod.16r (former 68r).

(49.) Treviso, Biblioteca Capitolare di Treviso, I-138, cc. 193v-94r; fols. 108v-98r contain a miscellany of Ciriaco's writings from 1435-49; Scalamonti, 3.

(50.) This passage was pointed our by Chiarlo, 1984, 279.

(51.) My translation. "Minerva in Athens" and "Jupiter in the Alphean fields" refer to the Parthenon in Athens and the Temple of Zeus at Olympia respectively.

(52.) Chiarlo, 1984, 282-83; Quaquarelli, 333-35. Although the praise for Jacobino's Martin V was probably added by Feliciano, it is important to remember that as a connoisseur of art Ciriaco was not immune to gothic styles; he admired the paintings of Rogier van der Weyden and Pisanello as well as the sculpture of the Acropolis; see Agosti, Farinella, and Setris, 1069-70; Ciriaco visited the Cathedral of Milan in 1442 (October-November) and 1443 (January).

(53.) Scalamonti, 3-5; Feliciano, 180.

(54.) Morolli, 66 n. 70; Rosenberg, 57-61.

(55.) Pope-Hennessy, 199-202; Alberti, 1991.

(56.) For a full discussion of the monument to Niccolo III d'Este, see Rosenberg, 50-82; Alberti, 1991, 55-69.

(57.) Scalamonti, para. 54, P. 117.

(58.) Baroncelli died in 1453, either just before or just after the installation of the Gattamelata in Padua. In 1450 Donatello had been asked by the Consigilo del Comune of Modena to make a life-size bronze statue of Borso d'Este, Lord of Ferrara, Modena, and Reggio, Borso having succeeded Leonello d'Este (d. 1450). On 14 March 1451 Donatello accepted the assignment for 300 gold florins, but the work was never made; Sorzano, 1957-58, 49.

(59.) See King, 323-25.

(60.) I am indebted to Father Edward W. Bodnar for this synopsis of Ciriaco's itinerary in a written communication of 4 July 2000.

(61.) Janson, 153, through a different argument, dated Ciriaco's epitaph to "winter of 1448-1449."

(62.) Pope-Hennessy, 202-04; Krautheimer and Krautheimer, 7.

(63.) Bodnar, 1960, 22.

(64.) Brown, 83.

(65.) Colin, 556-59.

(66.) Pliny, XXXVII, 51, vol. 10:202-03.

(67.) Wi1son, 45.

(68.) "Scyllei monstri plumbeum simulacrum ex sardonica achateave gemma illa tua nobilissima fusili arte figuratum describentes." Bartalot and Campana, 373; die letter to Ciriaco takes the form of a panegyric following his mention of Ciriaco's introduction of the elephant and giraffe: "Quis uero ante te iocandissimum illud chryselectrum quod aurei coloris et matutini gratissimum aspectu culice intercluso scribit Plinius, quis Meduseam caput [h]ydris furisque agitatum et obuolutum, quis Scyllam uirginea facie er pistris forms in posterioribus in hominum cognitionem intelligentiamque deduxerat," Staatsbibliothek Berlin codex lat. 557, cc. 48v-54r. For the Scylla copies given to Theodore Gaza and Angelo Grassi, see Olivieri, 37, 54. These sources are indicated in Chiarlo, 1996.

(69.) Virgil, III: 426-28, p. 70. The ancient figure of a reclining Venus-like nude may also be important for the history of Venetian Renaissance painting (Giorgione, Titian), where the reclining female nude became a major subject.

(70.) Lorber, 24-25.

(71.) Mommsen; Ashmole; Mitchell, 1974; Bodnar, 1998, 57.

(72.) Beschi, 1998, 86.

(73.) Ibid., 85-86.

(74.) For early Venetian and Paduan collection of classical antiquities see Brown, passim; Bazin, 43.

(75.) Grayson, 1998a, 420.

(76.) Wilsin, 114.

(77.) Pope-Hennessy, 194-95.

(78.) Ibid., 200.

(79.) Vespasiano da Bisticci, 235-45.

(80.) Bennett and Wilkins work this our in a lengthy argument, 90-94.

(81.) Caglioti makes no reference to the possibility of the Gattamelata as a Medici commission. Nor does Kent, who however points to their good relations, and mentions that Lorenzo de' Medici kept a portrait of Gattamelata by an unknown Venetian artist in his bedchamber at Palazzo Medici; 245, 271.

(82.) Muraro, 387-97; mote recently Brown, 133.

(83.) According to Bernardino Scardeone, who knew Squarcione's lost autobiography, Squarcione traveled to Greece and returned with sculpture and drawings that would facilitate the education of his pupils: Scardeone, Historiae de urbis patavinae antiquitate et claris civibus patavinis (Padua, 1560), 370-71, cited by Tolley, 437.

(84.) Lipton, 208.

(85.) Agosti, Farinella, and Settis, 1074.

(86.) Muraro, 392.

(87.) Brown 133.

(88.) Bazin, 43.

(89.) Vasari, 3:384.

(90.) Bearzi, 99-100; Pope-Hennessy, 210.

(91.) Several parts of the horse were cast by 1447; Pope-Hennessy, 210.

(92.) Martineau, ed., 94 and passim; The sixteenth-century sculptor Baccio Bandinelli told Grand Duke Cosimo I that Donatello had employed eighteen or twenty assistants in his Paduan shop; Pope-Hennessy, 210.

(93.) Ibid.

(94.) Pizzo has recently published a hollow plaster version of the head of Gattamelata at the University of Padua (Museo di Scienze Archeologiche e d'Arte) as having been either a preliminary study for the Gattamelata from Donatello's studio (which he says is not likely since models for bronze sculpture were usually made from stucco or wax) or, more probably, a copy of Gattamelata's head made during 1447-53 to commemorate Donatello's work. The head may have an ultimate provenance in Squarcione's studio.

(95.) De Benedictis, 9-29.

(96.) The reference to Plato's dialogue (Republic, Book I) was suggested to Jeno Lanyi by Edgar Wind and mentioned in an unpublished lecture by Lanyi, cited by Janson, 159; Plato, 576-77. These races were performed in Athens in honor of the goddess Artemis-Bendis.

(97.) See Mercer, 114, 115, 123 and passim for the influence of Barzizza on Paduan and Venetian humanism.

(98.) Alberti, 1972, 32-33.

(99.) Filarete, 659; Cicognara, 3:176; Shearman, 28.

(100.) Cicognara, 3:176.

(101.) This is particularly the case with Donatello's works, as pointed out by Bennett and Wilkins, 168-90.

(102.) Salamone, 242, 248.

(103.) Grayson, 1998b, 412-13.

(104.) Alberti, 1991, 86-87.

(105.) Ibid., 86-87.

(106.) Ibid., 120-21, 132-33.

(107.) Ibid., 132-33.

(108.) Ibid., 120-21.

(109.) Pope-Hennessy, 204.

(110.) Alberti, 1991, 98-101.

(111.) Ibid., 98-101.

(112.) Ibid., 134-35.

(113.) Martelli, 57-77.

(114.) Jardine and Brotton, 139.

(115.) Alberti, 1991, 164-65.

(116.) Grayson, 1998b, 416; 1998a, 425-26.

(117.) Bodnar, 1998, 59.

(118.) Beschi, 1998, 83.

(119.) Milanesi, 2:299-300, no. 210, Rome 14 April 1458. Letter from Leonardo Benvoglienti to cav. Cristofano Felici Operaio del Duomo di Siena (Archivio dell'Opera del Duomo di Siena, Libro di Documenti Artistici, no. 78): "Et salutate el maestro delle porti, maestro Donatello, da mia parte. E veramente bene atto a farvi grande honore: en cosi m'avesse creduto misser Mariano, che gia 4 anni ve lo menavo da Padova; avendo esso grande affectione d'essere a Siena, per non morire fra quelle ranochie di Padova; che poco ne mancho."

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