Defeated but defiant: the continued resilience of the National Union of Mineworkers within the Nottinghamshire coalfield.Introduction The coal industry in Britain has, since the miners' strike of 1984-85, undergone enormous change. It has seen the implementation of production cost ceilings in response to commercial pressures; the continued use and development of new technology; the creation of the Union of Democratic Mineworkers The Union of Democratic Mineworkers is a British trade union for coal miners, which is based in Nottinghamshire, England. It was provisionally established on the 11 December 1984 during the UK miners' strike (1984-1985) by miners who wished to defy the strike call without a (UDM UDM University of Detroit Mercy UDM United Democratic Movement (South Africa) UDM Université De Montréal UDM Universal Data Model UDM Unstructured Data Management UDM Unit Deployment Manager UDM Universal Diagnostic Monitor ), which broke away from the National Union of Mineworkers
The National Union of Mineworkers is a trade union for coal miners in the United Kingdom. It was formed in 1945 as a reorganisation of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain (MFGB). (NUM NUM (in Britain & S Africa) National Union of Mineworkers NUM n abbr (BRIT) (= National Union of Mineworkers) → sindicato de mineros NUM n abbr (Brit) (= ) in 1985; the privatisation Noun 1. privatisation - changing something from state to private ownership or control denationalisation, denationalization, privatization social control - control exerted (actively or passively) by group action of the coal industry in 1995; the introduction of new workforce control strategies, with management taking an uncompromising stance towards the NUM and exploiting the disunity dis·u·ni·ty n. pl. dis·u·ni·ties Lack of unity. Noun 1. disunity - lack of unity (usually resulting from dissension) between the two main unions, and the use of human resource management techniques in an attempt to decollectivise industrial relations industrial relations pl.n. Relations between the management of an industrial enterprise and its employees. industrial relations Noun, pl the relations between management and workers . All of this has facilitated the relentless restructuring of the coal industry in Britain, leading to an unprecedented programme of pit closures. At the end of the 1984-85 strike, there were 169 collieries in operation; by October 1992, only 51 remained, and employment had fallen from 171,400 to 52,560--a contraction of 70 per cent. At the same time, output had fallen by only 20 per cent, from 88.4 million tonnes to 70.5 million tonnes: in other words Adv. 1. in other words - otherwise stated; "in other words, we are broke" put differently , the intensification in·ten·si·fy v. in·ten·si·fied, in·ten·si·fy·ing, in·ten·si·fies v.tr. 1. To make intense or more intense: of the labour processes resulted in 80 per cent of production being maintained with only 30 per cent of the workforce. At the same time, overall productivity had risen from 2.76 to 5.36 tonnes 'per shift', an increase of 97 per cent (Winterton & Winterton, 1995: 64). On New Year's Day New Year's Day, among ancient peoples the first day of the year frequently corresponded to the vernal or autumnal equinox, or to the summer or winter solstice. In the Middle Ages it was celebrated among Christians usually on Mar. 25. 1995, the industry was finally privatised, and RJB RJB Radio Jura Bernois SA (Switzerland) Mining became the biggest coal producer in Great Britain Great Britain, officially United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, constitutional monarchy (2005 est. pop. 60,441,000), 94,226 sq mi (244,044 sq km), on the British Isles, off W Europe. The country is often referred to simply as Britain. . The restructuring of the industry continued; but since it was still selling the same product, subject to the same market pressures as before, the attendant problems led, in 2001, to the resignation of Richard Budge as the chief executive of RJB Mining, which then changed its name to UK Coal Plc. A new chief executive was appointed, who was quoted in the company's newspaper as saying, 'much of Britain's coal industry is on a life support machine' (UK Coal NewScene, July/August 2001). By the end of January 2005, there were no deep-mined collieries left in Scotland; only one left in South Wales South Wales south n → sud m du Pays de Galles (Tower colliery Tower Colliery is the oldest continuously worked deep-coal mine in the United Kingdom, and possibly the world, and the only mine of its kind which remains in the South Wales Valleys. ), which is an employee buyout Buyout The purchase of a company or a controlling interest of a corporation's shares. Notes: A leveraged buyout is accomplished with borrowed money or by issuing more stock. ; and seven deep-mined collieries left in England. UK Coal now employs only 4,200 workers (UK Coal NewScene, February/March 2005). Following the 1984-5 strike, the balance of power within the industry shifted decisively in favour of management, which has been able to take a very hard line towards the trade unions, using the split between the two main unions as a 'Trojan horse on the issues of pay and flexibility' (Gibbon gibbon, small ape, genus Hyloblates, found in the forests of SE Asia. The gibbons, including the siamang, are known as the small, or lesser, apes; they are the most highly adapted of the apes to arboreal life. & Bromley, 1990). The National Coal Board (NCB (Network Control Block) A packet structure used by the NetBIOS communications protocol. ) adopted a policy of dual unionism Dual unionism is the development of a union or political organization parallel to and within an existing labor union. In some cases, the term may refer to the situation where two unions claim the right to organize the same workers. , recognising the majority union at each individual colliery, and effectively derecognising the NUM at national level. Winterton and Winterton (1993a) argue that labour relations labour relations (US), labor relations npl → relations fpl dans l'entreprise labour relations labour npl → Beziehungen pl were restructured systematically, favouring and promoting the more moderate UDM. Management control initiatives have been introduced in order to marginalise Verb 1. marginalise - relegate to a lower or outer edge, as of specific groups of people; "We must not marginalize the poor in our society" marginalize interact - act together or towards others or with others; "He should interact more with his colleagues" and decollectivise union influence. This article will give an insight into the problems facing the SUM in Nottinghamshire at one case-study colliery', where it is the minority union. These issues include not only management control strategies to decollectivise the industry and marginalise the NUM, but also the activities of the UDM, which is more sympathetic to management initiatives and whose leadership and activists openly oppose the NUM. This article will use the work of Kelly (1998), who draws on the 'mobilisation' theory and the work of Tilly (1978) and McAdam (1988) to investigate the dynamics of labour processes in the workplace. The article will provide new empirical data on a case-study colliery in the traditional industry, post-privatisation. It will highlight the importance of effective organisation and the active role of leadership within the NUM at the colliery and area level, which has been able to mobilise n. 1. Mobilize. Verb 1. mobilise - call to arms; of military personnel mobilize, rally, call up send for, call - order, request, or command to come; "She was called into the director's office"; "Call the police!" 2. and highlight grievances, and to maintain an employee voice and an active local presence. The analysis will draw attention to the dynamic processes of labour relations that often lead to '"critical incidents"' within the workplace that provide the opportunity for insurgent INSURGENT. One who is concerned in an insurrection. He differs from a rebel in this, that rebel is always understood in a bad sense, or one who unjustly opposes the constituted authorities; insurgent may be one who justly opposes the tyranny of constituted authorities. (anti-management) leadership' (Danford et al, 2003). Similarly, the paper will also add evidence to the renewal or resilience resilience (r  ·zilˑ·yens),n debate (McBride, 2004) by examining the continuing existence and resilience of trade unionism within a hostile environment See: operational environment. , and in the context of competing trade unions where one is favoured by management over the other. It will show how the local NUM branch has, through a 'bottom-up' approach, been able to regenerate re·gen·er·ate v. re·gen·er·at·ed, re·gen·er·at·ing, re·gen·er·ates v.tr. 1. To reform spiritually or morally. 2. To form, construct, or create anew, especially in an improved state. the union at the workplace and, using its democratic structures, been able to influence and gain support from both the area and national NUM in its struggle for representation and recognition. It will highlight the significance of militant as opposed to moderate trade union strategies as a mobilising strategy. The local branch has proactively found ways to resist management initiatives and to mobilise support in order to maintain an effective presence and voice at the colliery, leading to the recruitment and return of former NUM members who had joined the UDM after the 1984-85 strike. The case study will be set in the context of the union renewal debate, with the critical importance of changes in the industry as the setting for local action. Mobilisation n. 1. Mobilization. Noun 1. mobilisation - act of marshaling and organizing and making ready for use or action; "mobilization of the country's economic resources" mobilization and union renewal Mobilisation theory essentially argues that 'collective organisation and activity ultimately stem from employer actions that generate amongst its employees a sense of injustice or illegitimacy' (Kelly, 1998: 44). The theory contains four main aspects. Central to the analysis is the issue of interests (collective or individual), and the extent to which the subordinate group sees itself as similar to, different from or opposed to the ruling group or groups (the NUM and UDM face not just the owners of the industry, but also each other). One important factor here is the definition of interest: how do mineworkers come to define their interests--interests that are likely to emerge from feelings of injustice or grievance--and how do they develop a sense of their grievance griev·ance n. 1. a. An actual or supposed circumstance regarded as just cause for complaint. b. A complaint or protestation based on such a circumstance. See Synonyms at injustice. 2. being collective (Tilly, 1978). Second, there is the concept of organisation, which refers to 'the structure of a group, and in particular those aspects which affect its capacity for collective action' (Kelly, 1998: 25); this is the extent to which union members identify with their organisation. Third is mobilisation, which refers to 'the process by which a group acquires collective control over the resources needed for action' (Tilly, 1978: 7). Critical here is the role of leadership in mobilising workers to take collective action, in directing the mineworkers' feelings of injustice towards the management of the coal industry, and in determining whether mineworker mobilisation occurs or not, and its nature. Fourth, the opportunity to mobilise and the form it may take is affected by the balance of power between the opposing groups, and by the cost of any repression repression, in psychology: see defense mechanism; psychoanalysis. repression In metabolism, a control mechanism by which a protein molecule, called a repressor, prevents the synthesis of an enzyme by binding to (and thus hindering the action of) the by the ruling group, which may engage in counter-mobilisation in order to change the subordinates' notion of interests. A balance of power might be affected, in this case, by a solidaristic workforce that is divided between two unions. By examining the issues surrounding mobilisation in Nottinghamshire and the case-study colliery, the article will demonstrate how militancy mil·i·tant adj. 1. Fighting or warring. 2. Having a combative character; aggressive, especially in the service of a cause: a militant political activist. n. is successful, and how it is a better guarantor guarantor n. a person or entity that agrees to be responsible for another's debt or performance under a contract, if the other fails to pay or perform. (See: guarantee) GUARANTOR, contracts. He who makes a guaranty. 2. of union survival than moderation. The paper is also intended to add to the debate on 'union renewal', which now has a significant body of literature concerning the modernisation of trade unions. Many of these modernisation strategies emphasise the need for internal reorganisation Noun 1. reorganisation - the imposition of a new organization; organizing differently (often involving extensive and drastic changes); "a committee was appointed to oversee the reorganization of the curriculum"; "top officials were forced out in the cabinet of structures (Heery, 1996), the merger of trade unions (William & Cave, 1994; Waddington, 1992a), and the promotion of service provision to members (Kerr & Waddington, 1998). All of these received support from the TUC TUC (in Britain and South Africa) Trades Union Congress TUC n abbr (BRIT) (= Trades Union Congress) → federación nacional de sindicatos TUC n abbr (Brit) (= (Trades Union Congress), which was concerned about falling union membership. In 1994, the TUC relaunched itself (TUC, 1997; Heery, 1998), adopting a 'new unionism' policy that argued for a move from 'servicing' to 'organising'. In 1998, the TUC established the 'Organising Academy', which provides training programmes for trainees to become 'new organisers' for trade unions, in order to recruit new members and activists. These can be seen to be top-down approaches Top-down approach A method of security selection that starts with asset allocation and works systematically through sector and industry allocation to individual security selection. towards union renewal, which raise the question as to whether they are, on their own, enough to ensure union survival and growth. It is argued in this article, amongst others, that while such initiatives are important, it is in the workplace that the reality of unionism exists for members, and that it is here that union organising, renewal and resistance takes place. As McBride says, 'it is within the workplace where recruitment and replenishment replenishment the addition of an appropriate quantity of properly prepared solution containing the correct concentration of chemicals to the developer solutions used in radiography. of union members is predominantly achieved and maintained' (2004: 115). Fairbrother (1989, 1996, 2000) and Fosh (1993) also highlight the importance of workplace unionism: 'There is thus the foundation for union renewal, where the focus is on a workplace form of organisation' (Fairbrother, 2000: 37). Leadership is also an important factor in union renewal-'careful choice of leadership style' (Fosh, 1993: 589), based around a collective ideology, which encourages collective participation--an important ingredient for union renewal. Fishman (1995) also highlights the key role of union militants in building and sustaining union organisation; similarly, Darlington (1994, 2002) emphasises the central role of left-wing activists in shaping the nature of workplace relations, and argues that self-activity remains strong in some sectors. Other empirical studies Empirical studies in social sciences are when the research ends are based on evidence and not just theory. This is done to comply with the scientific method that asserts the objective discovery of knowledge based on verifiable facts of evidence. have shown that, in some cases, workplace organisation has remained strong without the need for a 'new' type of activist in order to sustain union organising (see Fitzgerald et al., 1996). McBride (2004: 119) suggests that 'resilience, rather than renewal, may be a more appropriate term to apply to such workplaces'. McBride (2004) also provides evidence from her case studies of workplaces in a traditional industry of proactive styles of unionism, which may be best seen as 'resilient renewal'. It is evident, from the empirical data from the case-study colliery, that the survival of the NUM in the area and in the workplace has been due to the proactive operation of branch activists. Operating in a very hostile environment, it is their knowledge and experience that has enabled the NUM to function at the colliery without the use of new activists. For this reason, 'resilient renewal', rather than simply 'resilience' or 'renewal', may be a more fitting term for the NUM within the colliery. The strike and union exclusion Major opportunities to restructure industrial relations came both during and after the 1984-85 strike. On 6 March 1984, the Yorkshire area of the NCB announced the closure of Cortonwood colliery on economic grounds; five days later, it announced that there would be a 4-million-tonne cut in planned output for 1984-5. For the NUM, this meant a unilateral unilateral /uni·lat·er·al/ (-lat´er-al) affecting only one side. u·ni·lat·er·al adj. On, having, or confined to only one side. withdrawal by management from the agreements made under the 'Plan for Coal' in 1974. It also represented an abandonment of tripartite TRIPARTITE. Consisting of three parts, as a deed tripartite, between A of the first part, B of the second part, and C of the third part. regulation of the industry's size and development, which formed the core of the 1974 settlement. After the closure of Cottonwood cottonwood: see willow. cottonwood Any of several fast-growing North American trees of the genus Populus. Members of the willow family, cottonwoods have heart-shaped, toothed leaves and cottony seeds. The dangling leaves clatter in the wind. was announced, both the Scottish and Yorkshire areas went to the National Executive to ask for official backing for their strikes. Mick McGahey Michael "Mick" McGahey (May 29 1925 – January 30 1999) was a Scottish miners' leader and life-long Communist, with a distinctive gravelly voice. He described himself as "a product of my class and my movement". (1984) stated, in arguing his case, 'Area by area will decide, and in my opinion it will have a domino See Lotus Notes. effect'. It was suggested that a national ballot could result in areas threatened with pit closures, which wanted to take action, being stopped by miners who were not facing the same problems; that individual areas should have a right to try to convince others of the validity of their case; and that democracy should protect the rights of minorities to take action. The 1984-85 year-long strike began in defence of jobs and in protection of the economically-dependent mining communities. The government and the NCB'S tactics for breaking the strike were founded on the Mohawk Valley formula The Mohawk Valley formula was a corporate plan for strikebreaking to discredit union leaders, frighten the public with the threat of violence, use local police and vigilantes to intimidate strikers, form puppet associations of "loyal employees" to influence public debate, fortify , developed in the American steel industry in 1936 (Steuben, 1950), for which Ian MacGregor Ian Macgregor is the former CIO of The Wellcome Trust, oversaw growth of £1bn per annum over fifteen years, making The Wellcome Trust the worlds largest foundation (total assets valued at c. £15bn at his retirement in 2000). , the chairman of the NCB, had previously worked (MacGregor, 1986: 26). The tactics involved propaganda, the raising of public order issues, challenges to union democracy and a national ballot, and the use of a 'back to work movement' (Winterton & Winterton, 1989: 172-73), which was focused on Nottinghamshire. One of the stated aims of the Nottinghamshire Working Miners' Committee was 'to do all in its power to re-affirm democracy within the NUM and not to break it or replace it'. As Steben (1950) argued, 'A study of strikes in which employers develop or attempt to develop back-to-work movements leads to the conclusion that this tactic is generally used when the employer's objective is to break not only the strike but the union'. The decisive defeat of the NUM meant that it was unable to negotiate a general amnesty for activists dismissed during the strike, which immediately demonstrated that the balance of power within the industry had shifted firmly towards management's opening the way for a major restructuring of the coal industry. The NCB'S strategy on industrial relations and the NUM focused on 'union exclusion and decollectivisation' (Goldthorpe, 1984: 329). The NOB Nob, in the Bible, religious center just N of Jerusalem. Saul had its inhabitants massacred. promoted the new breakaway break·a·way adj. 1. Designed to break, bend, or fall apart easily upon impact, especially to create an illusion, as with a theater prop, or for safety, as with a highway sign or barrier. 2. union, the UDM, formed in October 1985 by former Nottinghamshire NUM delegates who had supported strikebreaking strike·break·er n. One who works or provides an employer with workers during a strike. strike  break and the back-to-work movement in defiance Defiance, city (1990 pop. 16,768), seat of Defiance co., NW Ohio, at the confluence of the Auglaize and Maumee rivers, in a farm area; settled 1790, inc. 1836. Its manufactures include machinery and food, fabricated-metal, and glass products. Gen. of the national
union. NUM members from other smaller areas like Leicestershire and
South Derbyshire South Derbyshire is a local government district in Derbyshire, England. It contains a third of the National Forest, and the council offices are in Swadlincote.Other places in the district include Aston-on-Trent, Elvaston, Hatton, Hilton, Ingleby, Linton Melbourne, Milton who had also worked during the strike joined the UDM later (Winterton & Winterton, 1989: 226-230). The NCB recognised the UDM immediately it was formed in December 1985, and notified the NUM that it was unilaterally u·ni·lat·er·al adj. 1. Of, on, relating to, involving, or affecting only one side: "a unilateral advantage in defense" New Republic. 2. withdrawing the conciliation conciliation: see mediation. procedures that had been in place since 1946. The NUM referred the NCB's recognition of the UDM to the National Reference Tribunal, which ruled it to be unconstitutional unconstitutional adj. referring to a statute, governmental conduct, court decision or private contract (such as a covenant which purports to limit transfer of real property only to Caucasians) which violate one or more provisions of the U. S. Constitution. (Winterton & Winterton, 1989), but the NCB'S decision remained in place. The NCB's strategy of marginalising the largest national mineworkers' union, the NUM, and keeping it away from strategic decisions made at national and area levels, was further helped by the minority union, which adopted a more compliant stance towards NCB policy decisions. In 1987, the NCB introduced a new conciliation scheme, which set up a single forum to discuss national issues. This was accepted by the UDM, but the NUM refused to sit at the same table as the UDM for negotiations. The new procedure was based on the concept of the majority/minority principal (Clapham, 1990). The union with the majority of members within an area would be granted sole bargaining rights for the entire workforce within that area, and management would arbitrate on which union that should be (Taylor, 1988). In the case of the Nottinghamshire area, the majority union is the UDM. The NUM rejected and opposed the new arrangements, but the NCB made the NUM'S involvement in national negotiations conditional on its accepting the new conciliation procedures. The NUM is, therefore, formally excluded from national pay negotiations (Lenman & Winterton, 1991). Pay settlements are negotiated with the UDM, the minority national union, and unilaterally extended to the NUM, which only accepts them as 'interim settlements', but with no further negotiation taking place. (Lenman & Winterton, 1991: 57) Management also unilaterally discontinued dis·con·tin·ue v. dis·con·tin·ued, dis·con·tin·u·ing, dis·con·tin·ues v.tr. 1. To stop doing or providing (something); end or abandon: local conciliation and consultative arrangements. The dual-union principle was incorporated into the new local procedures so that access to unit or area meetings is granted to the union representing the majority of the membership at colliery or area level, and in Nottinghamshire, this is the CBM CBM Commodore Business Machines CBM Coalbed Methane CBM Christoffel Blindenmission CBM Condition Based Maintenance CBM Confidence-Building Measures CBM Curriculum Based Measurement (education) CBM Cubic Meter . The minority union only has representation rights and discussions at pit level, with the possibility of recourse to an appeal to the area Industrial Relations officer. In this way, effective recognition is denied to either the NUM or the UDM if they are the minority union at a colliery (Lenman & Winterton, 1991: 58), and this is the position of the minority NUM at the case-study colliery. The NUM'S or UDM'S influence is, therefore, heavily dependent on each union's position at local level. Privatisation and power The possibility of the two unions unifying seems extremely remote, given the positions of their leaderships. The former president of the NUM, Arthur Scargill Arthur Scargill (born January 11, 1938) led the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) from 1981 to 2000. As of 2006, he led the Socialist Labour Party, a political party he founded in 1996. Scargill was born in Worsbrough Dale, just south of Barnsley. , was uncompromising in his stance towards the UDM, seeing it as a collaborationist union. The hostility between the NUM and UDM is very clear, and both Roy Link in 1987 and Neil Greatrex, who replaced Link as president of the UDM in 1992, ruled out any suggestion of reconciliation. Greatrex said there was 'no chance whatsoever' (Guardian, December 1992). However, not all members of the NUM feel this way. John Walsh
John E. Walsh (born December 26, 1945 in Auburn, New York) is the host of the TV show America's Most Wanted. , who opposed Scargill in the 1988 union election, argued that it was Scargill's intransigence in·tran·si·gent also in·tran·si·geant adj. Refusing to moderate a position, especially an extreme position; uncompromising. [French intransigeant, from Spanish intransigente : that was a major barrier to reunification re·u·ni·fy tr.v. re·u·ni·fied, re·u·ni·fy·ing, re·u·ni·fies To cause (a group, party, state, or sect) to become unified again after being divided. (Independent, 20 January 1988), but Scargill was reelected with 53.8 per cent of the vote. Given the shift in the balance of power towards management, and the weakened position of the unions, Energy Secretary Cecil Parkinson Cecil Edward Parkinson, Baron Parkinson, PC (born 1 September 1931 in Carnforth, Lancashire), is a British Conservative politician and former Cabinet Minister. He had humble origins, being the son of a railway worker and educated at Lancaster Royal Grammar School, from where he triumphantly announced to the Conservative party conference that they could look forward to the 'ultimate privatisation' of coal, saying, 'From the days when miners' leaders thought they owned the government to the day when every miner owns part of his own mine' (Guardian, 13 October 1988). It can be seen as a 'longstanding political crusade to redeliver re·de·liv·er tr.v. re·de·liv·ered, re·de·liv·er·ing, re·de·liv·ers 1. To deliver again. 2. To deliver in return; give back. an "internationally competitive" coal industry into private hands' (Winterton & Winterton, 1993: 81). The unrelenting pitclosure programme helped significantly to pave PAVE Cardiology A clinical trial–Post AV Node Ablation Evaluation the way for privatisation (Waddington & Parry, 1995), and this could be seen as extracting revenge for the two humiliating hu·mil·i·ate tr.v. hu·mil·i·at·ed, hu·mil·i·at·ing, hu·mil·i·ates To lower the pride, dignity, or self-respect of. See Synonyms at degrade. defeats by the NUM in the 1970s (Parry et al., 1997). In 1988, the Conservative government changed the name of the NCB to British Coal The British Coal Corporation was a nationalised corporation in the United Kingdom responsible for the extraction of coal. It existed, in various forms, between 1946, with the passing of the Coal Industry Nationalisation Act, and 1997, when it was officially wound up. , in order to give it a new corporate identity and to prepare it for privatisation. Following the Conservative election victory in 1992, the government confirmed, in the Queen's speech Queen's speech n (Brit) → discours m de la reine , that the privatisation of British Coal was a priority. The differences between the NUM and UDM were also very evident in their approaches to privatisation. The UDM saw privatisation as undesirable but inevitable, and spent considerable time in trying to find potential investors who might give them a significant stakeholding in the new industry. They formed an alliance with Coal Investments, but their bid for six collieries was eventually rejected. It could be argued that this was 'little more than tacit collusion Tacit collusion occurs when cartels are illegal or overt collusion is absent. Put another way, two firms agree to play a certain strategy without explicitly saying so. This is also known as price leadership, as firms may stay within the law but still tacitly collude by monitoring with British Coal and government objectives' (Wallis, 2000: 28). At the 1992 NUM conference, the NUM supported a call for 'industrial, political and economic action to resist privatisation' (NUM, 1992: 109). In March 1993, the NUM voted by 12,913 votes to 8,465 to support the call for a 24-hour strike, followed by a rolling programme of industrial action; and on 2 April, the first of two 24-hour strikes was successfully held. However, in the absence of support from the wider labour movement, the miners could not stop the forthcoming pit closures. Given the diversity of the new ownership of the coal industry, it was unlikely that there would be uniformity in industrial relations styles or strategies. Parry et al. (1997: 176-7), in their study of four collieries owned by RJB Mining (three in Yorkshire and one in Nottinghamshire), a trade union consortium in Scotland, and a worker's takeover in Wales Wales, Welsh Cymru, western peninsula and political division (principality) of Great Britain (1991 pop. 2,798,200), 8,016 sq mi (20,761 sq km), west of England; politically united with England since 1536. The capital is Cardiff. , found evidence of some continuity with the latter years of nationalisation n. 1. same as nationalization. Noun 1. nationalisation - the action of forming or becoming a nation nationalization group action - action taken by a group of people 2. . RJB Mining's management strategy was underpinned by its hostility towards the unions, and in particular the NUM, in its commitment to dual unionism and its continued marginalisation Noun 1. marginalisation - the social process of becoming or being made marginal (especially as a group within the larger society); "the marginalization of the underclass"; "the marginalization of literature" marginalization of the NUM, with the emphasis placed on management's right to manage. Under the Transfer of Undertakings (Protection of Employment) Regulations 1981, RJB inherited inherited received by inheritance. inherited achondroplastic dwarfism see achondroplastic dwarfism. inherited combined immunodeficiency see combined immune deficiency syndrome (disease). British Coal's conciliation scheme at the core mines; but in 1996, RJB replaced the colliery-level scheme with a corporate-level agreement negotiated with its preferred union, the UDM, with which it has informal relations. Once again, the NUM was not party to negotiations and the scheme was imposed on collieries even where the NUM is the majority union. The scheme is also based on the majority/ minority principle but this time, the automatic right to independent arbitration was withdrawn (Wallis & Winterton, 2001: 569). Similarly, RJB changed the disciplinary and grievance procedure A term used in Labor Law to describe an orderly, established way of dealing with problems between employers and employees. Through the grievance procedure system, workers' complaints are usually communicated through their union to management for consideration by the employer. , removing the right to independent arbitration after negotiations with UDM officials. The company, therefore, has continued to operate using a unitary unitary pertaining to a single object or individual. frame of reference towards industrial relations. Its strategies have been focused on recognising unions at a local level but refusing formal recognition to all unions at the national level and area levels, preferring instead to conduct informal national talks with the UDM. In this way, unions at the local level become an important focus for union-management negotiations (Wallis & Winterton, 2001: 569). Methods The case study is part of wider, ongoing research into the coal industry following privatisation in 1995. At the case-study colliery, interviews were carried out in February 2003 with the colliery manager, two under-managers, the health and safety manager, the operations planning engineer, two surface workers, the NUM branch secretary, the UDM branch treasurer, four face workers, two command supervisors and one face charge-man fitter, numbering sixteen interviews in total. This article also draws on interviews with an operations director, with the human resources The fancy word for "people." The human resources department within an organization, years ago known as the "personnel department," manages the administrative aspects of the employees. (HR) director of UK Coal, the national UDM and Nottinghamshire area president, and the Nottingham NUM area and case-study colliery president. The focus of the research is a case-study colliery within the Nottinghamshire coalfield coal·field n. An area in which deposits of coal are found. coalfield Noun an area rich in deposits of coal Noun 1. . During the 1984-85 strike, most of the miners at the colliery remained at work, and the pit was subject to picketing picketing, act of patrolling a place of work affected by a strike in order to discourage its patronage, to make public the workers' grievances, and in some cases to prevent strikebreakers from taking the strikers' jobs. Picketing may be by individuals or by groups. throughout the year-long dispute. In preparation for privatisation, the colliery was never closed by British Coal, and thus it was subject to the Transfer of Undertakings (Protection of Employment) Regulations 1981 (TUPE TUPE Transfer of Undertakings (employee rights) TUPE Transfer of Undertakings Protection of Employment (UK) TUPE Tupelo National Battlefield (US National Park Service) ) following privatisation in 1995. RJB Mining took over the management of the colliery in 1995 and in 2001, RIB rib, one of the slender, elongated, curved bones that compose the chest cage in higher vertebrates. Ribs occur in pairs, and are found in most vertebrates; however, in some lower vertebrates, including fishes, they run along the entire length of the backbone. Mining changed its name to UK Coal Plc, which is now the owner of the industry. The colliery has also undergone major restructuring with the introduction of new mining technology and the use of new mining techniques, all of which has led to an almost 50-per-cent reduction in manpower. Following privatisation there were some 848 employees; by 2002, this had fallen to 445, with some 370 underground workers. Like most other UK Coal mines, it has operated a single-face production strategy, producing on average around 1.8 million tonnes per annum Per annum Yearly. since privatisation in 1995. The colliery has no outside contractors outside contractor n → contratista m/f independiente operating at present, but it has made use of them at certain times in the past. In line with UK Coal's strategy, the dual-union principle is in operation at the colliery: the recognised union for the mineworkers is the UDM, but the NUM also has a significant presence. The Midlands Association of Colliery Officials (MAC0) is the recognised supervisor union. The colliery also has 'Investors in People' status. The colliery currently operates a three-shift system, termed 'Days, Nights and Afters', with mining taking place over a five-day period, and maintenance taking place over the weekend. National opportunities to mobilise Following privatisation, the NUM continued its active opposition to management strategies over pay and union recognition. RJB Mining continued with its refusal to negotiate nationally with the NUM; as the director of human resources said, 'we tended to go down a similar route to what British Coal had adopted--negotiate with the UDM, and impose it on the NUM'. The NUM was able to mobilise its membership into active opposition, but as the director of human resources said: We had quite a few strike threats, strike mandates, and the NUM went for substantial pay awards and recognition ... we fortunately took out injunctions and were able, in the one or two areas whereby they hadn't fulfilled ful·fill also ful·fil tr.v. ful·filled, ful·fill·ing, ful·fills also ful·fils 1. To bring into actuality; effect: fulfilled their promises. 2. the legislation ... we took them to court and got an injunction. So we never suffered a strike, but it was because they'd slipped up with the legislation as such, so we went merrily along negotiating with the UDM and imposing it on the NUM. Difficulties with this approach soon became clear when, in 1999, RJB Mining found itself in a complex situation with both the NUM and UDM. Their members had been suffering from continued pit closures and job losses, all of which created opportunities to mobilise. In 1999, the membership of the more moderate UDM, who were dissatisfied dis·sat·is·fied adj. Feeling or exhibiting a lack of contentment or satisfaction. dis·sat is·fied with RJB
Mining's pay offer, voted 56.I per cent in favour of industrial
action. The UDM president said he was 'delighted with the outcome
of the ballot ... There is a lot of anger and dissatisfaction among our
members, considering what they have achieved for the company ... People
have been saying, "enough is enough"'. Strike action was
averted a·vert tr.v. a·vert·ed, a·vert·ing, a·verts 1. To turn away: avert one's eyes. 2. when the UDM negotiated a three-year pay deal with RJB on I March 1999. It was expected that the deal would be imposed on the NUM membership, in line with company strategy. However, the more militant NUM leadership rejected the proposals, feeling that they were unacceptable and attributing the blame for the perceived poor deal to the UDM'S more collaborative stance with RJB Mining. The NUM successfully turned feelings of injustice over the pay award into a threat of mobilisation, with the national membership voting 80 per cent in favour of strike action, and thus resisting its imposition. The threat of mobilisation forced RJB Mining into meaningful negotiations with the NUM, whose more militant stance extracted an improved pay offer that their members eventually accepted. The new, improved deal was offered to the UDM and its membership and was accepted, which reversed the usual position of informal negotiations with the UDM first. This caused much embarrassment for the UDM leadership, whose more moderate negotiation stance had failed to achieve the better pay offer. The company's HR director said of the deal, 'this upset the UDM because they felt they'd been "shafted"--that was the word they used--because, they said, you'd struck a deal with us yet you've gone and then negotiated a better one with the NUM. So they felt we'd rubbed their noses in it a little bit, but as we'd pointed out, it was under duress'. It also seems that the more militant stance of the national NUM and the victory of the improved pay offer helped the local NUM'S resilience strategy. At the local colliery, a former UDM member said, 'the UDM should have done better, they get too close to the managers sometimes, so I left and joined the RUM and I know a few others did too. I don't think the NUM can do much better but they seem to fight harder'. This evidence suggests that militancy often pays off, and calls into question the idea of collaborating or forming partnerships with an employer who would prefer that unions simply did not exist. Following the NUM'S victory in securing the improved three-year pay deal in 1999, the NUM's resistance to RJB's industrial relations strategy continued. The introduction of the 1999 Employment Relations Act offered the NUM a chance to gain formal recognition. RJB's HR director recognised that this might be a problem, saying, 'When the Employment Relations Act came in we knew we would start having problems then, because we knew Mr Scargill would make use of the Bill ...' This the NUM did, and on 19 December 2000, the NUM submitted an application to the Central Arbitration Committee (CAC See Consumer Advisory Council. ) claiming that it should be recognised for collective bargaining collective bargaining, in labor relations, procedure whereby an employer or employers agree to discuss the conditions of work by bargaining with representatives of the employees, usually a labor union. purposes by RJB. The CAC decision was an interesting one, and it highlighted the complexity of the issue of recognition. It found that, while the NUM had been derecognised by British Coal in 1986, RJB Mining had consulted with the NUM in 1994 in accordance with TUPE, and continued to negotiate locally where the NUM was the majority union. While RJB had not intended to negotiate collectively on wages in 1999, meetings did take place at a national level between the NUM and employers on various issues including wages, as in 1999. The CAC concluded that 'in spite of the protestation PROTESTATION. An asseveration made by taking God to witness. A protestation is a form of asseveration which approaches very nearly to an oath. Wolff, Inst. Sec. 375. by employers to the contrary, the NUM is recognised by RJB Mining (UK) ... and is entitled en·ti·tle tr.v. en·ti·tled, en·ti·tling, en·ti·tles 1. To give a name or title to. 2. To furnish with a right or claim to something: to conduct collective bargaining for, amongst other things, pay, hours, and holidays' (CAC, case number TURI/32/00). It went on to say, 'At present the employer bargains with the NUM, yet proclaims it does not. It reaches agreements voluntarily with the NUM, but then says that it has been done under duress duress (dy  `rĭs, d`–, d . Furthermore it has, on its own
admission, written inaccurate letters. Such inconsistent behaviour is
below the standards of good industrial relations' (ibid). The HR
director said of the decision: 'we were told that we'd already
voluntary recognised the NUM and that as far as the CAC were concerned
it was "status-quo", but we should continue negotiating with
them'. The CAC decision highlights the unfair treatment of the NUM
by RJB Mining, and the lengths it will go to in order to marginalise the
NUM's operations.
Given the CAC decision that the NUM should be recognised, the Nottingham area leadership and the NUM president took action straight away in order to gain rights for area delegates, who had previously been unrecognised. The area NUM president explained, 'Immediately I wrote to RJB for time off for each Nottingham area delegate, representing Welbeck, Harworth, Clipstone and Thorsby, to attend Area Council meetings, and immediately it was accepted. We'd won a breakthrough in getting time off for lads'. The decision, in reality, does not mean that the area NUM has any greater access to management, which refuses to negotiate at area level. However, it is important in terms of union democracy, since NUM delegates from all the Nottinghamshire collieries are allowed time off in order to attend area union meetings, which before the decision they had to do in their own time. Again, this can be seen as further evidence of union resilience in the face of much opposition. The CAC decision also means that the NUM should be involved in negotiation over substantive issues, although at the time of writing this paper, this had not yet happened. Union organisation and resilience Essentially, it is at colliery level that union recruitment and renewal takes place; and given that the coal industry faces constant restructuring and decline, there is no new recruitment into the industry. Thus, at the case-study colliery, we find that the self activities of local branch officials who have been in the industry for some time are crucial in building workplace activities in order to increase union membership, and it is probably best described as union resilience rather than union renewal. At the case-study colliery, the numbers in each union are impossible to verify; the management strategy has been to continue with the check-off system for UDM members, but not for the NUM, whose members have to set up their own direct debits direct debit Noun an order given to a bank or other financial institution by an account holder to pay an amount of money from the account to a specified person or company at regular intervals direct debit n through their banks in order to pay their union subscriptions. According to according to prep. 1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians. 2. In keeping with: according to instructions. 3. the NUM official, there are 'fifty votes in it', meaning they only need twenty-six more members in order to become the majority union. The UDM, on the other hand, say it is 'two-to-one', making it fifty-one more members needed to overturn the majority. Management at the colliery said it felt that the number of members in each union was 'close'. The HR director also said, 'even though it's a UDM pit, you have a substantial NUM membership'. At the case-study colliery, the NUM and the UDM are in a constant fight to organise mineworkers and, in the case of the NUM, to win back UDM members who left following the strike in 1984-85, in order to maintain its presence and maintain membership. For the NUM, the use of 'banter' can be seen as a union-organising technique, and a form of collective resistance to management's choice of union at the colliery. NUM officials and its membership are actively engaged in trying to win over UDM members, and to get them to join or rejoin re·join 1 v. re·joined, re·join·ing, re·joins v.tr. To say in reply, especially in sharp response to a reply. v.intr. To reply. the NUM. 'Banter' and 'leg-pulling', in this context, are the informal names given to the constant debate that takes place between members of the NUM and those of the UDM about which union is the best in representing and protecting mineworkers and union interests. Unlike in other coalfields, where the majority of miners came out on strike, and where working miners have been ostracised by striking miners refusing to work with them and using language like 'scabs', this is not the case in Nottinghamshire. There, the majority of miners worked throughout the strike, and NUM and UDM members still have to work together in dangerous environments. Thus the overt Public; open; manifest. The term overt is used in Criminal Law in reference to conduct that moves more directly toward the commission of an offense than do acts of planning and preparation that may ultimately lead to such conduct. OVERT. Open. hostility that may be evident in other coalfields seems to have been replaced, in Nottinghamshire, by the use of 'banter'. On the subject of UDM and NUM members working together underground, the NUM official said, 'You need to look after each other ... You don't ... mess with mess with Verb Informal, chiefly US to interfere in, or become involved with, a dangerous person, thing, or situation: he had started messing with drugs that, but there is banter, there is definitely banter.' He went on to say, about feelings towards UDM members, 'you've got to remember that most of our members are ex-UDM, who have rejoined "Rejoined" is an episode of , the sixth episode of the fourth season. Quick Overview: Jadzia Dax is reunited with the mate of a former host and the two struggle with their feelings for one another. us. They were in the UDM, they've now joined NUM. There is the odd one or two you know ... like myself ... that saw the strike out'. The local NUM is actively engaged in trying to gain majority union status at the colliery. An NUM coal-face worker said of a UDM coal-face man in his team, 'he's the only one in the UDM and we're all in the NUM so we give him quite a lot of stick, trying to explain to him that he is in the wrong union'. h UDM face worker said about the banter, 'sometimes it's bitter--nobody falls out, but it's not a bed of roses all the time'. The Health and Safety manager also said, 'It wouldn't take a lot for some UDM men to sway the other way. That could get very difficult for the UDM, SO you've got the UDM who are always trying very hard to maintain their majority, and you've the NUM who are trying to quietly chip away at that'. The UDM official also said, 'there are people who are staunch NUM, and they will try and talk you round to joining the NUM, and vice versa VICE VERSA. On the contrary; on opposite sides. with a few of our lads'. An NUM official at the colliery said, 'we are doing a good job, we are convincing men, we are still getting men signing over to us from UDM. Convincing people we are the better union, and that's what we've got to do--we've got to go and convince people that we are better at being a trade union'. However, given the fight to win UDM members back into the NUM, there is some doubt that the SUM, if it became the majority union, would make any difference to the management's position. A UDM official said, 'Even if it came down to it and the NUM did gain the majority at this pit, because it's in Nottinghamshire the pit would still be a UDM-recognised pit--management wouldn't want to lose that'. In this way, the unions are continually reinforcing union ideals and collective attitudes, highlighting grievances not only with management but also with the ideals of the opposite union. In the case of the NUM, its strategies can be seen as a form of resilience; and despite management strategies to marginalise its local activities, the NUM has not only maintained its presence at the colliery, but also steadily increased its membership over the years. Leadership and interest definition at the colliery Despite the NUM'S CAC victory concerning union recognition and the right of the Nottingham area delegates to have time off for union duties, this is not the case at colliery level. Management is still refusing to give the local branch of the NUM time off work for union duties, or even an office from which to conduct its business. In order to overcome these anti-mobilisation strategies, the local branch of the NUM has actively found ways to continue its operations, and the management's stance has created a source of grievance and discontent among NUM members. An NUM fitter commented, 'We've been fighting for an office and time off since the strike ... It's unfair not to have an office'. An NUM face worker also said that the two unions were treated unequally: 'We've wanted an office since we've been here and you know, something as simple as that and he hasn't got it. The NUM are not treated equally'. In order to maintain a visible presence and organise within the colliery, the local NUM officials have developed various strategies. The local NUM president has had to organise the union branch in different ways. He said, 'I have organised ... what I call shift-contact people, people who are members of our union; ... they act as my shift contacts for anybody who's got any problems'. In this way, each of the main colliery shifts has an NUM member who liaises with the NUM official, reporting any problems or issues that may arise. He went on to say, 'we've tried to organise it so we're not failing, we are up there showing people that we can be a trade union'. This is a highly active and visible role, ensuring that the NUM offers not only advice but also information on the industry and management strategies. Given that these representatives have no office, they have to work from their changing-room lockers. The NUM official said, 'they keep all their paperwork in there', which is a very visible sign of injustice concerning the way the NUM is treated. A face worker said, 'The NUM are not treated fair here with the UDM--I think they favour them because they got them in their pocket anyway'. A UDM face worker also agreed that the NUM was not treated equally: 'No, they're not equal no, the UDM'S got an office but the NUM haven't'. Again, this evidence implies a further form of resilience and opposition to management's action in trying to prevent the NUM from organising and operating at colliery level. To counteract this anti-mobilisation strategy, the local NUM has actively used Health and Safety issues and the media in order to gain access to management, and to help bridge the 'representation gap' (Freeman & Rogers, 1993: 14; Kochan & Osterman, 1994: 17, in Towers, 1997). The NUM members decided, at their monthly local branch meetings, that since management would not meet them to discuss issues of health and safety, they would write to the colliery manager highlighting their safety concerns at the pit. The NUM area official said, 'Each time we wrote, we never got a response'. He then went on to say that the local media picked up on this 'with our help', and challenged the manager to state why he would not respond. The NUM official said that the management responded by saying, 'We took advice on what the unions were sending us, and if we felt it wanted acting on we would look to do so'. The NUM leadership at the colliery, unhappy with the response, then wrote to the Mines Inspectorate in·spec·tor·ate n. 1. The office or duties of an inspector. 2. A staff of inspectors. 3. An inspector's district. inspectorate Noun 1. expressing their concerns about management's refusal to meet the NUM at the colliery. The Mines Inspectorate (MI) told the NUM that 'they could not get involved in industrial relations and the politics of the industry'. However, it did promise to treat any health and safety report sent to it by the NUM as a '123' (2) report, and to investigate it. RJB Mining, fearing that this would mean constant pit inspections, offered an 'open door policy' to the minority NUM at all the Nottinghamshire pits, and health and safety meetings now contain NUM representatives. The union official said, 'We forged a loop hole ... It was done by sheer force if you like, of us threatening to use the MI on every occasion ... we won the day'. A fitter said, 'We must have hit a raw nerve'. This victory for the NUM has meant that it has created opportunities to represent its members' interests at the colliery, impeding im·pede tr.v. im·ped·ed, im·ped·ing, im·pedes To retard or obstruct the progress of. See Synonyms at hinder1. [Latin imped management's attempts to marginalise the local NUM branch. The local NUM has also actively used these health and safety meetings in order to raise other issues regarding its members. An NUM face worker said, 'We expand whenever we're in there onto other issues, and it's something that's accepted now'. An NUM fitter commented, 'We have safety representatives going to these meetings and we put our points forward a lot stronger than the UDM, so we probably--we cause a bit of upset, but nothing major.... A thorn thorn, in botany thorn, sharp-pointed projection on some plants, usually protective in function. Botanically, thorns are distinguished as modified stems (as in the honey locust and hawthorn) from spines, which are modified leaves (as in the barberry), and in the side, I should say'. Leadership within the unions is also important in terms of union organising and resilience, in helping to define worker interests and in promoting and directing the feelings of injustice and blame onto management or the opposing union (Kelly, 1998). An NUM face worker who was once in the UDM said that, when he was moved to the colliery after his previous colliery closed, he was told by management that 'I had to stay in the UDM because it was the majority union and the manager preferred that union'. However, at that time British Coal was trying to get all members to sign new contracts by offering 6000 [pounds sterling] to each worker, which could mean different shift patterns being worked, and the NUM was opposed to such contracts. He went on to say, 'We wanted the UDM leaders to say to everyone, no one sign this new contract.... They weren't willing to do that, so we thought, well what use are you, so that made my mind up to join the NUM and I know a few others did that'. The Nottinghamshire NUM official commented, 'At this colliery most men signed and nearly all the men signed it in Notts ... so they signed their rights away for the five-day working week and their right to be protected under TUPE ... there are still three people at this pit who haven't signed that agreement'. Once again, the more militant stance of the NUM towards management strategies seems to have led to further resilience at local level. The leadership of the NUM in Nottinghamshire and within the colliery seems to be highly regarded: a NUM face worker said of the NUM branch and area president, 'The president runs a good ship--he is a very good president actually, yes'. A former UDM face worker said of the NUM representative here, 'he's a highly respected bloke'. A fitter said, 'Yes, we have good leadership here, he's always fighting your case'. The UDM leadership at the colliery seems to be under pressure. One under-manager said, of the UDM: 'The UDM are a very strange piece of work ... Never know where they're coming from, never know what agenda they're on and they're not straightforward either, because they never tell you, and sometimes they can have some kind of a problem with you and you don't know Don't know (DK, DKed) "Don't know the trade." A Street expression used whenever one party lacks knowledge of a trade or receives conflicting instructions from the other party. because they've not come to talk to you about it.' He said, of the NUM at this pit: 'They are very straightforward individuals and I have got a lot of respect for them'. He went on to say that the UDM is trying to protect a slim majority, and that he feels that the UDM official is 'being manipulated by certain people at his headquarters, add that to the fact that sometimes he's manipulated by us as management and then the pressure about the local NUM'. Thus, for the UDM, speaking with a consistent voice is difficult. Whereas, the under-manager said, 'the NUM have strict principles. The NUM don't believe in roof-bolting, they don't believe in working overtime, they believe in the five-day agreement, whilst the UDM official's principles will move about all over place to suit whoever is pulling his strings the hardest and ... because he's a surface man as well. He's getting pushed and pulled about by underground people all the time'. It would seem that the UDM officials, who are surface workers, do not have the in-depth knowledge of face and heading work, and they may not enjoy the same kind of respect as the NUM officials. One NUM face worker commented, 'I am not really a union man. But I think the bloke in charge of the UDM is an absolute pillock and I tell him so'. Another said of the UDM, 'I think they are a sweetheart union that will ... jump over backwards to do what the company wants, but we are the opposite, we want to look after members' interests'. There does seem to be a problem for the UDM in terms of its appeal, certainly with NUM members. During the interviews, UDM members never really attacked the local branch of NUM, but accepted that there was leg-pulling and banter between the unions. Local democracy is also important within workplace unionism. The local NUM holds branch meetings in a local hall every two months, where issues concerning the industry are discussed. The branch president said, 'the meetings are often not well attended unless a major issue has come up, but we are still able to be seen operating'. The branch also prepares a local miners' paper, which they send to NUM members' homes in order to keep them informed of important issues. The paper is also designed to counter the management's human resource strategy of direct communication with employees, sending colliery magazines directly to the miners' homes in order to inform employees about management initiatives, the state of the industry and government plans--and in order to reinforce management decisions and increase employees' identification with the company. The monthly news magazine uses attention-grabbing headlines such as 'Cost Warning', 'TPM: The Way Forward', 'Time for Change', 'Output Shortfall', and 'Crunch Time Looms'; all aimed at trying to secure a common ground between the management and the miners themselves. Several miners said, of the magazine, that it kept them 'informed of what was happening' and they found it useful. However, some saw it as propaganda. An NUM official referred to it as the 'fascist news', and saw it as an attempt to undermine the union's ability to resist management initiatives. At the colliery, the NUM is not allowed to distribute any material or put up union notices; as the union official said, 'We've been threatened with the sack if we do, and even when we do, the UDM go round and pull them down'. At the case-study colliery, there is clear evidence of local resistance to the management's approach to industrial relations, which is designed to marginalise the NUM. The NUM has also been able to act independently from the national and area union in producing local strategies that oppose management's attack on the NUM's presence at the colliery, which has also led to increasing local NUM membership. Democracy is also evident within the NUM at the colliery, despite management's opposition to its operations. All of this suggests healthy unionism and resilience. It is evident that these tendencies are also in line with the national union's approach to industrial relations within the industry, and it continues to support the operations of the local union by providing advice, finance and representation when necessary. Conclusion The aim of this article was to examine the effectiveness of the NUM'S local shop steward A Labor Union official elected to represent members in a plant or particular department. The shop steward's duties include collection of dues, recruitment of new members, and initial negotiations for settlement of grievances. Cross-references Labor Union. organisation within the more moderate Nottinghamshire coalfield, where it is effectively not recognised. This article has provided new empirical evidence to contribute to the arguments of Kelly (1998) that militant trade unionism is a significant factor in union survival and resilience. It offers further data that also contributes to the union renewal/resilience debate, from an area of the English coalfields in which the majority union is the more moderate UDM, and in which the NUM is having to struggle and fight for recognition and representation at both colliery and area levels. This struggle is taking place within a sector of the economy in which the unions might be expected, by many, to be ineffective; and in which, in the case of the NUM in Nottinghamshire, they might even have been expected to have become extinct. The paper demonstrates that the more militant action of the national NUM in the late-1990s led to a better pay deal than the one agreed by the more moderate UDM. This not only embarrassed the UDM leadership, but it also led to some of its members returning to the NUM at the colliery, helping to build what can be considered union resilience. It also seems to have led to feelings that the union was too close to management, and reinforced the view that it was more like a 'sweetheart union', for some at least. Following its victory, the NUM was then able to make use of the 1999 Employment Relations Act in order to gain recognition at area level in Nottinghamshire. The active role of the Nottinghamshire union officials, along with the national leadership, meant that they were able to use the CAC decision to gain recognition within the Nottinghamshire area--a further sign of building union resilience. This paper illustrates the way NUM workplace organisation has survived in the face of opposition from management, the UDM and the pit-closure programme. The UDM may have formal recognition, but the NUM strategy of creeping creeping 1. gradual progression of a lesion or tissue growth. 2. prostrate growth pattern of a plant, e.g. c. buttercup (Ranunculus repens), c. caustic (Euphorbia drummondii), c. charlie (Glechoma hederacea), c. recognition via health and safety and other work-related issues has led to its own de facto recognition In international law, de facto recognition of a country is unofficial recognition. It is derived from actions and contacts between two states on a political level. These can include: This has reinforced the justification and worth of being a member of the NUM, leading slowly but increasingly to UDM members rejoining the NUM. 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