Cyriacus of Ancona and the revival of two forgotten ancient personifications in the Rector's Palace of Dubrovnik.

Despite the growing interest of modern scholars in early Renaissance civic architecture as the bearer of meaning, the public buildings of Dubrovnik (It. Ragusa; Lat. Ragusium) have received less attention than their due. This is all the more regrettable because when some of the city's monuments are seen in their appropriate historical perspective, they turn out to be more important than many scholars would have expected.(1)

My case in point is Dubrovnik's principal government building, the so-called Rector's Palace (Palatium regiminis, Knezev dvor, or the Palazzo de'Rettori).(2) When the fortress-like structure, which had been built in the fourteenth century, was severely damaged in 1435 by a gunpowder explosion in the armory, the authorities immediately decided to erect a new palace. Its construction was entrusted to the state engineer Onofrio di Giordano della Cava of Naples, under whose direction it was virtually completed by 1452 - only to be severely damaged by another explosion of ammunition in 1463.(3) Fortunately, however, many of the ornamental and figurative sculptures from Onofrio's building campaign survive.

We know this thanks to a lengthy description of the Rector's Palace written in the course of its construction by the visiting humanist Filippo de Diversis of Lucca who was then headmaster of Dubrovnik's Latin school. In his laudatory treatise entitled De situ aedificiorum, politiae et laudabilium consuetudinum inclytae civitatis Ragusii, dedicated to the senate of Dubrovnik in 1440, we read the following report of the work in progress, which deals for the most part with the sculptural decoration of the capitals in the open loggia (called Sotto i volti) facing the street Prid Dvorom:

Sunt iliarum columnarum capita seu summitates magno studio sculpta . . . in prima sculptus est Aesculapius artis medicinae reparator, id persuadente singulari poeta et litterarum doctissimo Nicolao de Larina, nobili Cremonensi, . . . qui cancellariatus Ragusii onus gerrere et pati disposuit et nunc patitur. Hic enim cum scivisset et suis litterarum studijs didicisset, Aesculapium Epidauri, quod nunc Ragusium dicitur, oriundum fuisse, summo studio elaboravit ut insculperetur illius simulacrum, cui epitaphlure metricum muro infixum edidit. In quadam columna introitus palatij sculptum videtur aequum iudicium Salomonis. In quodam angulo ianuae principalis habetur rectoris iniurias audientis similituclo. In introitu Minoris consilii, . . . est quaedam Iustitiae sculptura tenens breve, ubi sic legitur: Iussi summa mei sua vos cuicunque tueri [italics mine].(4)

All the sculptures mentioned by De Diversis in this passage can still be identified within the building complex, but only the half-capital with Aesculapius in his "laboratory" [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED] has retained its original place in the outer right-hand corner of the loggia. It is still accompanied by the explanatory epitaphium metricum inscribed on a rectangular stone tablet immured in the side wall.(5) The capital showing the Judgment of Solomon was apparently replaced at the time of the building campaign following the explosion of 1463. It was long used as a fountainhead in the palace of the Caboga/Kabuzic family, and can now be seen in the museum inside the Rector's Palace.(6) The impost from the main portal, showing in two episodes the rector hearing complaints in court [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED], has been reinstalled on the staircase in the inner courtyard, together with the console showing Iustitia seated above two lions and holding a fragmentary scroll with the text, which was recorded in full by De Diversis [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED].(7)

Each of these images merits detailed iconographical analysis. However, since my aim is not to attempt a comprehensive study of the Rector's Palace as a whole, a few words on the main themes of the program - which was still in the making while De Diversis was writing his laudatio - will suffice to give an idea of its referential scope.

The guiding principle unifying the imagery was, needless to say, the civic promotion and propagandizing of the ideals of the Ragusan city-state. It seems that within this contextual framework two themes were given particular prominence. On the one hand, Dubrovnik's ancient origins and glory were stated by honoring the city's purported mythical "celebrity" [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED], the god Aesculapius, euhemeristically interpreted (as the inscription says) as the inventor of medicine. His cult center in the Greek city of Epidauros was conveniently confused with the port of the same name in Illyricum, which was the actual predecessor of medieval Ragusium.(8) On the other hand, the civic propaganda to which the program was dedicated proclaimed the ideal of just government.

The latter message was brought home to the viewer step by step upon entering the building by three successive and complementary visual paradigms. In the colonnade of the entrance loggia the rule of law was initially proclaimed with reference to the authoritative biblical exemplum of the Judgment of Solomon. Then, at the main portal, the visitor faced the reliefs showing the city's highest elected magistrate (the rector) presiding in court [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED], thus inviting comparison with Solomon as the prototype of the just and prudent ruler. Finally, there appeared to the visitor the allegorical figure of Iustitia herself [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED].(9) Accordingly, not only were a biblical precedent and the contemporary administration of justice presented to the view of potential suppliants and officers of the court, but the very principle of Justice could be seen by the Ragusan citizenry as having taken possession of the city hall.

In contrast to the other images, Iustitia does not engage our attention merely by her silent presence. Through the inscription on the scroll she holds in her hands she speaks to the viewer in the first person: "Iussi summa mei sua vos cuicunque tueri." ("The tenor of my command is that you should safeguard the pertaining rights of every single person.") Moreover, since De Diversis tells us that the console bearing her image was originally placed at the entrance of the Consilium minus, it seems likely that her address was targeted specifically at the members of the Consilium minus, which included the rector and five judges in charge of criminal law cases.(10) In any case, by appearing "as if speaking," Iustitia belongs to that genre of "rhetoricized" expository imagery, particularly popular in the Trecento and Quattrocento, in which the intended message can be understood in its entirety only when the text and image are read as integral parts of the same conceptual entity.(11)

Keeping this methodological premise in mind, I should now like to consider in detail another statue from the Rector's Palace that has until recently almost completely escaped scholarly attention. As shall soon become evident, the sculpture raises complex issues carrying with them wide-ranging implications for our understanding of the revival of antiquity in the early Renaissance. It can be related in particular to the antiquarian and epigraphical research of Cyriacus of Ancona.

In the left-hand corner of the cortile, placed above a Gothic portal, there is a Renaissance shell-topped niche which serves as a frame for a standing figure of what appears to be a winged angel unfolding a long inscribed scroll [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 4 OMITTED]. Since the statue is unmentioned by De Diversis and otherwise undocumented, its precise dating must remain conjectural. Nonetheless, on stylistic grounds the angel cannot be much later than the console with Iustitia and the imposts from the main entrance, which the figure resembles so closely in the handling of the drapery that it may well be by the same hand. Given the fact that the former two certainly date from shortly before 1440 (the date of De Diversis's account) and considering the high probability that they were both carved by the sculptor Pietro di Martino da Milano who resided in Dubrovnik between 1432 and 1452, it follows that our angelic figure in all likelihood was installed at some point during the 1440s.(12) Thanks to De Diversis, who says he was in direct contact with the architect Onofrio della Cava, we know that the sections of the Rector's Palace still to be built in 1440 included a new curia ("Vijecnica") for the gatherings of the legislative Consilium maius, or the Ragusan senate.(13)

Accordingly, it may not be a mere coincidence that the portal beneath the niche with the statue in question served as the ground floor passage to the senate-house. The latter building, thoroughly rebuilt circa 1490, was until its demolition early in the nineteenth century attached to the north flank of the Rector's Palace.(14)

The good chance that the placement of the angelic figure at the entrance to the Senate-house bespeaks an association with the Consilium maius thus encourages a conjecture that its function was similar to that of Iustitia at the entrance of Consilium minus. This is indeed confirmed by the content of the Latin inscription on her scroll that reads:

PIO, IVSTO, PROVIDOQ(ue) RAG(useorum) SENATVI SACRA MENS:/IVST(itiam), PIETATEMQ(ue) CIVNTO, VICIO [sic] VACANTO, CAETERIS SPECIMEN (sunto).(15) [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 5 OMITTED].

Through syntax as well as line spacing, the text is clearly split into two elliptic sentences. The first line is an "explanatory preamble," telling us in no uncertain terms that here "the pious, just, and provident senate of the Ragusans" is being forwarded a message through the agency of a sacra mens. The message follows in the second line that reads: "They [i.e., the senators] shall call upon Justice and Piety for help and inspiration, they shall be free from dishonor, [and] they shall be the model for the rest [of the citizens]."(16) Thus the angelic scroll-bearer, like the figure of Iustitia, performs the task of bringing home their moral responsibilities to the directly affected state officials.

Given the powerful contextual and visual affinities existing between the two "sister figures," however, it comes as no small surprise to see how greatly the respective texts they carry differ conceptually, visually, and in literary style. With respect to literary style, it should be noted that the rhythmic hexameter "spelled out" in the first person on the scroll held by Iustitia gives way in her sister's message to a short piece of solemn Latin prose of a distinctly archaic flavor that is - owing to the reiterative use of the imperativus futuri - unmistakably reminiscent of Roman legal documents in the style of the Leges duodecim tabularum.(17) The use of such ponderous language was bound to invoke in any humanist reader the civic ideals of the venerable Res publica Romana and her institutions. It would seem, then, that the Ragusan senators were being explicitly championed as being the worthy heirs of their virtuous Roman predecessors. In fact such a reading is given weight by the direct appropriation in the inscription of the very words used by Cicero in his fictive law sanctioning the prerequisites and responsibilities of an idealized ordo senatorius (De legibus, 3.3.10): "Omnes magistratus auspicium iudiciumque habento, exque his senatus esto. Eius decreta rata sunto. Ast si potestas par maiorve prohibissit, senatus consulta perscripta servanto. Is ordo vitio vacato, caeteris specimen esto [italics mine]."(18) In contrast, the breve held by Iustitia was modeled on a widely-used definition of Justice that also harks back to Roman legal traditions but was fully integrated into a Christian context in patristic literature and as such frequently cited throughout the Middle Ages. Accordingly, it was less emphatically evocative of old republican Rome.(19)

However, what makes the structural differences between the inscriptions on the scrolls held respectively by Iustitia and the angelic figure even more readily apparent is the fact that in the case of the latter the distinctly "Roman" tenor of her appeal to the senators is reinforced by an epigraphical style of inscription which is modeled on the letter forms of the classical "capitalis monumentalis quadrata" [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 6 OMITTED]. The hexameter on the scroll of Iustitia, on the other hand, is carved in the Gothic fractura [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED].(20)

By virtue of its undoubtedly intentional revival of "genuine" Romanitas, the text on the scroll held by the angelic figure is wholly exceptional, for it turns out to be a highly precocious example of the revival of the style, content, and letter forms of ancient epigraphy, even in comparison with the epigraphical standards of the most advanced centers of humanist culture on Italian soil.(21) Hence the question is immediately raised of how so radical a shift towards antiquarian correctness became possible in Dubrovnik already in the 1440s. The evidence for resolving the question is in fact very close at hand. The all'antica lettering on the scroll of the angelic figure bears a clear analogy to the types of characters and the recurrent abbreviations appearing in two conspicuous public inscriptions in Dubrovnik itself, the date and authorship of which are unequivocally documented. In the administrative records of the Consilium minus and the Consilium maius we read that the plaques in question, installed in March 1446, were commissioned in December of 1443 from no less an expert than Cyriacus of Ancona.(22)

Both survive in situ. The first inscription [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 7 OMITTED] is placed in the loggia of the Rector's Palace to the left of the main portal. In the festive language of Roman dedicatory epigraphs, it celebrates the decree by which the senate in 1435 ordered the construction of its new governmental headquarters.(23) The second inscription [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 8 OMITTED] honors the architect Onofrio della Cava for his successful completion of the city's waterworks in 1438 and is, appropriately, affixed to the basin wall of the large fountain of the Commune.(24) In light of the compelling documentary evidence and on the basis of many matching details - such as the letter forms and abbreviations - we can readily conclude that the text for the scroll of the angelic figure was likewise written and designed by Cyriacus.(25) But before we turn to the important implications of this observation for an accurate interpretation of the statue, I would like to alert the reader to the documentary value, hitherto unrecognized, of all three Ragusan inscriptions for the history of Renaissance epigraphy.

As I have sought to demonstrate elsewhere, Cyriacus of Ancona's authenticated and securely dated inscriptions for the Rector's Palace and the large fountain provide crucial material evidence as to how the famous antiquarian applied the epigraphical expertise he gained through the study of genuine antique monuments to practical ends in a contemporary context.(26) Recent scholarship has tended to minimize Cyriacus's seminal role in introducing truly classical phraseology and the correct forms of the capitalis quadrata into contemporary epigraphs, which were actually carved in stone plaques displayed in public places and not just recorded on paper or parchment for private use in a humanist's study.(27) Present-day controversy has centered around the earliest appearance shortly before 1450 of harmoniously proportioned capitals modeled on early imperial Roman epigraphs, as opposed to the Florentine lettere antiche characteristic of the first half of the fifteenth century, which still contained unclassical elements. It has been suggested on the one hand that among the most important pioneers in this respect were some of the leading contemporary artists, especially Donatello and Mantegna in Padua and the north Italian antiquarians like Felice Feliciano and Giovanni Marcanova.(28) On the other hand, it has been maintained that the turning point resulted from the collaboration of Matteo de' Pasti and Leone Battista Alberti in Rimini. These two are held responsible for a series of inscriptions that are commonly regarded in the literature on the subject as the earliest surviving examples of the true all'antica style, not only in regard to the letter forms but also the terse classicizing wording in prose.(29)

However, given the fact that the oldest of the Riminese inscriptions, the plaque above the main entrance to Sigismondo Malatesta's rocca, bears the date 1446 and could have conceivably been carved even later, the Ragusan tablets by Cyriacus of Ancona gain absolute primacy in terms of chronology. Furthermore, mid-fifteenth-century humanists themselves had little doubt that Cyriacus was the first and foremost authority in these matters. Jacopo Zeno in a laudatory letter dating precisely from the early 1440s, for example, wrote the following lines, full of appreciation for Cyriacus: "Tu [scil. Cyriacus] praeterea in scribendi recto modo et ordine maximum et amplissimum omnibus emolumentum attulisti. Quis enim ante te copulatas et colligatas et invicem connexas atque contextas litteras formare? Quis antiquitatis in scriptura ritus observare cognoverit? Quod etiam hodierno d ie fere omnes ignorant et admirantur nisi qui tibi et doctrinae tuae assidue dediti sint."(30)

It was apparently at about this time that Cyriacus established his first direct contacts with Dubrovnik. To our knowledge one of the Ragusan noblemen he met personally was also Marin Rastic (Marino di Michele de' Resti), who visited Ancona in 1440 as a special envoy sent from his native city in order to sign an important treaty concerning collaboration in maritime trade between the hitherto rival Adriatic ports. Cyriacus, then holding the public office of the Anconitan sevir, was chosen to welcome the representative of Dubrovnik with a suitably pompous speech, which has survived under the title Anconitana Illyricaque laus et Anconitanorum Raguseorumque foedus.(31) The polished official version of this oration also includes a short sylloge of classical inscriptions from Ancona. In addition Cyriacus appended to the final version of his laudatio a brief summary of the Anconitano-Ragusan trade agreement, the content of which he rephrased in the manner of the concluding sanctio of the Roman leges rogatae. This succinct foedus contrasts sharply with the diffuse medieval Latin of the official text of the treaty and, notably, bears a clear resemblance in tone to the legal jargon of the second line on the scroll of the angelic figure.(32) On these grounds there is good reason for supposing that Marin Rastic had clearly defined humanist and epigraphical interests himself. Therefore he may also have been instrumental in securing Cyriacus's assistance in preparing the public inscriptions for his native Dubrovnik a few years later, thus ensuring that they would be a la page with regard to all'antica epigraphical style in form and content.

As mentioned above, the two public inscriptions were commissioned from Cyriacus in the winter months of 1443-44 when he stopped in Dubrovnik on his way to the eastern Mediterranean, which he set about exploring in the years 1444-49.(33) Cyriacus's visit to Dubrovnik and the travels that followed were not, however, entirely a private affair. It is almost certain that during his journeys in the later 1440s the Anconitan antiquarian acted, in Bodnar's words, as a "papal diplomatic agent" whose task was to gather intelligence in the time of that military campaign against the Turks known as the Crusade of Varna.(34) While in Dubrovnik Cyriacus was actively involved in the hectic diplomatic activity necessary to hold together the anti-Turkish coalition of which Dubrovnik was a member.(35)

Later on in this paper I intend to show that these historical events are far from irrelevant to an understanding of the angelic scroll bearer. But before turning our attention to this issue, it is first necessary to classify the figure with greater precision iconographically and to narrow down the time span in which it most likely came into existence.

Until recently the statue has been conventionally understood to be an angel pure and simple.(36) At first glance there would appear to be little to be added to such a generic reading because the effeminate, curly-haired, winged being is in clear accordance with the normal angelic types of the international Gothic style.(37) However, upon reflection this alone does not suffice for positive identification of the figure as "merely" an angel because in the period in question similar dress and wings also occur frequently in images of personified abstract concepts, and especially standard virtues.(38) In effect there is no obstacle to assuming that our thus-far anonymous angelic being belongs to the same category of allegorical imagery as does its companion Iustitia.

That this is indeed the case is confirmed by an inscribed titulus that has remained unnoticed for a surprisingly long time. On the console-like ledge protruding from the niche that serves as the figure's pedestal and carved from the same block of stone [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 9 OMITTED], we see in somewhat awkward but clearly legible Greek capitals the inscription:

(I E P A B O [Gamma] [Delta] H). Taken literally this would mean that the angelic figure in fact personifies Divine Counsel, or even the Holy Senate.(39) However, while the fact that we are presented with a visual metaphor for a personified concept should come as no surprise in the context of the Rector's Palace, the title is baffling for a number of reasons - first and foremost because it is not spelled out in Latin or the vernacular but in Greek. To my knowledge the personified Holy Counsel in Dubrovnik is, at least in this respect, iconographically without direct precedent or any contemporary parallel.

Given the very high probability that the author of the Latin inscription on the statue's scroll was Cyriacus of Ancona, it also seems likely that the explanation for [Greek Text Omitted] in mid-fifteenth-century Dubrovnik bespeaks his intervention as well. And in fact, this unusual personification turns out to be a direct echo of one of his archaeological discoveries. As we happen to know from the surviving fragments of his diaries, in November of 1444 Cyriacus paid a visit to the island of Thasos where he was warmly received by its feudal lord Francesco Gattalusio.(40) Among the antique remains he saw and found particularly interesting was a fragmentary statue of which he made a drawing, accompanied by the following postilla: "Statua marmorea et eximia arte fabrefacta apud Thasii portus vestibulum nuper a Francisco Gatalusio principe erecta. Olim vero Thasiorum consilii simulacrum fuisse sua ad basim insculpta antiqua inscriptione patet."(41)

Regrettably, both the original sculpture and Cyriacus's autograph drawing of it are lost. But fortunately two fifteenth-century copies of the latter survive, enabling us to get an idea of the statue's appearance. The first drawing [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 10 OMITTED] is in the collectanea of Bartolomeo Fonzio, known under the title Liber monumentorum Romanae urbis et aliorum locorum, dating to around 1475).(42) The second is in a derivative manuscript belonging originally to Fonzio's pupil FrancescoPandolfini.(43) They both show a statue of a half-naked seated woman whose hands have been broken off and whose feet are resting on a rectangular base carrying the inscription: I E P A B O Y [Delta] H.

Despite the obvious visual dissimilarity between the Thasian [Greek Text Omitted] and the angelic being in Dubrovnik, the matching inscriptions provide unequivocal evidence that the latter's titulus was inspired by this particular piece of ancient statuary. The ancient [Greek Text Omitted] as personified in the guise of a female figure is exclusively documented by way of a very few surviving visual representations from Asia Minor and the Greek mainland, particularly Athens, which are always given identifying inscriptions.(44) Moreover, this personification embodying the "inherent wisdom of the state council" of a polis is never even implicitly mentioned as such by the Greek and Roman authors, and therefore its revival in Quattrocento Dubrovnik would ipso facto have had to be based on material - in other words archaeological - evidence, rather than on literary testimony. In this light the chances that any humanist in the West could possibly have been aware of [Greek Text Omitted] without the mediation of Cyriacus appear to be slim indeed.

This has, of course, immediate implications for the dating of the Ragusan statue, which could on this evidence not have been installed during Cyriacus's sojourn in Dubrovnik between 1443 and early 1444 but only after his crucial discovery made on Thasos on 10 November 1444. Still, unless new documents on the works in progress in the Rector's Palace come to light, the precise date of the statue cannot be determined. Notwithstanding the possibility that the Anconitan humanist provided his Ragusan friends with the necessary instructions in one of his learned antiquarian letters (of which some survive), it seems more likely that in this case he was personally present in the city. If so, this would mean that the most likely date for his invention of the angelic figure's conceptual framework was the winter of 1448-49 when he could have easily stopped in Dubrovnik, which was doubtless on the route up the Adriatic he took on the way back home from his prolonged Greek expedition.(45)

Be that as it may, there can now be no question that in the Rector's Palace of Dubrovnik the name of an obscure classical personification was intentionally brought back to life on the basis of a genuinely antique source. Renewed future efforts at contextual analysis of the angelic figure may accordingly yield important insights into the working of Cyriacus of Ancona's mind when he was given the rare opportunity to put into practice his professed goal of "reviving things long dead and forgotten" not only as an epigrapher but also as the author of an allegorical invenzione intended to take visual form.(46)

In our own attempt at tracing some of the interpretive strategies involved, it is essential to keep in mind that Cyriacus's services were sought after by the Ragusans for a purpose that radically differed from the private sphere of leisurely antiquarian otium. Quite the opposite, the purpose of the personification of [Greek Text Omitted] in the Rector's Palace was patently public. Her name must therefore have been considered especially fitting for her role in relation to the members of the Consilium maius.

Since in classical antiquity images of [Greek Text Omitted] were used as visual metaphors for a wise city council or senate, it might seem plausible to suggest that in Dubrovnik she also was interpreted along these lines. However, it quickly turns out that this can hardly be the case. The tenor of the Latin inscription makes it impossible to maintain that the angelic figure was understood as impersonating the Ragusan Senate, because it is this very senate itself that she is addressing in her short speech. Evidently, [Greek Text Omitted] in Dubrovnik impersonated a "higher authority" instructing and inspiring the senators. Interestingly enough, the role assigned to [Greek Text Omitted] in the Rector's Palace is thus at variance with Cyriacus's own preliminary reading of the statue on Thasos in which he recognized "an image of the consilium of the Thasians."(47) In fact, the Ragusan statue reflects a substantial "exegetic shift" ex post facto, the clue to understanding of which is contained in the Latin inscription on the scroll.

Since we are told explicitly in the introductory line of the Latin inscription that the address to the senators comes from a Sacra Mens, there is no obstacle to identifying this personified concept with the angelic figure as well. Moreover, it can be demonstrated that precisely by virtue of her "double identity" with Sacra Mens, the concept embodied in [Greek Text Omitted] was purposely redefined in order to accord with a particular frame of reference that determined her function in Dubrovnik. The words [Greek Text Omitted] and mens are semantically not absolute synonyms, hence the choice of mens as a substitute for [Greek Text Omitted] could not have occurred automatically to Cyriacus as a simple translation of the Greek word into Latin. Had he wanted a straightforward rendering, the obvious choice for an equivalent to [Greek Text Omitted] would have been consilium, to which he in fact referred in his comment on the Thasian statue.(48) By choosing mens instead he considerably narrowed the field of action covered by the angelic figure. Although mens and [Greek Text Omitted] each has a wide range of meanings by itself, their respective semantic fields overlap only when they are used to denote "understanding, good judgment, discernment," or simply "reason" in abstracto. Taking into account the meaning of the matching adjectives [Greek Text Omitted] and sacer, there are good reasons to conclude that the winged figure in Dubrovnik was conceived as the embodiment of "divine reason," and thus by implication of the "wise counsel" of God that inspires the "pious senators."(49) In such a merging of mens with [Greek Text Omitted] in this specific meaning, Cyriacus might well, for example, have relied on Isidore of Seville's etymology of the word "Sibyl."(50)

In her role as the wise advisor or counselor to the senate, the Ragusan Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] seems to express a concept bearing close parallels to qualities associated with the idea normally embodied in personifications of Prudentia. Moreover, such a personification would seem a natural and even obvious choice for a counterpart to the figure of Iustitia appearing at the entrance to the Consilium minus. For that reason one might ask why the scroll-bearing figure in Dubrovnik was not simply given the latter's well-known name and universally recognizable attributes.(51)

There is no simple answer to this question, but the explanation could be partly sought in the fact that Mens can be perceived as a specifically "senatorial" virtue, and therefore as the most appropriate parallel for [Greek Text Omitted]. Furthermore, there are suggestive indications that in the case of mens personified, Cyriacus likewise developed his iconographic concetto with a specific ancient model in mind. And, in fact, it turns out that here too he consciously brought back to life another all but forgotten personification, one that had appeared in a well-defined context only in classical antiquity. In contrast to the circumstances leading to the resuscitation of [Greek Text Omitted], whereby Cyriacus's point of departure was determined by an archaeological discovery, the specific meaning of mens as a personification is primarily derived from literary sources. She belongs to that distinct group of specifically Roman numina whose official cults were usually instituted in response to portentous events that threatened the well-being of the res publica.(52) Being one of these abstract deities, Mens is mentioned by a number of authors familiar to the early humanists. For the most part her name appears in two contexts: in historical literature describing events leading to the establishment of her cult and in philosophical writings treating theoretical questions concerning the nature of divinity.(53)

In the latter context, the dea Mens is mentioned a number of times by Cicero. In that section of his De natura deorum in which he argues the view that gods exist as animate beings, she is, moreover, closely associated with the virtue of prudentia (2.31.79):

Sequitur ut eadem est in iis [scil. diis] quae humano in genere ratio, eadem veritas utrobique sit eademque lex, quae est recti praeceptio pravique depulsio [in Dubrovnik compare Mens's words on "virtutes" and "vitia"!]. Ex quo intellegitur prudentiam quoque et mentem a deis ad hominem pervenisse; ob eam causam maiorum institutis Mens, Fides, Virtus, Concordia consecratae et publice dedicatae sunt, quae cui convenit penes deos esse negare cum earum augusta et sancta simulacra veneremur? [italics mine](54)

Elsewhere in the same work Cicero again touches upon Mens while discussing the origin of abstract deities, "recognized and named . . . from the great benefits they bestow" on humanity (ibid., 2.61; cf. 3.47; 3.88).(55) Moreover, in his De legibus - the work that was clearly the source for the quotation in the Latin inscription on the scroll carried by [Greek Text Omitted] - Mens is listed among the deified abstractions that should be worshiped because through their mediation "an ascent to heaven is granted to mankind" (2.19).(56)

Possibly a more specific association of Mens with the Senate comes up in an oblique way in Cicero's speech Pro Milone (32.90), where the curia is pathetically called the "Templum sanctitatis, amplitudinis, mentis, consilii publici" (italics mine; the allusion is lost in the standard translation - "the shrine of holiness, of majesty, of intellect, of public policy"). However, a less vague reference to her as a personified senatorial virtue may be found in Lactantius's ridicule of the pagan worship of such deities in his Divinae institutiones: "Mentem quoque inter deos Senatus collocavit, quam profecto si habuisset, eiusmodi sacra numquam suscepisset."(57)

What Lactantius may have also had in mind when he referred to the "mindlessness" of the Senate were the circumstances that led to the institution of the cult of Mens. On 22 June 217 B.C. the Roman army under the command of the Consul Caius Flaminius was devastatingly defeated by Hannibal in the famous battle at the Lacus Trasumenum. The military disaster was blamed mostly on poor judgment (dementia) and an impious disregard of bad omens on the part of Flaminius, who himself had died on the field of battle.(58) In its aftermath the panic-striken capital and the Senate in particular had to be quickly brought back to reason and wise counsel in order to take appropriate action, and among the propitiatory acts intended to secure this a temple was vowed to Mens by the duumvir T. Otacilius Crassus. Henceforth during the republican period the benevolent dea Mens was especially invoked when Rome was under dire threat of imminent barbarian invasion, as, for example, at the time of the invasion of Cimbri and Theutoni in 107 B.C.(59)

There is no doubt that Cyriacus was familiar with the Roman function of Mens as a goddess to be invoked when the city was in dire peril from barbarian attack since one of the main sources for the institution of her cult is Ovid's account in the Fasti, a copy of which in Cyriacus's own hand dated 1427 still survives.(60) For this reason the relevant distychs deserve special attention as Cyriacus's most likely point of reference for understanding the meaning of Mens. The passage in question (Fasti, 6.241-46) writes of the feast day of the deity (8 June) in the following way:

Mens quoque numen habet. Mentis delubra videmus vota metu belli, perfide Poene, tui Poene rebellaras, et leto consulis omnes attoniti Mauras pertimuere manus. Spem metus expulerat, cum Menti vota senatus suscipit, et melior protinus illa venit.(61)

Reading these lines on the "terror of war" (242), on the Roman people "thunderstruck by the consul's death, dreading the Moorish bands" (243-44), on the "fear driving out hope" (245), one cannot fail to be reminded of contemporary events of the very years in which the statue of Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] was installed in the Ragusan senate. On the exact day that Cyriacus of Ancona discovered the statue of [Greek Text Omitted] on Thasos, 10 November 1444, another fateful battle was fought nearby. At the port of Varna the Turkish forces of Sultan Murad II devastated the Crusader armies, which had started their campaign against them a year before when Cyriacus was still in Dubrovnik. The defeat sealed the fate of the moribund Byzantine state, placed Dubrovnik in an extremely precarious position, not unlike that of Rome in 217 B.C., and meant a terrible personal blow to Cyriacus, who was from the outset passionately supporting on the pope's behalf the campaign against the "eastern barbarians."(62)

The misfortunes of the second half of the 1440s inescapably invite a parallel with the battle at the Lacus Trasumenum and its grave consequences, invoked by Ovid and so vividly described by a number of ancient historians who were most read by the humanists.(63) Furthermore, the course of the battle at Varna followed a similar pattern. After the initial success of the Christian army, its commander in chief, the young Hungaro-Polish king Vladislav III Jagiello, was killed owing to an ill-considered show of bravery; thereupon the Crusaders panicked and the Turks won decisively. The catastrophe could thus also have been viewed as the result of the supreme commander's dementia. In the confusion that followed, the Cardinal-legate Cesarini, the spiritus movens of the Crusade, also perished. Only the Hungarian general Janos Hunyadi managed to escape with some of his troops. However, he - the last hope of everybody concerned for the fate of the campaign - was badly beaten at Kossovo late in 1448 and had to pull back for good.(64) At about this time Cyriacus, who for some time continued to nurse hopes of a positive outcome for the ill-fated crusade, must have realized how serious the situation really was.(65) Thus in the winter of 1448-49 - the most likely date for the angelic figure of '[Greek Text Omitted] - he would have had good reasons for considering Mens as an appropriate inspiration to the senators of Dubrovnik, facing the very real danger of the "barbarians" ante portas.

On balance it does, therefore, not seem far-fetched to conclude that Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] was conceived and installed in the Rector's Palace in response to the Turkish threat. Under Cyriacus's direction the Consilium maius adopted as its guiding spirit a revived Roman personification, the dea Mens, which at the same time was so intimately tied up with the events of the 1440s that she was destined from the outset to remain an iconographical hapax whose original meaning was soon forgotten.

Having established with a reasonable degree of probability the contemporary context that helped to bring the Roman Mens and Greek [Greek Text Omitted] back to life, we must now confront several other interpretive questions raised by the statue in Dubrovnik. Although we have a good idea at this point why Cyriacus and the Ragusans preferred a Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] to some other allegorical figure in the context of this particular historical moment, we still do not know how this hybrid personification functioned conceptually. This is, needless to say, a problem of great complexity, especially because there is little in the way of external evidence to rely upon.(66)

But precisely because Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] is a hapax, her name, outlook, and function could not simply have been taken for granted - neither by the inventor of the concetto, in this case Cyriacus of Ancona, nor by the public. It therefore follows that some thought must have been given to the question, not only of how to account for her presence in the Rector's Palace contextually, but also of how to define her existence ontologically.

The fact that the two names of the winged figure in Dubrovnik were respectively borrowed from a newly discovered antique statue and from an obscure Roman deity suggests that it was theoretically possible to perceive Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] not only as a visual metaphor for a purely abstract concept but also as a benevolent supernatural being.(67) In such a case there would clearly be - given her Roman ancestry as a pagan goddess - a need also to justify her existence in Christian terms. Since we lack direct evidence for controversy or discussion of this kind in Dubrovnik, it is impossible to give a definitive resolution to the problem. Hypothetically, however, we might be able to reconstruct some of the arguments involved.

At first glance it might seem that Cyriacus could justify his revival of the pagan dea Mens as guarantor of the senate's wisdom simply by pointing to Cicero's rationalization as quoted above (De natura deorum, 2.79). Such a personification would be acceptable even if given visual form, insofar as it embodied a positive quality pertaining to divine nature. However, this explanation could still have provoked suspicion of hidden idolatry. For example, an old Lactantian counter-argument could easily be revived and brought up against our statue. In a passage in which he explicitly refers to Mens by quoting the above-mentioned passage from Cicero's De legibus (2.19), Lactantius maintains that personified virtues should never be deified and venerated in images "set up in niches" because their proper place is only in human hearts:

Non enim per se sapiunt aut sentiunt [scil. Virtutes] neque intra parietes aut aediculas luto factas, sed intra pectus collocandae sunt et interius conprehendendae, ne sint falsae, si extra hominem fuerint collocatae. Itaque praeclaram illam legem tuam [scil. Ciceronis] derideo quam ponis his verbis: ast olla, propter quae datur homini ascensus in caelum, Mentem, Virtutem, Pietatem Fidem: earumque laudum delubra sunto . . . . virtusenim colenda est, non imago virtutis, et colenda est non sacrificio aliquo aut ture aut precatione solemni, sed voluntate atque proposito [italics mine].(68)

That such harsh criticism of visualized personifications was not entirely irrelevant to the early humanists can be demonstrated, to give one example, by turning to Petrarch's dialogue De statuis, in which Reason finds only sacred statuary entirely acceptable, while sculptures of secular subject-matter - though not entirely useless - remain in the end potentially suspect of functioning as idols.(69) In view of such arguments it seems to me likely that Cyriacus would have sought to set his Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] at least to some extent into a Christian context. And indeed, this goal seems to have been most conspicuously achieved by giving Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] a visual form all but indistinguishable from that of an angel.

The assumption that the statue's outer appearance quite possibly denotes the truly angelic nature of Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] opens a number of interpretive possibilities that would deserve extended study but can here only be sketched out.(70) First and foremost the statue in Dubrovnik may itself provide a telling piece of evidence that personifications of abstract concepts, especially of virtues, were in the perception of the High Middle Ages and Renaissance occasionally interchangeable with angels.(71) In fact, both the Greek and Latin components of Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] turn out to be under specific circumstances compatible with her presumptive angelic nature. There is ample evidence that Quattrocento Neoplatonist thinkers in particular used the word mens as an outright synonym for angelus.(72) Furthermore, if written with the capital M, Mens carried in their cosmological speculations an even more specific meaning: it stood for the highest celestial entity containing the ideas of forms by which God created all things - as defined, for example, by Pico della Mirandola in the following: "Questa prima creatura da' Platonici e da antiqui filosofi e chiamata ora figliuolo di Dio, ora sapienzia, ora mente, ora ragione divina, il che alcuni interpretono ancora Verbo . . . . e' Platonici chiamano figliuolo di Dio il primo e piu nobile angelo da Dio creato [italics mine]."(73)

Though Pico's definition of prima mens was, of course, written later than the inscription on the scroll of the statue in Dubrovnik, there are reasons to believe that, despite the latter's early date, the name of Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] could well have been conceived in reference to a Neoplatonic concept of the kind. Even though it remains unclear to what extent Cyriacus was himself familiar with Neoplatonic doctrine, given the fact that he was not a professional humanist scholar, we should not discard the contemporary sources indicating that he had shown interest in philosophy and cosmological speculations.(74) Moreover, the same sources tell us that Cyriacus was a personal friend of Georgios Gemistos Plethon, who was indisputably among the chief instigators of the Neoplatonic revival in Italy.(75) Not only did Cyriacus meet this famous Byzantine philosopher at the Council of Ferrara in 1438; he also visited him twice at his home in Mistra in Morea, for the first time in the summer of 1447, and for the second time in the spring of 1448.(76) Given the vivid intellectual exchange that took place between the two scholars, it is tempting to speculate that the possible interpretations of the Thasian statue, discovered already in 1444, were also discussed on one of these occasions. Of course, Plethon's influence on Cyriacus's reading of '[Greek Text Omitted] in conjunction with Mens must remain for lack of solid evidence only a hypothesis, but the religious and philosophical syncretism implicit in such a conflation is certainly in keeping with the spirit of Plethon's "neo-pagan theology."(77)

Furthermore, it may be significant that in the passage from Pico della Mirandola quoted above Mens is, in contrast to Cicero's suggestion in the De natura deorum (2.79), also discussed above, not associated with Prudence, but is explicitly identified with Sapienzia. This makes one wonder whether the preference for a personification of Mens - as opposed to Prudentia - reflects to some extent the Neoplatonic interpretation of Wisdom as the knowledge of divine things or the ideas in the Mind of God.(78) This could in turn mean that the winged figure in Dubrovnik embodies, to borrow the traditional Aristotelian distinction, "absolute" rather than "conditional" wisdom. However, given the specific function of Mens as the "advisor" to the senators, the notional ties with "civil and political wisdom" (i.e. Prudence) pertaining to the latter category retain their relevance.(79) Hence it seems possible that our Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] refers to both kinds of wisdom, prudentia and sapientia in combination, reflecting a tradition that reaches back to the "civic humanism" of Coluccio Salutati.(80)

On the other hand, that the Sacra Mens in Dubrovnik might be associated with a cosmic being that would in Pico's words not only be identical with "divine wisdom," but also with "the most noble angel created by God," raises the question of whether her parallel name [Greek Text Omitted] could be seen as fitting into the same equation. And, in fact, among the many new connotations that the Greek word [Greek Text Omitted] acquired in a Christian context, one in particular seems applicable to our discourse. "The Angel of Great Counsel" in the famous prophecy of Isaiah (9:6) - which became in Christian exegesis an accepted title of Christ - is rendered in the Septuagint as [Greek Text Omitted].(81)

On balance it seems then that the visual code defining our statue as an angel potentially binds her two names even more firmly together. However, while the evidence put forward above does strongly suggest that in Dubrovnik Mens and [Greek Text Omitted] were seen "sub specie angeli," it makes it at the same time even more difficult for us to offer a neat definition of this personification. Perhaps the elusive character of the angelic figure did not trouble Cyriacus of Ancona so much as it bothers modern interpretation. Seen in this light, the statue of Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] in Dubrovnik would provide another piece of telling evidence that, in his striving to bring back to life and invest with new meaning classical antiquity as he understood it, Cyriacus did not always feel constrained by the iron discipline of logical arguments. In the end, he probably gave free rein to an evocative stream of associations, which also characterizes his idiosyncratic Latin prose, especially when he describes his dream-like visions of personages from Greek and Roman mythology.(82)

If nothing else, however, our investigation has shown that in this unique statue for the Consilium maius of Dubrovnik an archaeological discovery - together with epigraphical expertise and the study of ancient literature, history, and religion - were all ingeniously combined in order to create an allegorical figure that was despite its distinctly antiquarian touch ultimately a response to the genuine human fears and hopes of its time and place. Although this paper has left many specific interpretive problems aside, I hope that it has shown that, at least for this particular case, it was more than ever worthwhile to ask oneself Aby Warburg's perennial question about the full range of classical influences on European culture of the Renaissance.(83)

THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY 

My research for the present study began between 1988 and 1989 at the University of Ljubljana and continued at the Johns Hopkins University. Its results formed the basis for a paper delivered in the spring of 1990 in the seminar on Renaissance thought conducted by Professor Salvatore Camporeale. The preliminary results were published in Slovenian in the volume dedicated to the memory of Jaro Sasel (see note 15 below). In the course of preparing this extended English version for publication I had the privilege of receiving continued support and advice from Professor Camporeale and Professor Charles Dempsey. To the latter I am also deeply grateful for patiently reading through the text and for discussing with me many passages which required the labor limae. I profited greatly from discussing the interpretive problems with Professors Hans Belting, Dieter Blume, Igor Fiskovic, Janez Hofler, Joze Kastelic, Herbert L. Kessler, Eduardo Saccone and Primoz Simoniti, as well as with my friends Marko Frelih and Glenn Peers. Many useful comments and suggestions for improving the text I owe also to the Renaissance Quarterly reviewer, Patricia Fortini Brown. Last but not least I owe many thanks to the employees of the State Archives and Zavod za zastitu spomenika kulture i prirode in Dubrovnik, especially Dubravka Stanic and Doroteja Valjalo, and Regionalni zavod za zastitu spomenika kulture Split, in particular Josip Belamaric and Radoslav Tomic.

The following abbreviations are used in the notes and bibliography:

CIL = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, consilio et auctoritate Academiae Litterarum (Regiae) Borussicae editum. 16 vols. Leipzig and Berlin, 1862-1943. [Editio altera, 1893 ff].

RE = Paulys Realencyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neue Bearbeitung, est. G. Wissowa, W. Kroll and K. Mittelhaus; eds. K. Ziegler and W. John. I. Reihe (A-Q) 1 I - 24 I. Stuttgart, 1893-1963; II. Reihe (P-Z) I A if. Stuttgart, 1914ff [+ Supplements].

ThLGr = Thesaurus Graecae Linguae ab H. Stephano Constructus, eds. C. B. Hase, W. and L. Dindorf. 8 vols. Paris, 1831-65.

ThLL = Thesaurus Linguae Latinae editus auctoritate et consilio Academiarum quinque Germanicarum, Berolinensis, Gottingensis Lipsiensis Vindobonensis [later: Editus iussu Academiis Societatibus diversarum nationum]. Leipzig, 1900 ff.

1 For basic information in English about the city's history, institutions, and monuments, see, for example, the handy but not always reliable volume by Carter, passim, which contains useful bibliography. For the civic context of Dubrovnik's principal public buildings and their sculptural decoration, it is still worthwhile consulting Gelcich. The topic has recently been treated on several occasions, and in particular by Igor Fiskovic (see I. Fiskovic, 1987; and idem, 1988).

2 This building attracted the attention of some scholars already in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. See, for example, Eitelberger von Edelberg, 267-71; Jackson, 3:327-46; Schmarsow, 203-10; Frey and Mole, 81-88; and Folnesics, 94-122. After the First World War publications were often politically biased and thus less reliable, although they may contain useful information, a case in point being Dudan (1:174-77, 198-200, nn. 71-72; 2:243-48, 318-19, nn. 103-06 and passim). Nevertheless, much detailed and especially archival research has since been carried out. See, for example, Karaman, 23-26, 64-68; C. Fiskovic, 1947, passim; Glavic, 35-41; Portolan, 121-59; and Hofler, 1991. Among more recent publications concerned with the Rector's Palace, only two have been published in English: McNeal Caplow, 113-14; and Gvozdanovic, 113-23. For an updated review with essential bibliographical references, see Hofler, 1989, 229-37, 248-50, and 277-79.

3 For the still open problems concerning Onofrio della Cava and this phase in the palace's building history see Folnesics, 88-106; and Hofler, 1989, 228-31.

4 In the English translation by Jackson, 3:329-30, these passages read as follows: "The capitals, or upper parts of these columns, are carved with great pains. . . . On the first was carved Aesculapius, the restorer of medical art, at the instigation of that remarkable poet and most learned man of letters, Nicolo de Lazina, a noble of Cremona, . . . who . . . undertook to exercise and bear the burden of the chancellorship of Ragusa, and is now bearing it. For he, since he knew and had learned in his literary studies that Aesculapius had his origin at Epidaurus, which is now called Ragusa, took the greatest pains and trouble that his image should be carved on the building, and he composed a metrical epitaph to him which was fixed in the wall. On a certain column of the entrance of the Palace is seen sculpted the first righteous judgement of Solomon. In a certain angle of the principal door is the likeness of the Rector hearing offences. At the entrance of the lesser council . . . is a certain sculpture of Justice holding a 'brief,' on which is read as follows - 'Jussi summa mei sua vos cuicunque tueri.'" De Diversis's treatise was published with commentary by Brunelli, 1879-82. For the passage quoted above, see idem, 1879-80, 41-42; for corrections and additions, see Folnesics, 95. For the character and importance of De Diversis's work as a whole, see I. Fiskovic, 1987.

5 See Folnesics, 97, fig. 77; Gvozdanovic, 121, figs. 20-21; Hofler, 1989, 248-49, fig. 256. For the epigraph - published with variations in transcription already by Farlati, 6:2 - see Appendini, 2:30-31; Eitelberger, 268; Gelcich, 63-64; Jackson, 3:334, fig. 40; Folnesics, 196; and Bazala. It reads: "Munera diva patris q(ui) sol(us) Apoli(ni)s artes / invenit medicas p(er) sec(u)la q(ui)nq(ue) seps x(u)ltas / et docuit gramen q(uo)d ad usu(m) qu(o)q(ue) valeret / hic Esculapius celatus gloria nostra / Ragusii genitus voluit que(m) grata relatu(m) / esse deos inter veterum sapi(enti)a patrum / humanas laudes sup(er)aret rata q(uod) omnes / Quo melius toti nemo quasi profuit orbi." The iconography of Aesculapius possibly depends in part on the influential manual De deorum imaginibus libellus (for which see, for example, Liebeschutz, 117-28, and Panofsky and Saxl, 257). There the god is described as (chap. 20) "filius Appolinis; qui deus medicine et medicorum putabatur. Cuius imago talis erat. Erat quidam homo cum barba valde prolixa, indutus habitu medici, sedens, in cuius sinu erant pisides ungentorum et alia instrumenta ad medicinam pertinentia." (Liebeschutz, 124, fig. 43) [italics mine].

6 Folnesics, 97-99, figs. 78-79; Hofler, 1989, 248, fig. 257. The well-head was for the first time correctly identified as a capital from the Rector's Palace by Jackson, 3:338-39, pl. 41. An integral part of the program for the loggia was also the figure of the city patron, Saint Blaise, which appeared in the niche above the main portal and was commissioned in 1445 from the sculptor Pietro di Martino da Milano; see C. Fiskovic, 1988, 122, n. 45. Around 1500 it was replaced by the present statue, recently attributed to Giovanni Dalmata; see Stefanac, 187-90.

7 For the two judgment scenes, see Jackson, 3:344-45, pl. 43; Folnesics, 103, figs. 84-85; and Gvozdanovic, 121, figs. 22-23. For Iustitia, see Jackson, 3:343-44, fig. 64 (before restoration of the lion's heads and part of the scroll); Folnesics, 103-04, fig. 86; and Gvozdanovic, 121-22, fig. 24.

8 For the relation of the Dalmatian Epidaurum (now Cartat, It. Ragusa vecchia) to the early mediaeval Ragusium, see, for example, Patsch, 51-53, and Szilagyi, 305-06.

9 As noted already by Folnesics, 103-04, the Iustitia in Dubrovnik shown seated on two lions may be related to Venetian models. See, for example, the relief of "Venezia" on the Piazetta facade of the Doge's Palace and Jacobello del Fiore's panel now in the Accademia. For their particular iconography and referential scope, see Sinding Larsen, 56, 67, 174-75, pls. 11a, 99c; and Rosand, 177-96.

10 The structure of the Consilium minus, whose members were elected from among the nobility represented in the senate (i.e. the Consilium maius), is described by De Diversis as follows: "Eligitur enim singulo mense in eo [scil. Consilio maiore] unus ex Nobilibus qui Comes seu Rector Civitatis appellatur . . . huic adduntur XI Nobiles, quorum quinque iudices, sex autem consiliarii nuncupantur; hi cum Rectore Consilium Minus constituunt" (Brunelli, 1881-82, 6). The rector and judges were in charge of criminal law cases, as De Diversis reports: "Criminalium injurias, violentias, furta, rapinas, pulsationes, et omnia scelerum genera, de quibus fit querela, audiunt, examinant, discernunt, corrigunt, puniunt, et suis sententiis terminant Dominus Rector, et quinque ex minori consilio, qui judices appellantur" (ibid., 15). For the governmental structure of Dubrovnik in general, see Vojnovic, 24-67.

11 For a general discussion of the interrelatedness of text and image in such cases, see in particular Belting, 38-39: "Das Bild ist nicht nur dazu bestimmt angeschaut und bewundert zu werden, sondem erfullt seine Aufgabe erst wenn es zu sprechen beginnt." How much was at stake for humanists composing such inscriptions in the fifteenth century we learn, for example, from an instructive letter of Lorenzo Valla; see Baxandall, 112-13, 174-76.

12 For a discussion of the figure's style, authorship, and dating, see C. Fiskovic, 1988, 137-39; Hofler, 1989, 250; and C. Fiskovic, 1991, 102-03. For Pietro di Martino da Milano see, in addition, Fabriczy, 192-93, as well as the speculative article of Gvozdanovic, passim.

13 Brunelli, 1879-80, 42: "Erit in eo Palatio aula magna pro consessu omnium Nobilium Ragusij in Senatu generali, ubi consiliativae futurorum deliberationes capiuntur." De Diversis later also describes the structure and prerogatives of the senate: "Universa Nobilium multitudo annum 18.um ejus aetatis transgressa Consilium majus perficit. Hoc ad pulsum ternum campanae unius magnae congregatur. Hoc leges statuit, expensas disponit et concedit, hoc gratias et dona largitur, hoc cunctos officiales et in urbe et in districtu ac locis eis subditis eligit, mutat et revocat, et qui in illo non fiunt, ab inferioribus sua auctoritate instituuntur. Hujus breviter est omnis Reipublicae potestas" (idem, 1881-82, 6). See also Vojnovic, 1891, 46-53.

14 For the curia ("Vijecnica") see in particular Resetar, 43-48; Benic, 89-105; and Veramenta-Pavisa, 12-16. For a surviving fragment of the sculptural decoration of this building's late fifteenth-century facade, see also Kokole, 1992.

15 In spite of the fact that Gelcich, 1884, 68, n. 1, had already published an incomplete transcription of this epigraph, it did not attract any attention until recently. It was adduced again only during preparations for the exhibition Zlatno doba Dubrovnika, 15. i 16. stoljece (The Golden Age of Dubrovnik: The Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries) held in Zagreb in 1987. See I. Fiskovic, 1988, 61, nn. 107-08; and Kokole, 1990, 677ff.

16 The only slightly ambiguous element in the text is the verb ciere, or cire, for which see ThLL, 3.5:1054-56, s.v. "cieo." It is used in the meaning of "calling upon for help, invoking divine powers" (see, for example, Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica 4.548-49: "Hic [scil. Phineus] demum vittas laurumque capessit / numina nota ciens"; and Juvenal, Saturae, 13.31: "nos hominum divumque fidem clamore ciamus." Therefore, the virtues of Iustitia and Pietas are poetically personified as beings who should be summoned for aid.

17 The obvious models for this style are surviving examples of the Roman leges rogatae, such as the famous Lex regia or Lex de imperio Vespasiani (CIL 6:930), which were appropriated for the invocation of Roman virtues already by Cola di Rienzo; see, for example, Calabi Limentani, 74-75, 343-46.

18 "All magistrates shall possess the right of taking the auspices, and the judicial power. The Senate shall consist of those who have held magistracies. Its decrees shall be binding. But in case an equal or higher authority than the presiding officer shall veto a decree of the Senate, it shall nevertheless be written out and preserved. The senatorial order shall be free from dishonor, and shall be a model for the rest of the citizens." (Translated by C.W. Keyes, Cicero, 1977; italics mine.)

19 Phrases similar in form and content occur frequently in Roman authors (for example, Cicero, De finibus bonorum et malorum, 5.23.67, "iustitia in suo cuique tribuendo [scil. cernitur]"), but perhaps most widely known is Ulpian's definition in Institutiones, 1.1.10: "Iustitia est constans et perpetua voluntas ius suum cuique tribuens." A representative late medieval anthology of biblical, patristic, and otherwise derived sententiae on Justice may be found in Francesco da Barberino, 3:286. Similar instructions were contained in an inscription under the figure of Iustitia in the Palazzo della Raglone of Padua: "Dicit Iustitia. Redde cuique suum, sanctis et legibus omne / concilio mortale genus crimine vivat." See Schlosser, 95 (italics mine).

20 For a more detailed analysis see Kokole, 1990, 672.

21 It is now generally believed that ancient letter forms and a more consciously classicizing literary style were only beginning to be synthesized for the first time around 1450 (Calabi Limentani, 80-82). For the development of Renaissance monumental capital letters, see Mardersteig, 285-307; Meiss, 97-112; Covi, 1-17; Casamassima, 1964, 13-26; idem, 1966; Sparrow, 19-100; Gray, 122-23; Sperling, 221-28; and Dull, 104-12. For other aspects of Renaissance epigraphy, see in particular Saxl, 1941, 19-46; additional bibliography in Petrucci.

22 Dubrovnik, Communal Archives: (1) Cons. Minus., vol. 9, fol. 220: "die XVIIII decembris 1443. Capture fuit de dando Libertatem officialibus fabrice regiminis quod [possint] debeant facere expensam necessariam in sculpi et scribi faciendo in petra viva [. . . ?] epigramata epitafiorum scripta et annotata in fine libri statutorum nostrorum manu ser chiriachi de Anchona. (2) Cons. Minus, vol. 10, fol. 7v: "Die XII Januarii 1444. Captum fuit de eundo ad mayus consilium pro donando de denarijs nostrae communis ser Cheriaco anchonitano pro eius bono deportamento et affectione erga nostram rem publicam tam Anchone quam hic regusii demonstrata ducatos auri decem." The decision of the Consilium minus was approved by the Consilium maius on 13 January(see Cons. Maius, vol. 7, fol. 151). (3) Cons. Minus, vol. 10, fol. 225v: "Die XXIIII Marcii [scil. 1446] Capturn fuit de dando Libertatem officialibus fabrice regiminis quod de duabus pianchis super quibus schulpte sunt litterae ordinate per ser chyriacum de anchona, alteram poni faciant (ad Con . . .) supra fenestram notarie inferantam et alteram ad fontanam magnam communis." These documents have been cited already by Colin, 335-39, speciatim 336, nn. 761-62; however, he published them incompletely and with typographical errors. Cyriacus's authorship of the plaque in the loggia of the Rector's Palace was recognized already by Glavic, 27.

23 The inscription reads: "Civitati / Ragusei nobiles providentissimique cives. / Blasii martyris pontif(icis)q(ue) (sancti)ss(imi?) praed(arae) huius Epidaurae / Raguseae civitatis patroni auspicante numine / ad prid(ie) Iduum Sextilium aug(ustum) faustum feliciss(imum)que diem / ex s(enatus) c(onsulto) et amplissimi ordinis decreto / atrium praetorianurn hoc insigne ut publ(icam) civit(atis) aulam et / senatoriam aedem aed(ificavere?) / optumis [sic] curan <t> ibus V vir(is.) optim <u> m in ornnem / oportunumq(ue) praesentem et posteritatis usum aere publico / dicandum exornandumq(ue) dedere. / K(yriacus) A(nconitanus) / A(nno) D(omini) MCCCCXXXV Sigismundo Imp(eratore)." See Colin, 336-38; and Kokole, 1990, 666-67, 686, Appendix II. The inscription is recorded with variations in a fragmentary fifteenth-century apograph of Cyriacus's letters dating from the 1440s now in Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale, Cod. Pal. Targioni-Tozzetti 49, fol. 18 (70): "CIVITATI SVE RAGVSEI NOB(iles) / PROVIDENTISS(imi)Q(ue) CIVES Blasij martyris pont(ificis)q(ue) preclare huius epidaur(eae) / Rag(useorum ?) Ciuitatis patroni auspicante numine. / Ad prid(ie) Iduum sextilium Augusturn faustum feliciss(imum)q(ue) / diem ex S(enatu) C(onsulto) et ampl(issimi) ord(inis) decr[eto] / ATRIVM pretorianum hoc insigne ut publ[icam] [ci]vitatis / aulam et Senatoriam edem optimis curantibus V [= quinque] / uiris optimum in Orehem oportunumq(ue) presentem [?] / et posteritatis usum ere publ(ico) dicandam exornandamq(ue) / dedere. A(nno) D(omini) MCCCCXXXV, EVG(en)ij p(a)pe A(nno) V [- quinto]" (see Colin, 338, n. 770).

24 The inscription reads: "P(osuerunt ?) Onofrio I(ordani) F(ilio) Onosiphoro / Parthenopeo egregio n(ostri) t(emporis) / architecto / municipes, / quod opt(imo) ingenio et diligentia sua, Raguseor(um) nobil(ium) providentia et ampl(issimi?) ordinis iussu coacto argento publ(ico), hanc in / Epidaur(eam?) Rag(useam?) n(ec)n(on) Illyridis urbem diu iam aquar(um) penuriis egestant- / em aquas in ea hodie et a(nte) <diem?> VI. K(alendas) Febr(uarias) Kyriaceo fausto et feliciss- / imo die conspic(uis) fontib(us) exuberantissime deeluentes [sic], VIII / ab urbe mil(ibus) scrupeos arduosq(ue) per colles difeicillimo [sic] ductu / perduxit. / K(yriacus) A(nconitanus) / MCCCCXXXVIII <ante diem?> VI. K(alendas) Febr(uarias) Alberto Imp(eratore) desig(nato) a(nno) I." See Colin, 338-39, Fig. 33; and Kokole, 1990, 666, 685-86, Appendix I, Fig. 2. It is interesting to note that also the text of this epigraph by Cyriacus was recorded in the later fifteenth century, in the collectanea of Bartolomeo Fonzio (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Lat. Misc. d.85, fol. 45), as was pointed out by Saxl, 1941, 42, as well as in the aforementioned Codex Palatinus Targioni-Tozzetti, 49, fol. 18v (70v): "P(osuerunt) ONOFRIO P [sic] F(ilio) ONOSIPHORO / Parthenopeo egregio N(ostri) T(emporis) ARCHITECTO / MVNICIPES / quod optimo ingenio et dilig(entia) sua Raguseor(um) / NOB(dim) prouiaentia et ampl(issimi) ord(inis) iussu cohacto [sic] / argento publ(ico) hanc in Epid(auream?) Rag(useam?) N(ec) N(on) Jlly - / ridis urbem diu jam aquar(um) penurijs egestantem / Aquas in ea bodie co(n)spicuis fontibus exuberan- / tissime defluentes Octo ab VRBE millbus Scru- / peos arduosq(ue) p(er) cones difficillimo ductu p(r)oducendas / curauit A(nno) D(omini) MCCCCXXXVIIJ. VI. KL. FEBR(uarias) / EVG(en)ij p(a)pe A(nno) VIIJ [= septimo] / finis." This and the preceding apograph (see note 22) of Cyriacus's Ragusan inscriptions are inserted between two letters addressed to his friend Andreolo Giustiniani of Chios. The first dates from March and the second from June 1445. For general information on the "Big Fountain" of Dubrovnik, see, for example, Folnesics, 90-93; and Hofler, 1989, 247-48.

25 Kokole, 1990, 672.

26 Ibid., 666-68. Colin, 335-39, did not pay any attention to the letter forms, although he briefly discussed their content and literary form.

27 In spite of the fact that Theodor Mommsen (CIL 3.1, xxiii) had already concluded in 1873 that "ad eum [scil. Cyriacum] opinor redit in titulis tam Latinis quam Graecis describendis instauratio litterarum quadratarum," Mardersteig, 288, n. 1, argued that the true pioneer in this respect was Cyriacus's younger follower Felice Feliciano. However, Poppelreuter, 59, pointed out that on the contrary Feliciano was in this respect very likely following the practice of Cyriacus and Poggio Bracciolini. In any event, a look at Cyriacus's surviving autograph records of classical inscriptions dispels any doubt that he was trying to reproduce faithfully their visual appearance (see examples in Sabbadini, 183-247, figs. 4-5; Fava, 295-305, pl. 19; and Campana, 1959, 483-504, pl. 36:1-2). This was recognized by Meiss, 108-10, who, nevertheless, for lack of material evidence did not venture to conclude that the letter forms used by the Anconitan on paper or parchment were ever actually transferred to stone. The Dubrovnik material, however, provides unequivocal proof of that. Cyriacus's practice of designing an epigraph which was then in his absence carved by stonemasons on the basis of his written model, is documented also by an inscription from the walls of the Genoese colony of Pera in Constantinople. The text for this inscription, written in capitals, was sent by Cyriacus in a letter of 1445 to his friend Baldasare Maruffo, transcribed in Cod. Pal. Targioni-Tozzetti 49, fol. 2 (53); see Belgrano, 332, 979-86, pl. 19; and Rossi, 152-53, no. 15.

28 Particularly Meiss, 101-09, and passim; and Casamassima, 1964, 13-26. Moreover, it seems likely that Cyriacus also shared his antiquarian and epigraphic interests with Jacopo Bellini, whose drawings of ancient monuments with inscriptions show a comparably high degree of accuracy in the recording of their letter forms; see Meiss, 104-05; and Degenhart and Schmitt, 209-13, figs. 208, 213, 216, 221, 231, 235.

29 See in particular Mardersteig, 285-307, whose views have gained general acceptance in the more recent literature. See, for example, Calabi Limentani, 81; Sparrow, 18; Weiss, 161; and Gray, 133.

30 You [i.e., Cyriacus] have bestowed on everyone also the greatest and most esteemed benefit of correct writing style. Who had namely ever before formed, joined, linked or mutually entwined and united characters? Who could have known how to follow the orthographic rules of ancient times? These are namely even nowadays unfamiliar and are admired almost by everybody with exception of those (writers) who are diligently devoted to you and your teachings." (See Bertalot and Campana, 372.) Similarly explicit in this regard are the verses of Giovanni Cirignano: "Quid de litterulis Graecis dicam, atque Latinis / quas mira novitate modis mirisque retexis / quarum antiquas reparas renovasque figuras?" (see Mehus, 66-67). For brief valuations of Cyriacus as epigrapher see, in addition to Mommsen (CIL 3:1, xxiii); Guarducci, 1:29-32; and Calabi Limentani, 42-44. For more specific information, see also Ziebarth, 214-26; Bochaar, 1965, 164-66; and Camparia, 1973-74, 84-102.

31 Despite its many interesting aspects the Laus has not as yet been studied in detail; most informative is still Praga, 262-80, publishing the integral Latin text (ibid., 270-78) on the basis of a manuscript in the Biblioteca Vaticana (Cod. vat. lat. 5252, fol. 1-9). For information on other surviving manuscripts containing the Laus, see Campana, 1959, 486-87. For further information on Marin Rastic as a diplomat and a respected member of the Ragusan establishment, see Appendini, 2:116 (referring to a speech of 1437 by Filippo de Diversis, now lost, in which Rastic was described as "Illyrie decus . . . vir prudentia Lelio comparande"), Praga, 265; and Colin, 335, n. 760. For background information on the commercial treaty between Ancona and Dubrovnik in 1440, see, for example, Matkovic, 40-43, n. 16.

32 The intentionally archaizing tone of Cyriacus's Sanctio was pointed out already by Praga, 268-69, 274, 277-78, who republished the original text of the official document for comparison (ibid., 278-79). Here a sample should suffice to show the difference between the two. Where Cyriacus had written laconically "si [scil. Ragusei Anconae] non exhonerando [sic] merces abierint, immunitas esto nihilque solvunto" (ibid., 277) the notarial text says: "si dictae mercantiae [scil. Raguseorum] non discarcarentur, tunc et in eo casu possint . . . libere discarcari et iterum recarcari . . . et portari ad alia loca ad eorum beneplacitum sine aliqua solutione alicuius alterius datii vel gabellae . . ." (ibid., 279). As regards Rastic's likely involvement in commissioning the two public inscriptions from Cyriacus, it may be added that De Diversis (Brunelli, 1879-80, 48) lists him among the members of the committee responsible for the construction of the city's waterworks, commemorated in the epigraph on the large fountain (see n. 24 above).

33 For the duration of Cyriacus's visit to Dubrovnik, see Colin, 334-39. For his itinerary in the Levant in the 1440s, see Bodnar, 1960, 50-65; Bodnar and Mitchell, 1976; Netthausen and Trapp, 1983, 45-75; and idem, 1984, 22-70.

34 See Bodnar, 1983, 235-51 (with bibliography).

35 For a brief account of Cyriacus's activities in Dubrovnik in the winter of 1443-44, see Colin, 330-32; and Bodnar, 1983, 237, with further bibliographical references.

36 For example C. Fiskovic, 1988, 137-39; and idem, 1991, 102.

37 For these see, for example, Mendelsohn; Vilette; Berefelt; and Rosenberg, with pertaining bibliographies.

38 For winged personifications, see, for example, van Marie, vol. 2, figs. 22, 28. A telling Quattrocento example is provided by the four tondi containing the cardinal virtues on the ceiling of the Chapel of the Cardinal of Portugal at San Miniato al Monte in Florence. These are not only shown as winged angelic beings, but they are also accordingly placed in the architectural space of the domed ceiling symbolizing the heaven; see Hartt, Corti and Kennedy, 73-78, 121-22, pls. 15, 17-25.

39 Kokole, 1990, 677ff, fig. 7. The Greek inscription was first noticed by I. Fiskovic, 1987, 135 (see also idem, 1988, 61, nn. 107-08). However, he failed to recognize its source in Cyriacus of Ancona, as indicated in my review of the catalogue (Kokole, 1988, 91).

40 See Jacobs, 1897, 113-38; Ashmole, 195-98; and Bodnar and Mitchell, 42-49.

41 Ibid., 44 (lines 687-91). Ashmole, 195, n. 1, translated the passage as follows: "A marble statue, wrought in the finest style, recently erected by Prince Franciscus Gatalusius at the approach to the harbour of Thasos. From its ancient inscription carved on the base it was evidently once an image of the consilium of the Thasians."

42 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Cod. Lat. Misc. d. 85, fol. 139v. Jacobs, 1897, 116, n. 27; Saxl, 1941, 32, 44, pl. 8b; Ashmole, 195-96, p1. 10b; Pacht and Alexander, 31-32, cat. 329, figs. 329a-b; Bodnar and Mitchell, fig. 12; and Sheard, no. 1. For biographical and bibliographical data on Bartolomeo Fonzio (1446-1513), see, for example, Caroti and Zamponi; and Zaccaria, 808-14.

43 Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Laur. Ashb. 1174, fol. 119v. Bodnar and Mitchell, 1976, 4-5, fig. 17.

44 See, for example, Deubner, 2077, 2121; Guerrini, 153; and Konminos, 145-47 (with bibliography).

45 Cyriacus's presence in Greece is last recorded in Epirus in the fall of 1448. Late in the spring of 1449 he was back in Italy; see Bodnar, 1960, 64-65; and Colin, 598.

46 This programmatic "credo" of Cyriacus, published by Mehus, 54-55, reads: "O magnam vim artis nostrae ac penitus divinam! Siquidem dum vivimus, quae diu vivis viva et praeclara fuere, at longi temporis labe longaque semivivorum iniuria obstrusa penitus et defuncta iacebant, ex ea demum arte diva iterum vivos inter homines in lucem ab orco revocata vivent felicissima temporis reparatione." The letter was in part translated by Mitchell, 470. It was, incidentally, addressed to Giacomo Venerei of Recanati, the Bishop of Dubrovnik between 1441 and 1460, for whom see Farlati, 6:160-68.

47 For this reading of Cyriacus's note, see Ashmole, 198, who pointed out that in post-classical Latin the distinction between consilium and concilium "was not strong" (for examples, see ThLL 4.2:440-61, s.v. "consilium"). The meaning of the phrase "Thasiorum consilii simulacrum" depends upon whether we read "Thasiorum" as a genetivus possessivus ("the council of the city of Thasos") or as a genetivus subiectivus ("a decree of the council of Thasos"); see Kokole, 1990, 681-82.

48 This could be suggested by any standard glossary; for example Pauli Festus: "[Greek Text Omitted] quod consilium dicitur Latine" (see Thewrewk de Ponor, 36).

49 According to Isidore of Seville (Differentiae app. 177) "mens qualitas est, quae bona aut mala potest referri ad cogitationem;" for its complete semantic range, see ThLL 8:711-37, s.v. "mens." For [Greek Text Omitted] see, for example: ThLGr 2:360-61; Liddell, Scott and Jones, 325, suppl. 32. In post-classical Greek [Greek Text Omitted] often stands for the "counsel of God" or his [Greek Text Omitted] (see Lampe, 302). A further "binding element" of mens with [Greek Text Omitted] in this particular context is provided by the latter's normal Latin equivalent, i.e. consilium, which can in abstracto as a mental quality denote "understanding, judgment, wisdom . . . prudence" (see Liddell, Scott and Jones, 432). This is evident, for example, from Lucretius's De rerum natura (3.139: "consilium quod nos animum mentemque vocamus"). It is also interesting to note that, according to the ThLL, in classical Latin the adjective sacer was rarely used with mens. However, when it does occur it carries with it the notion of divine inspiration, as in the following verses of Ovid (Fasti, 6.5-6), concerned with visionary poetic frenzy: "est deus in nobis, agitante calescimus illo: / impetus hic sacrae semina mentis habet." The content of these lines must have been well known to Cyriacus (see n. 60 below).

50 Etymologiae, 8.8.1: "Sibyllae generaliter dicuntur feminae vates lingua Graeca. Nam [Greek Text Omitted] Aeolico sermone deos, [Greek Text Omitted] Graeci mentem nuncupant quasi dei mentem." In contrast to Isidore, both Lactantius (Divinae institutiones, 1.6.7) and Augustine (De civitate dei, 18.23) use the word consilium instead of mens; the former wrote: "Vates Sibyllae sint a veteribus nuncupatae . . . a consiliis deorum enuntiandis. [Greek Text Omitted] et consilium non [Greek Text Omitted] sed [Greek Text Omitted] appellabant Aeolico genere sermonis."

51 For the concept and iconography of Prudentia as one of the "canonical" four cardinal virtues see, for example, Pistoni, 230-32; and Lipinsky, 353-55 (with bibliography).

52 For the phenomenon of deified abstract concepts in ancient Rome, see for example, Stossl, 1054-58; Latte, 223-42; and Kohler, 1965, 79-83 (with bibliographies).

53 See Marbach, 936-37; Kohler, 1961, 1027-28; and Mello, passim.

54 "It follows that they [i.e. the divinities] possess the same faculty of reason as the human race, and that both have the same apprehension of truth and the same law enjoining what is right and rejecting what is wrong. Hence we see that wisdom and intelligence also have been derived by men from the gods; and this explains why it was the practice of our ancestors to deify Mind, Faith, Virtue and Concord, and to set up temples to them at the public charge, and how can we consistently deny that they exist with the gods, when we worship their majestic and holy images?" (Trans. by H. Rackham, Cicero, 1972, 198-99).

55 "Quidquid enim magnam utilitatem generi adferret humano, id non sine divina bonitate erga homines fieri arbitrabantur. Itaque tum illud quod erat a deo natum nomine ipsius dei nuncupabant . . . tum autem res ipsa in qua vis inest major aliqua sic appellatur utea ipsa nominetur deus, ut Fides, ut Mens . . ." (see ibid., 180-82) [italics mine].

56 "Divos et eos, qui caelestes semper habiti, colunto . . . ast olla, propter quae datur homini ascensus in caelum, Mentem, Virtutem, Pietatem, Fidere, earum laudum delubra sunto, ne uncula vitiorum" [italics mine].

57 "The Senate has placed Mind among the gods as well; had it been sober-minded it would never have instituted such cult." (Divinae institutiones, 1.20.13.)

58 See, for example, Hallward, 43-48.

59 Marbach, 936.

60 Cod. Vat. Lat. 10672. See Vattasso and Carusi, 641. In his explicit (fol. 68v) Cyriacus calls the Fasti: "libellum . . . de maximonma annalium fastis Romanorum ex earum antiqua deorum religione." In addition the codex contains to the left of the column that includes the verse "morte iacent merita. testes estote Philippi" (Fasti, 3.707) a series of ancient inscriptions that Cyriacus recorded in Philippi in Macedonia, for which see Banti, 213-20. This suggests, despite the reservations expressed by Banti (ibid. 219-20), that Cyriacus may have been carrying this volume with him on his archaeological excursions. That this may be the case in the 1440s is suggested by a virtual quote from the Fasti (lines 455-56) in a letter sent in 1445 from Ainos to Johannes Pedemontanus; see Bodnar and Mitchell, 1976, 59, n. 136, and the bibliographical reference in n. 81 below.

61 "The mind also has its divinity. We see that a sanctuary was vowed to Mind during the terror of thy war, thou treacherous Carthaginian. Thou didst renew the war, thou Carthaginian, and, thunderstruck by the consul's death, all dreaded the Moorish bands. Fear had driven out hope, when the Senate made vows to Mind, and straightaway she came better disposed." (Trans. by J.G. Frazer, Ovid, 1959, 336-37.)

62 For the battle of Vama and its repercussions, see, for example, Halecki; Babinger, 1959, 38-41 and passim; Setton, 71-107 and passim; and Hohlweg, 20-37. Cyriacus's surviving letters regarding the events of the year 1444 have been studied as important historical sources by Jacobs, 1929, 197-202; Pall, 9-68; and Bodnar, 1983. Jacobs claimed that the Anconitan had in the early 1450s deserted the Christian cause and served as the sultan's secretary. However, this insufficiently substantiated allegation has been refuted by Babinger, 1962, 322-23; and Raby, 1980. One letter, written in February 1447 to Andreolo Giustiniani, is a particularly telling document of Cyriacus's mood after the disaster at Vama. In it Cyriacus describes the misery of Christian captives in Turkish slavery, and he accuses the "Westerners" of indiference: "Quibus flebilibus auditis vocibus scis, vir darissime, quantum non egre molesteve ferre non potui audire trucem et pemitiosum illum Christianae religionis hostem, quem hac tempestate vel vix anno peracto nostratum armis religioso vel milite superatum fugatumque et penitus . . . pulsum et tergiversatum in Asiam atque Lidiam putabamus . . . Proh scelus! . . . Nam et iliatam huic genti miserabilem a barbaris cladem, tametsi Grecos in hommes et penas quodamodo dare merentes, non sine gravi tamen nostre religionis iactura et magna Latini nominis indignitate, tam lachrymabilem Christicolum calamitatem existimandam puto . . ." (see Setton, 96, n. 57; and Bodnar, 1983, 241).

63 See, for example, Polybius, 3, chaps. 82-85; Livy, 22, chaps. 4-9; and Valerius Maximus, 1.6.6.

64 For the battle at Kossovo of 19 October 1448, see Iorga, 13-27; and Setton, 1978, 100, n. 74.

65 Bodnar, 1983, 240-41. As is evident from the content of the letter he wrote in November 1448, Cyriacus initially believed that Hunyadi had won the battle at Kossovo; see Colin, 367-68.

66 This is due to the fact that we are dealing with a unique iconographic creation with no immediate ancestry or following, and therefore one never treated in late medieval and Renaissance writings on the nature and meaning of the "canonical imagery" for personifications of virtues; see, for example, Schlosser; Tuve, 1963, 264-303; eadem, 1966; and Evans, 364-80 (with further bibliographical references).

67 This potential shift in the perception of visualized personifications - from mere abstractions to animate beings - has been discussed in general terms by Gombrich, 247-57, speciatim 253-54.

68 "The virtues namely do not possess any capacity of knowing or perceiving by themselves, and therefore they should not be kept between the walls or installed in the niches made of dirty brick. Rather they are to be placed in the heart and apprehended internally, so that they would not turn out to be false as those that had been located outside human soul. And thus I mock that famous law of your's [i.e. Cicero's] which says: 'also those qualities through which an ascent to heaven is granted to mankind: Intellect [i.e. Mens], Virtue, Piety, Good Faith. To their praise there shall be shrines.' . . . It is virtue itself that requires adoration and not an image of virtue; and the former is not to be venerated by any kind of sacrifice or incense or solemn prayer, but cherished intentionally by our willful resolution." (Lactantius, Divinae institutiones, 1.20.18-23.)

69 See Baxandall, 143. Petrarch, De remediis utriusque fortunae, 1.12: "RATIO: . . . Delectari quoque sacris imaginibus, quae spectantes beneficii coelestis admoneant, pium saepe, excitandisque animis utile; profanae autem, etsi interdum moveant, atque erigant ad virtutem . . . amandae tamen et colendae aequo amplius non sunt, ne . . . fidei sint rebelles, ac religioni verae, et praecepto illi famosissimo: Custodite vos a simulacris!" [Italics mine.] For the problem of "idols" in the late medieval context, see now also Camille.

70 Needless to say it might be argued that the angelic features of Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] in Dubrovnik are simply due to a Typenubertragung on the part of a sculptor still adhering to late Gothic conventions determined by his training. If so, it would follow that he was incapable of rendering her appearance in accordance with the statue of [Greek Text Omitted] on Thasos. However, on reflection it seems unlikely that the sculptor would find Cyriacus's drawing too "difficult" to use as a model simply because it depicts a half-naked woman all'antica. This still leaves open the possibility that the latter was rejected by the city fathers for the sake of public morals. Yet a series of figurative reliefs on the polygonal basin of Dubrovnik's Small Fountain, dating from soon after 1438 and showing male and female nudes (see C. Fiskovic, 1988, 134-42; and Hofler, 1989, 246-47, figs. 253-55), speaks strongly against the assumption that nudity would be considered by fifteenth-century Ragusans as improper for imagery displayed in public spaces.

71 This has been suggested in passing by Wirth, 406-07; and Davidson, 81. The role of Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] delivering a written message to the Ragusan senators is certainly compatible with the function of angels as messengers ([Greek Text Omitted]). Moreover, the highly authoritative opinion of St. Thomas Aquinas that each angel has its own identity leaves room for a speculation that one such could be called Mens-[Greek Text Omitted] (Summa Theologiae, 1, 50.a. 1). For the complex theological arguments regarding the nature of angels, see, for example, Haubst and Lucchesi-Palli, 863-74; and Mann et al., 580-615 (with ample bibliography).

72 Pico della Mirandola (De ente et uno, chap. 5), for example, speaks of "mentium divinarum, quas theologi vocant angelos" (see Pico della Mirandola, 1942, 408). For this and other parallel passages see Roulier, 232, 236-37 and passim. There are also vernacular examples where the two terms are used in conjunction, Dante speaks of "quelle menti angeliche che fabbricano col cielo queste cose di qua giuso" (Convito, 3.6.6) and he invokes them in the following verses: "Io vidi sopra lei tanta allegrezza / piover portata nelle menti sante, / create a trasvolar per quella altezza" [italics mine] (Paradiso 32.89). Charles Singleton glossed the verses as follows: "The "holy minds" are the angels, also called Intelligences. They are pure spirit, pure mind, of course, even though they have, in the poet's conception, the semblance of a body . . . They were created for Heaven, of course, and have wings to fly there" (Singleton, 549).

73 Commento . . . sopra una canzona de amore composta da Girolamo Benivieni, 1.5: "This first creature is called by the followers of Plato and other philosophers now the Son of God, now Wisdom, now Mind, now Divine Reason, and is by some translated as the Word . . . the Platonic philosophers in particular call this Son of God the first and most noble angel created by God." (See Pico della Mirandola, 1942, 466-67.) For the concept of the prima Mens and its definition, reaching back to Saint Augustine and Dionysius the Areopagite, see Roulier, 227-30, passim. Of course, the Roman dea Mens originally did not have anything to do with the Platonic prima Mens (see above, n. 52); but an interesting proof that the synonymous names for the two concepts invited conflation of them is provided, rather surprisingly, by the modern definition of the meaning of the former in the Grande dizionario della lingua Italiana (Turin, 1978), 10:97: "Divinita venerata dagli antichi Romani come ispiratrice di onesti e nobili principi e animatrice dell' universo" [italics mine].

74 For example, Jacopo Zeno in his eulogy writes of Cyriacus: "Te denique divinarum et humanarum rerum omnium que sciri et percipi possint peritum atque doctrinam non ad magnam aetatem es consecutus," and calls him philosophus, theologus, and cosmographus (see Bertalot and Campana, 371, 374).

75 Ibid., 374: "Tu Grecorum omnium doctissimum illum Gemisthon . . . demulsisti, et . . . ad preclara illum spectacula [i.e., the council of unification of 1438-39] una cum ceteris in Italiam protraxeris, et Latinos omnes tanti viri aspectu, presentia atque doctrina compotes participesque reddideris." For Gemistus Plethon in general, see, for example, Masai, 1956; and Woodhouse (with bibliographies). For Plethon's contacts with Italian humanists in particular, see also Garin, 223-27; and Hankins, 193-217, 436-40 and passim.

76 Bodnar, 1960, 57, 61-62; Woodhouse, 227-28; Maltese, 209-13; and Cortesi and Maltese, 150.

77 For Plethon's syncretistic philosophy, see Woodhouse; Masai, 1956; also idem, 1958, 55-63; and, more recently, Webb, 214-19; and Hankins, passim. The likely influence of Plethon's "paganism" on Cyriacus has been asserted by Mitchell, 1960, 470; and Colin, 442.

78 Rice, 59-64.

79 Ficino, for example, considered civilis sapientia the highest form of "conditional wisdom" (see Rice, 60, n. 4).

80 Ibid., 39 and passim.

81 See Trigg, 35-51 (with further bibliographical references).

82 A characteristic example of such prose is provided by Cyriacus's description of his fictive "encounter" with the Nereids of Ainos, for which see Bodnar and Mitchell, 1976, 33-34, 59-60; and Neuhausen, 1984, 174-92. For Cyriacus's characteristically idiosyncratic attitudes towards the iconography of pagan deities, see particularly Saxl, 1922, 252-54, nn. 53-57 (on Mercury); and Mitchell, 1962, 283-99, speciatim 297-99 (on Apollo).

83 Warburg, 2:490: "eine der Hauptfragen der stilerforschenden Kulturwissenschaft - die Frage nach dem Einfluss der Antike auf die europaische Gesamtkultur der Renaissancezeit."

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