Cultural Assimilation And Consumption Behaviors: A Methodological Investigation.

Approximately 500,000 international students attend US universities and the number has grown steadily over the past decade (Institute of International Education, 1996). Conservative estimates of $10,000 tuition rates translate into an annual influx of $5 billion for US colleges and universities. For businesses catering to students, this international student body is also monetarily significant. If just one-quarter of the total international student population purchases a television and a bed (two crucial elements of any college student's life), the economic impact reaches $44 million. Adding other durable goods, personal goods, food, and beverages could quickly bring the expenditures to over $1 billion.

Both business owners and university administrators at home and abroad recognize the opportunities readily available in this market segment. In an attempt to capture a growing portion of the student body in the US, three major banks agreed to structure loans of up to $50,000 specifically for Asian students attending targeted universities in the US (Arenson, 1997). The banks forecast impressive profits. Australian and British educational institutions also joined the race for attracting and retaining international students. Aggressive marketing techniques in these countries, such as monetary incentives and guaranteed government loans for qualifying students, have 'wooed' foreign students (especially Asians) away from American colleges (Desruisseaux, 1997).

Despite the presence of this large consumer group, little research has looked at their buying habits or purchase preferences. Two preliminary studies shed light on this group through the narrow examination of the travel (Hsu and Sung, 1997) and education sectors (Heiskell, 1998). While such research offers an excellent springboard for future endeavors, little progress has been made. I propose an exploratory investigation of consumer behavior theories and methodologies for studying this growing population. To accomplish this task I briefly outline the research trends in cross-cultural consumer research, discuss the process of cultural assimilation, summarize two theoretical bases from which the present study is based, and offer propositions to be tested using eclectic methodologies.

Cross-cultural Research

The interaction of culture and consumer behavior has been studied from numerous perspectives. Over the past decades, two paths for investigating the relationship have emerged: (1) the empiricist approach, which examines the validity of present consumer behavior theories and knowledge when applied to other cultures, (e.g., Desphande et al., 1986; Clark, 1990) and (2) the interpretive approach, which attempts to interpret motives and meanings of consumer actions in other cultures (e.g., McCracken, 1986; Mehta and Belk, 1991). Table 1 illustrates a sampling of this research spanning the last 20 years. While this research stream is impressive, contradictions exist in explanations of how and why consumption patterns change as people move from one culture to another. Some of these contradictions result from the theories used to interpret the changes. Individual difference theories based on psychological motivations for behavior (i.e., materialism) draw different conclusions than theories based on sociological moti vations (i.e., cultivation). Due to the multi-dimensionality of changes individuals go through in the move from one culture to another it seems logical to investigate the two divergent theoretical and methodological paths to garner a comprehensive picture of how and why consumption adjustments occur. The proposed research offers proposals and methodologies to bridge this gap. I propose an exploratory project that interweaves two theoretical foundations (the influence of mass media and materialism) and suggest methodologies that directly address acknowledged limitations of previous studies.

First, I expand Lee's (1989) findings on the relationships between mass media exposure and perceptions of consumption realities in an unfamiliar culture by including measures of pre-move, media-viewing habits and by predicting changes in purchase patterns among identified consumer groups at distinct stages in the acculturation process. Second, I hope to resolve contradictory findings that have resulted when Belk's (1984) materialism scale has been applied cross-culturally. By combining acculturation information and personal tendencies toward materialism I seek to provide a unique tool to project (1) how affluence estimates and personal consumption changes as international stay extends in time and as individuals pass through different stages of acculturation, and (2) how materialism scale ratings may change among consumers of the same nationality in an alien culture at different acculturation stages. Succinctly stated, the purpose of this article is to apply theories of cultivation and materialism to a unique , growing population in such a way that adds to our understanding of influences on the acculturation and consumption processes.

Culture and the Acculturation Process

Culture is rich in meaning and definitions. Ferraro's (1994) interpretation of culture is particularly applicable to this study because it encompasses all the dimensions addressed in the present examination of culture and consumption. Culture encompasses: (1) possessions or material objects, (2) ideas, values, and attitudes, and (3) normative or expected patterns of behavior, such as consumption (Ferraro, 1994). Sharing these processes with others constitutes a society, which teaches and maintains the connotative meaning of culture through rituals and symbols.

Levitt (1983) argues that the powerful forces of transportation and communication technologies drive the world in such a way that no truly isolated culture exists today. Given this increase in cultural interaction, what, if any, personal and social changes occur as people cross cultures? The present research addresses the translocation of peoples across national borders and the effect such transitions has on consumption behaviors. When people move from their home-culture to another hostculture for career advancement, educational or personal reasons, alterations of lifestyle frequently occur.

The cultural change process involves two distinct dimensions (Laroche et al., 1996). One dimension, acculturation, includes the learning of cultural standards of the host society. Acculturation may involve changes in behavior patterns such as language spoken, food eaten, and goods purchased (Wallendorf and Reilly, 1983). The second dimension, ethnic identification, is the maintenance of the native-culture's ethnic identity (Laroche et al., 1997). Marketers' interests in the cultural change process focus on consumption alterations that influence consumer purchases and related managerial decisions. Individuals adjusting to a host-country culture (operationalized in this article as American) go through perceptual, attitudinal, and/or behavioral changes. Acculturation describes changes in attitudes, values, or behaviors members of one cultural group manifest as they move toward the standard of another, host-country, group. Consumer acculturation reflects the component of the total acculturation process relating to consumption-relevant attitudes, values or behaviors (Lee, 1989).

Amount of exposure to and sources of learning about the new host-culture vary by individual and circumstance of a move to another country. Laroche et al.'s (1997) review of acculturation literature notes four commonly cited dimensions of the acculturation process: (1) host language fluency and usage, (2) host society interaction frequency and depth vis a vis home society interaction, (3) culturally linked habits and customs, and the most recently added dimension (Lee, 1989), (4) host media utilization and preference. Cultural adjustment may also be influenced by location of residence, cultural distance between home country and new country, level of income, and personality variables. Controls for such mediating variables in the study of acculturation are discussed by Wallendorf and Reilly (1983), Dawson and Bamossy (1991) and Mehta and Belk (1991).

Acculturation Measurement

Based on the four dimensions of acculturation noted above, measurement scales were developed, and tested to measure acculturation stages. Szapocznik et al. (1978) calculated acculturation using a twenty-four question survey that many researchers applied in subsequent research (O'Guinn and Faber, 1985; Mann et al., 1987; Kara and Kara, 1996; Khairullah et al., 1996). Szapocznik et aL (1978) acknowledge that scale modification is possible without loss of generalizability. While the scale was developed for first-generation, Hispanic immigrants, up to five items may be deleted or changed to reflect respondents' host and ethnic cultures. Other acculturation scales focus on the language dimension of acculturation (Mari and Gamba, 1996; Laroche et al., 1998), on certain ethnic groups (Cuellar et al., 1980; Suinn et al., 1987; Mendoza, 1989), or on sub-populations (Oetting and Beauvais, 1990-1991), and substance abusers (Lessenger, 1997).

As in the studies cited above, the present study suggests a Likert-type scale to elicit responses on each of the four dimensions of acculturation (language, interaction, customs, and media utilization). Pre-tests will be needed to ascertain reliability scores for scale items based on percentages versus those based on qualitative measures anchored by "not at all", and "almost always." For example, language items may include: "I speak English," "In my family, we speak English," "In social situations with my peers, we speak English," while interaction items may include "My friends, while in school, are of Anglo origin," "My friends outside of school are of Anglo origin," etc.

A multi-category split method will be used to distinguish high-acculturated respondents from low-acculturated respondents. (For ease of discussion, the remainder of the paper refers to only two groups, high and low, since at this point the number of groups is not possible to ascertain.) These groupings will then be used to compare their respective ratings on materialism, English-language television viewing hours, affluence estimates, and purchase patterns. Based on previous research, I propose that buying and consumption patterns as well as media usage will vary with level of the consumer's acculturation. Generally speaking, the more acculturated the individual (high-acculturation scores), the greater the progression toward the attitudes and values of the host (American) society (Faber et al., 1987).

Due to changes that may be necessary in Szapocznik et al.'s (1978) original survey based on sample selection, the first proposition is offered to validate the final measurement scales that would be used in the current study. If the scales show high alpha reliability scores (c.f. Peterson, 1994) the subsequent propositions may be tested. Additionally, the items from the surveys will be factor analyzed to reduce the items into acculturation dimensions. If Szapocznik et al.'s (1978) instruments do not differentiate among the various dimensions (language, interaction, customs, and media utilization), the study would not be validly testing acculturation.

Proposition 1: International students with high acculturation scores will report higher levels of English usage, higher interaction with Americans, more familiarity with American Customs, and more English-based media interaction than international students with low acculturation scores.

Time in the host country influences acculturation levels. Research shows a strong correlation between time in a foreign culture and assimilation with that culture, (i.e., Wallendorf and Reilly, 1983; McCracken, 1986; Wallendorf and Arnould, 1988; Zimmermann, 1995). Younger populations tend to exhibit higher levels of acculturation than older individuals from the same culture. (Kara and Kara, 1996). Most international students arrive between the ages of 19 and 29 (Institute of International Education, 1996). While age range may not vary within the international student population in the present study, time in the US will. Based on findings regarding influence of age and exposure to host country nationals on acculturation levels, I predict the proposed research will observe international students living in the US for longer time periods will have higher levels of acculturation.

Thus far, the discussion focuses on indicators of cultural assimilation. These indicators tell us the process is occurring but do not fully explain how assimilation occurs. Next I briefly describe the mechanisms that influence assimilation and highlight how culture influences an individual's behavioral patterns. Two competing paradigms are developed, which outline the acculturation process and resulting consumption patterns: (1) acculturating individuals who use mass media as a source to internalize societal values will consume more personal products and, contrarily, (2) acculturating individuals "stripped" from their home environment and personal possessions will seek other, nonmaterial, sources of self-identity and societal integration. I offer cultivation and materialism theories as support for each paradigm and suggest methodologies to test their influence and interaction in this study of consumer behavior.

Cultivation Theory 

Individuals transitioning into a new culture strive for social acceptance and rapid understanding of behavioral expectations as part of the socialization processes of entering a new cultural environment. Researchers and practitioners alike recognize the role consumption plays in social recognition (Belk, 1978; McCracken, 1986). Studies of symbolic consumption (e.g., Hirschman, 1980), as well as product-image and self-image congruence (e.g., Gardner and Levy, 1955), enhance our understanding of how consumers use the products' social image to assert their self-identity.

Applying these concepts to individuals assimilating new cultures, research predicts a greater reliance on material symbols to create feelings of belonging and social acceptance (Wallendorf and Arnould, 1988). English language television (operationalized as American programming as opposed to native language programming) viewing functions as an efficient tool for understanding associations between products and societal images in American culture. Such viewing rarely provides consumption-relevant skills (Resnick and Stern, 1977); however, it does convey the idea of material abundance and the desirability of product ownership (O'Guinn et al., 1985; O'Guinn and Shrum, 1997). If television signals the importance of material possessions, it is reasonable to expect assimilating individuals with more American-program viewing hours to see the situations depicted on-screen as representative of target culture norms and seek to emulate them.

Cultivation theory (Gerbner, 1973; Gerbner et al., 1980) assumes that people are brought-up in a mass mediated environment that cultivates images based on the cultural norms of the society. Studies of the effect of television viewing on viewers generally find that individuals with little or no direct experience with societal phenomenon are more likely to think television portrayals are realistic. The implication of this theory is that those watching a great deal of television begin to accept what they see on-screen as realistic. (See McQuail (1983), Lee (1989), O'Guinn and Shrum (1997) for a thorough discussion of these effects.)

Lee (1989) applied cultivation theory when he examined the association between mass media and the perceptions of consumption reality among three groups of consumers. Subjects included Taiwanese nationals, Taiwanese residents in the US and Anglo-Americans. He studied the use of direct (personal interaction) and indirect (exposure to mass media) acculturation tools consumers apply to facilitate their understanding of American culture. Results revealed that the two groups with the lowest level of direct contact with American culture (Taiwanese nationals, and high-television-exposure Taiwanese residents in US), perceived greater affluence estimates than either low-television-exposure Taiwanese residents or Anglo-Americans. Lee concludes: "since ethnic minorities do not always have the advantage of being familiar with the American social and cultural systems, use of mass media, especially television, becomes an important way of learning the value system, the social and interpersonal role structure of American culture. It is no wonder they become heavy television watchers" (1989: 774). One problematic area of Lee's study is the lack of control variables for demographic factors (e.g., education, income) which may mediate the relationship between mass media and affluence estimates (see O'Guinn and Shrum, 1997).

Wallendorf and Reilly (1983) offer additional support for the use of mass media as a consumption reality cue in the Mexican-American population. After studying the garbage contents of three household types (income matched Mexican-Americans, Anglo-Americans, and Mexicans living in Mexico City) the authors conclude: Mexican-Americans may over-assimilate to prior perceptions of American cultural style and these conceptions of American life may originate from inferences drawn from the mass media.

This study attempts to measure the effect of mass media on acculturating individuals' affluence estimates and personal consumption. I propose that ethnic minorities, studied here as international students, will lessen their reliance on television as a source of consumption reality cues as acculturation increases. These predictions, based primarily on cultivation theory, emphasize the sociological motivations underlying acculturation. According to the theory, television viewing is an instrument to gain societal understanding, though the knowledge gained via this tool may not, in fact, reflect realistic societal behaviors (Smythe, 1954; DeFleur, 1964; O'Guinn et al., 1985). Specifically, low acculturated international students will, on average, report (1) fewer viewing hours of American television programming vs. native-language television programming (where available), (2) more viewing hours of American television programs than high acculturated individuals, (3) more total television viewing hours, (4) lower interaction with Americans, (5) higher affluence estimates, and (6) more purchases of personal (status) goods than Americans or high acculturated group. Generally, high acculturated international students will exhibit an understanding that American television programs do not portray the reality of living in the US and therefore will not be inspired to consume at the level depicted on television.

Proposition 2a: Low acculturated international students will report fewer viewing hours of American television programming vs. native-language television programming (where available) than high acculturated international students.

Proposition 2b: Low acculturated international students will report more viewing hours of American television programs than high acculturated international students.

Proposition 2c: Low acculturated international students will report more total television viewing hours than high acculturated international students.

Proposition 3: Low acculturated international students will report higher affluence estimates in the American population than high acculturated international students.

Proposition 4: Low acculturated international students will over-assimilate to US culture as evidenced by higher reported purchases of personal goods (clothing, jewelry, etc.) beyond their basic needs.

Exposure to mass media is not the only theoretical base used to explain consumption patterns among immigrants or expatriates. Scholars elucidate consumption behaviors among these consumer groups when studying family and peer influence (Childers and Rio, 1992), degree of identification with ethnic group (Robinson, 1996), economic development (Ger et al., 1993), symbolism (McCracken, 1986), and materialism (Ger and Belk, 1990, 1996). In studying the effects of an international move on consumption behaviors, materialism, a personal difference variable, offers alternative and at times contradictory interpretations to cultivation theory.

Materialism

The passion to consume evident in developed and developing nations encouraged several comparative studies of materialism across cultures (Wallendorf and Arnould, 1988; Ger and Belk, 1990; Mehta and Belk, 1991). Currently, however, only two studies explore the relationship between materialism and cultural change (Dawson and Bamossy, 1991; Ger and Belk, 1996). Materialism is defined as "the importance a consumer attaches to worldly possessions. At the highest levels of materialism, possessions assume a central place in a person's life and are believed to provide the greatest sources of satisfaction and dissatisfaction" (Belk, 1985: 270). Belk's (1984) materialism scale developed to measure this trait consists of three dimensions: possessiveness, envy and non-generosity. Taken together, these subtraits represent one's affiliation with objects, one's willingness to share/give the items in their possession, and one's feelings about the objects in others' possessions. The sum of the items from each of the three su btraits forms the overall materialism scale.

The scant research on materialism and cultural change reveals both consistencies and contradictions (Dawson and Bamossy, 1991; Ger and Belk, 1996). Materialism is neither unique to western cultures nor related to affluence (Ger and Belk, 1996). Sudden changes in consumption environments caused by drastic, internal economic transformation (i.e., former Soviet bloc nations after the fall of communism), or from recent immigration to a more developed nation, may cause escalation of consumer desires (Ger et al., 1993). Materialism of recent immigrants was not measured by Ger et al. (1993), though their cross-cultural study in 1996 found support for the idea that "cultural change and unsettled social conditions are associated with greater levels or materialism" (Ger and Belk, 1996: 72).

Contrary to these findings, Dawson and Bamossy's (1991) study of Americans, Dutch, and expatriate Americans living in the Netherlands reveals a consistently lower level of materialism for expatriate Americans (those experiencing cultural change) than for either Dutch or Americans. Dawson and Bamossy (1991) found materialism increases with length of time spent abroad and that acculturation did not explain this change since Dutch and Americans differ only minimally on materialism scores. Based on these findings, Dawson and Bamossy (1991) offer two possible explanations for their findings. First, they suggest that when the self is anchored less by material items, as in an international move, the individual may be forced to reconstruct his/her self-concept more in terms of pro social, familial, ethnic, and spiritual values. Alternatively these authors propose that materialism may follow a "U" shaped pattern as it immediately decreases after expatriation and then slowly re-establishes itself as time passes in the country of destination.

There appears to be a contradiction between (Ger et al., 1993) findings that individuals experiencing cultural change may exhibit greater levels of materialism, and Dawson and Bamossy's (1991) conclusions that materialism decreases immediately after an international move. The need for more studies of materialism during cultural assimilation and across different populations is clear. Given the studies conducted thus far (Dawson and Bamossy 1991; Ger et al. 1993; Ger and Belk 1996), it is prudent to predict a change in materialism will occur when an individual experiences an international move, but it is, perhaps, premature to propose which direction (increase or decrease) the change will take.

Research aimed at clarifying these contradictions may take several forms including longitudinal studies. Using international students facilitates this research format because of relatively easy access to subjects once they accept admission and continue their study at a university. Thus at this juncture, given the methodological suggestions in the next section, I propose a change in materialism scores will occur in subjects at various time periods in the US (i.e., upon arrival, within the first semester of study, after more than one year, Dawson and Bamossy, 1991) and at different stages of the acculturation process (Belk, 1985; Ger and Belk, 1990). Controls for personal differences such as cultural and economic distance between the US and native cultures, income levels, previous exposure to the US (visits, work, or study), age, and personal support (family - immediate and/or extended) may isolate factors influencing the direction of the change.

Proposition 5: Shifts in materialism scores (Belk, 1984) for international students will be evident as students pass through various acculturation levels and as time in the US increases.

Recalling that materialism is more than purchase volume reminds us that acculturating individuals may increase purchases in an attempt to assimilate with a new culture without increasing levels of possessiveness, envy, and non-generosity (materialism). Thus it is possible, to some extent, to observe increases in personal consumption without corresponding increases in materialism scores. The motivation for the increased purchases may, however, provide insight to connections among materialism, affluence estimates, and personal consumption. Such motivations may provide the bridge between cultivation theory and materialism. If an international student seeks to acculturate to an American way of life and uses television scenes as a source of appropriate "American" affluence and thus consumption behavior, acquiring possessions may take a central role in attempts to assimilate. In other words, if after exposure to US television an acculturating individual views accumulation and importance of possessions as an Americ an value to be emulated, she may increase her level of materialism (Faber et al., 1987).

The following story from discussions with American roommates of international students demonstrates attitudes that international students may bring to campus regarding American affluence and how such opinions influence the acquisition and significance of goods. While such qualitative data is preliminary, it clearly illustrates the connection between some dimensions of materialism (envy and possessiveness) and consequences of actions taken in an attempt to assimilate to perceptions of American culture.

My Korean roommate arrived on campus with just a few things of her own. In the beginning she often made comments about how many things I had and asked where and how I purchased them. She started completing those credit card applications that come in campus mail. The next thing I knew she started buying lots of new stuff and talking about all the new things she had. Really, she was kind of bragging about them. She even bought a car. By the end of the year she was in terrible financial debt and didn't know how to get out of it.

Given the exploratory nature of the present research, the following propositions suggest investigating all dimensions of materialism. Statistical analysis of both the subtraits and the summed scales can substantiate which elements of the materialism construct are related to affluence estimates and/or changes in consumption behavior.

Proposition 6: There will be a positive correlation between materialism scores and higher affluence estimates for international students.

Proposition 7: There will be a positive correlation between materialism scores and personal consumption for international students.

Methodological Recommendations

Since problem solving is cumulative in nature, it is only appropriate that I investigate the limitations noted by previous studies in an attempt to build a more comprehensive, reliable, and valid measure of the concepts operationalized in the present study. Limitations and areas for future research emphasized in previous studies include: sample equivalence (Wallendorf and Reilly, 1983; Dawson and Bamossy, 1991), applicability of Belk's (1984) materialism scale (Wallendorf and Arnould, 1988; Ger and Belk, 1990) and acculturation measurements (Szapocznik et al., 1978; Kara and Kara, 1996; Yu and Berryman, 1996; Lessenger, 1997) across cultures, isolation of demographic variables from cultural differences (Wallendorf and Reilly, 1983), motivations and attitudes surrounding international moves (Dawson and Bamossy, 1991; Mehta and Belk, 1991), time and monetary constraints of measuring changes over time (Dawson and Bamossy, 1991), and difficulty in comparing subjects on measurements before and after international moves (Lee, 1989; Dawson and Bamossy, 1991). I propose methodology to overcome some of these constraints and control for others.

Any study dealing with two or more cultures must first address the issue of sample equivalence. Wallendorf and Reilly (1983) note the importance of controlling for factors such as differences in income, education, age distribution and product availability before employing culture as a causal explanation in cross-cultural research. Using student populations from the same university in the proposed study allows for greater comparability of demographic variables (i.e., education level, and age). Measuring and controlling for demographic variables such as income and personal experience (i.e., previous visits to the US, career plans after studying in the US) will increase internal validity.

Arguments for and against the applicability of Belk's (1984) materialism scale across various cultures abound (e.g., Wallendorf and Arnould, 1988; Ger and Belk, 1990; Dawson and Bamossy, 1991; Mehta and Belk, 1991). It is beyond the scope of this article to elaborate on this line of debate; strong arguments are made on both sides. Gross-cultural application of acculturation measurements (as discussed above) have seen greater acceptance (e.g., Lessenger, 1997). For the proposed study, I suggest qualitative interview methods (O'Guinn and Faber, 1989; Thompson et al., 1989) to complement the scales, to enrich the findings, and to further assess the applicability of the scales cross-culturally.

Longitudinal studies such as the one proposed here offer many advantages and some precautions in analysis. Perhaps the best known longitudinal cross-cultural research is Hofstede's (1980) investigation of 40 countries over two time periods (1967-1969 and 1971-1973). While this initial study is somewhat dated, the author's discussion of causes for differences in values among respondents over time warrants review in any longitudinal work (Hofstede, 1980). For the present research, I suggest administering surveys at three points in time. First, upon acceptance into the university, a survey regarding television-viewing habits, previous exposure to the US, demographic data, and a materialism scale should be sent to the subjects. Second, within the first semester of arriving at the university, a second set of questions should be sent to ascertain television viewing habits in America, acculturation measurement, and materialism scores. Finally, after one year in the US, a third questionnaire similar to the second on e would be sent.

Samples

Sampling would be based on names generated from university admissions offices of international students who accept admission to study at designated colleges. Attempts would be made to randomly vary county, age, gender, and ethnicity based on the number of students and countries available in the sampling frame. Subjects include four groups: (1) international students accepted for admission to US universities who have not yet left their home country, (2) international students within the first year of arrival in the US, (3) international students residing in the US more than one year, and (4) American students at the same university. If possible, more than one university would be used to enhance the generalizability of the study. Comparison of subjects from the same home-country and from differing home-countries with American students may improve our understanding of Ger and Belk's (1996) finding that drastic cultural change (e.g., moving from an economically underdeveloped to an economically developed nation) has a greater positive impact on materialism score change. Collecting and controlling for demographic variables shown to have an impact on television viewing hours, such as income and education level, (O'Guinn and Shrum 1997) will improve validity. While it is impossible to estimate the sample size at this point, determination of desired effect size, reliability, and power will determine the necessary sample size (Pedhazur and Schmelkin, 1991).

Operationalization

To examine the relationship between media exposure, consumption cues, and acculturation presented in Propositions 2-4, I propose a methodology similar to Lee (1989). I suggest the formulation of a new list of products and services usually associated with the American way of life based on recent content analysis of television programs (see O'Guinn and Shrum, 1997). The list can then be pre-tested on a sample similar to the target population. I would similarly categorize the independent variable of exposure to American, native, and total television viewing into multiple categories based on responses of self-reported hours of television watched by respondents. Affluence estimates, the operationalization of consumption reality, would also be measured by the respondents' report of estimated percentages of Americans who own each product in the new list. Acculturation is operationalized via measurement of four dimensions: (1) host language fluency and usage, (2) host society interaction frequency and depth vis a vi s home society interaction, (3) culturally linked habits and customs, and (4) host media utilization and preference. Similar to television viewing, respondents would be divided using multiple category acculturation levels. One additional set of closed and open-ended questions would be asked to determine recent purchases (ownership) of personal goods.

Materialism, defined as the importance individuals place on possessions, would be operationalized using Belk's materialism scale (1984). A high score indicates higher levels of materialism. Reliability and validity of the scale are tested in several studies and a full discussion of each sub-trait can be found in Bruner and Hensel (1996).

Implications and Future Research

The purpose of this article is to apply theories of cultivation and materialism to a unique, growing population in such a way that adds to our understanding of influences on acculturation and consumption processes. Specifically, the present research sets eight goals: (1) to validate acculturation scales via application to various cultures, (2) to establish connections between time spent in host country and acculturation changes, (3) to determine relationships between acculturation levels and host-language television viewing habits, (4) to clarify connections among television viewing, affluence estimates, and personal consumption as related to acculturation changes, (5) to validate materialism scale cross-culturally, (6) to provide longitudinal data on changes in materialism before and during various times in host country, (7) to investigate correlations among changes in materialism, time in host country, and acculturation stages, and (8) to test which theory predicts changes in consumption better. Cultivatio n suggests purchases will increase with initial adjustment to a new culture, whereas materialism has contradictory claims. Seven propositions are presented to accomplish these goals and to discern the internal and external influences consumers use as cues to act on consumption patterns evident in their new culture. Finally, qualitative and quantitative methodologies that allow for both indepth and statistical analyses of proposed relationships are suggested.

The main limitation of the proposed study is the lack of empirical work to test relationships posed in the propositions. This is also the area most promising for future research. This article may be used as a springboard for hypothesis building in cross-cultural research. Methodological suggestions outlined above provide a framework upon which to build the subsequent studies. Several models may be constructed depending on individual researcher's desire to emphasize high vs. low acculturated individuals, similar vs. diverse cultures, developed vs. developing countries, and various motivations for coming to the US. Another area for future elaboration is the investigation of psychological underpinnings in the connections among television viewing, affluence estimates, and purchases. Examination of cognitive theories (e.g., contrast theory, cognitive problem solving, social learning) and nonmediated observation (i.e., personal interaction) may lead to a more comprehensive model of cultural assimilation and consum ption behaviors. Finally, different populations can be studied to test the generalizability of results found in student samples. This is particularly important given the two distinct populations studied by Dawson and Bamossy (1991) and Ger and Belk (1996).

Studying the universality of constructs such as materialism (Belk, 1984) and cultivation theory (Gerbner, 1973) advances the field of consumer research by aiding academicians and practitioners in understanding the nature of consumer desire across cultures. If the proposed relationships are tested and supported, there are several implications for the practitioner. First, recognizing the role of television as an acculturation and consumption-teaching agent for this mobile, highly educated consumer group allows practitioners to maximize the use of television as a communication tool when developing communication strategies targeted at this group. Information gained from the study of television may also be applied to mediums such as radio, print, and the Internet. Second, targeting individuals at different acculturation stages enhances acceptance of the product and other marketing mix variables. Initial work in this area is evident in Khairullah et al., (1996); additional research across numerous cultures and tim es will augment these findings. Finally, appreciating the unique motives of the identified population (e.g., cultural vs. economic, Donthu and Cherian, 1992) may improve the impact of marketing strategies aimed at such groups. Advertising aimed at acculturating consumers, for example, may use imagery associated with motivations of belonging and acceptance. Communication strategies may directly invoke conflicts felt by individuals balancing needs and wants of the two cultures (native and American) as they relate to self-definition in contemporary American society.

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