Collateral damage: the U.S. war on drugs keeps Latin America's poor farmers tethered to the trade.In the past year, stepped-up U.S. pressure in Bolivia and Peru to wipe out coca--the leafy Andean bush that can be processed into cocaine--has met increasingly violent protests. And no wonder. Small farmers' dependence on coca revenue has never been greater. More than half of Peru's 26 million live on less than US$2 a day. About 70% of Bolivia's 8.3 million lives in poverty. In some rugged areas, coca is the only crop that can flourish. In both countries, violence between coca growers and government forces has become a regular feature of political life. Cocaleros are by far the greatest political threat to Bolivian President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada. Resentful voters have flocked to pro-coca parties, which now control about a third of Bolivia's Congress. In Peru, the growers have organized numerous strikes, blocking public buildings and highways in a challenge to President Alejandro Toledo Alejandro Toledo (Alejandro Celestino Toledo Manrique) (born 28 March 1946) is a Peruvian politician. He was President of Peru from 2001 to 2006. He was elected in 2001 defeating former President Alan García. , who has promised to wipe out 22,000 hectares of coca--47% of the country's total estimated crop--by the end of his term in 2006. Bolivian Congressman Evo Morales Juan Evo Morales Ayma (born October 26, 1959 in Orinoca, Oruro), popularly known as Evo (IPA: [ˈeβ̞o] , the cocalero leader who came within 43,000 votes of winning the popular vote for president in 2002, warns that if a solution isn't found, there will be "permanent confrontation, and coca will become synonymous with synonymous with adjective equivalent to, the same as, identical to, similar to, identified with, equal to, tantamount to, interchangeable with, one and the same as militarization mil·i·ta·rize tr.v. mil·i·ta·rized, mil·i·ta·riz·ing, mil·i·ta·riz·es 1. To equip or train for war. 2. To imbue with militarism. 3. To adopt for use by or in the military. , synonymous with war." Unfortunately, the U.S. zero-coca policy is fueling that war. Washington continues to condition increased aid for alternative development on meeting eradication targets, leaving Bolivia and Peru vulnerable to more social unrest. That is a crucial mistake. Obviously, the conflict is not just about drugs. It's the economy, estupido. Free-market, reforms have yet to alleviate poverty or create enough jobs. The Council on Hemispheric Affairs The Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA) is a Washington, D.C.-based non-governmental organization (NGO) founded in 1975, with the goal of promoting awareness of hemispheric issues and encouraging the formulation of rational political and economic U.S. policies towards the region. , meanwhile, says the eradication program costs rural communities in Bolivia $200 million annually. "We are against drug trafficking," Marisela Guillen, secretary-general of Peru's 3,000-member Agricultural Producers' Association of the Apurimac-Ene River Valleys, recently told the BBC BBC in full British Broadcasting Corp. Publicly financed broadcasting system in Britain. A private company at its founding in 1922, it was replaced by a public corporation under royal charter in 1927. . "We just want to survive." Coca farmers are not interested in getting high. They want to feed their families. That's why, no matter how many times they watch police destroy their crops, these poverty-stricken farmers will replant re·plant v. To reattach an organ, limb, or other body part surgically to the original site. n. An organ, limb, or body part that has been replanted. . The continuing battle has forced Peruvian and Bolivian politicians to back off. Toledo dropped police presence in some coca-growing areas and has slowed eradication programs. Sanchez de Lozada has promised to allow farmers to grow small crops of the plant outside the traditional growing areas controlled by the government, after domestic narcotics narcotics n. 1) techinically, drugs which dull the senses. 2) a popular generic term for drugs which cannot be legally possessed, sold, or transported except for medicinal uses for which a physician or dentist's prescription is required. police wiped out 70% of the nation's illicit coca fields in an effort that stretched from 1995 to 2001. Washington is steamed. New priorities. Alternative crops such as oranges, cotton, pineapple, bananas, rubber and palm oil just can't compete with coca. Cocaleros can earn up to $6 a kilo--five times what they earn on a kilo Thousand (10 to the 3rd power). Abbreviated "K." For technical specifications, it refers to the precise value 1,024 since computer specifications are based on binary numbers. For example, 64K means 65,536 bytes when referring to memory or storage (64x1024), but a 64K salary means $64,000. of coffee. Much of the scant funds for alternative crops get soaked up in red tape and corruption, leaving little for farmers. In Peru, cocaleros demanded the withdrawal of several nongovernmental organizations Transnational organizations of private citizens that maintain a consultative status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. Nongovernmental organizations may be professional associations, foundations, multinational businesses, or simply groups with a common interest in working in alternative development, claiming most resources stay with the NGOs. Some alternative crops, meanwhile, are subject to tariffs and trade restrictions in Europe and the United States. In November, for example, the European Union European Union (EU), name given since the ratification (Nov., 1993) of the Treaty of European Union, or Maastricht Treaty, to the European Community is expected to begin levying tariffs on Colombian flowers and fruit. The United States must allow these poor Andean countries to undergo a gradual eradication program while introducing alternative crops with tariff-free status, adequate infrastructure to get products to market and subsidies not to grow coca. If the U.S. can spend billions of dollars each year to pay American farmers not to grow certain crops, they can spend millions to keep Andean peasants from working for the drug trade. Unless Andean peasants receive the same return from alternative crops, they will not give up coca, at least not without a fight. Offer Andean farmers a real alternative and they will happily get out of the coca game. COMMENTS? WRITE: siliconjack@latintrade-inc.com |
|
||||||||||||||||||||

Printer friendly
Cite/link
Email
Feedback
Reader Opinion