China heir apparent closer to power

In just six months, China's apparent heir to the leadership has vaulted from Shanghai boss to a spot in the ruling Communist Party's inner sanctum and an unusually visible role overseeing preparations for the Olympic Games.

Xi Jinping has met visiting foreign statesmen and has been shown on television inspecting Olympic venues and consoling people caught in central China's winter storms — publicity that counters the normally low-key role assumed by past leaders-in-waiting.

On Saturday, Xi takes another step toward cementing his status as China's future president and party chief, when the communist-dominated legislature is expected to appoint him vice president, a largely ceremonial role.

China experts say that only a major fumble could wreck Xi's ascent.

"I think he is very much on track," said Joseph Cheng, head of Hong Kong City University's Contemporary China Research Center. "People sort of accept him. And of course those who oppose simply have to wait until he's done something wrong."

Despite that acceptance, Xi is likely to need all his political skills to make it to 2012, when President Hu Jintao is expected to step down.

His connections and the glitz surrounding Xi and his wife have been sources of quiet grumbling among some midlevel government officials who want to see merit-based promotions in the party.

The son of a revolutionary and party insider, the 54-year-old Xi (pronounced "She") is considered a "princeling" whose path in politics has been smoothed through family connections. While most recent leaders have kept their families out of the limelight, Xi's wife, Peng Liyuan, is a singer of patriotic ballads with the People's Liberation Army arts troupe and a staple on state television variety shows.

Xi isn't likely to get much help from Hu.

He was not considered Hu's first choice as successor, but was forced on the president by other party power-brokers as a compromise candidate ahead of a party meeting last October.

"Xi can't afford to take anything for granted. The heir apparent will have to prove himself — at least by not making any major mistake while serving the apprenticeship," said Steve Tsang, a professor of Chinese studies at England's Oxford University.

Still, Xi has solid credentials as an able administrator and supporter of free-market reforms. He ran two economically vibrant coastal provinces before being named by the party to lead thriving Shanghai last spring following his predecessor's ouster in a graft scandal.

Xi's promotion to the No. 6 position in the party Politburo was seen as an affirmation of his accomplishments, as well as his connections.

Since then, Xi has taken charge of the party organization and personnel portfolios, which Hu held in the 1990s as he bided his time on his rise to the top.

His appointment last month to oversee preparations for August's Beijing Olympics cast him into a high-stakes post.

The vice presidency, though devoid of real power, also will allow Xi to nudge his profile higher. The position offers a chance to travel, meet foreign dignitaries, and preside at state occasions.

Like all would-be successors in rank-conscious China, Xi is careful to talk up his boss, telling officials in meetings to study Hu's speeches and follow his orders to boost social services and spread the benefits of rapid economic growth more broadly.

While the two men appear cordial in public, Hu is believed to favor the party's seventh ranking official, Li Keqiang, to succeed him. Li has failed to receive the same level of support as Xi from ranking cadres.

City University's Cheng said Hu will likely go with the consensus, rather than take on other powerful politicians. But Hu will continue promoting supporters to leading positions to ensure his continued influence — and to be ready if Xi slips up.

"Even if you don't like him," Cheng said, "it is very unpopular to try to make things difficult for him at this juncture."