Children's perceptions of vocational preparation requirements.

Editor's Note: Several authors cited as references have double last names which are not hyphenated.

Through focused interviews with 119 elementary students, researchers examined children's understanding of vocational preparation requirements for 15 well-known jobs and participants" preferred occupations. Results indicated that, by fifth grade, children have developed the conceptual framework for understanding vocational preparation requirements but are high& inaccurate in their application of the framework to specific occupations. Participants overestimated the need for college as well as their own likelihood of attending. Implications for elementary career guidance programs are presented.

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Sweeping economic and social changes during the past several decades have required increasingly higher levels of education for entry into the workforce (Valadez, 1998). The need to compete in a global marketplace--combined with the rapid pace of technological advancement--has made postsecondary education almost a necessity for students entering today's job market (Mau, 1995; Valadez, 1998). This heightened role for postsecondary education is not confined to individual students: An educated workforce is essential to the health of the U.S. economy as well as the achievement of economic and social equity (Hossler & Maple, 1993). In fact, the nation's economic future may depend upon higher levels of educational attainment within those segments of society currently possessing the lowest levels of education (Man).

As a result of the increasing emphasis on postsecondary education, researchers and educators have investigated the factors affecting educational aspirations as well as how to intervene in ways that increase educational attainment--particularly among under-represented groups (Brantlinger, 1992; Dai, 1996; Hawley McWhirter, Larson, & Daniels, 1996; Mahoney & Merritt, 1993; Ramos & Sanchez, 1995). Not surprisingly, much of this research has focused on high school students, who are most obviously engaged in the career decisionmaking process and whose personal, academic, and demographic characteristics are assumed to be the most significant predicators of eventual educational attainment (Dai; Man & Helm Bikos, 2000). Considerably fewer studies have focused on the educational aspirations of younger students, although the existing research suggests that important decisions about educational attainment may be formed in middle school or even earlier.

Hossler and Maple (1993), for example, demonstrated that college goers can be differentiated from undecided students as early as the ninth grade. Because their sample did not include students in lower grades, it is unclear whether this distinction might be possible even earlier. Similarly, Kao and Tienda (1998) determined that students with low aspirations in eighth grade dropped out of high school in disproportionate numbers. The failure to include even younger children in the sample raises the possibility that the deleterious influence of low aspirations may begin prior to middle school. This possibility was supported by Paulson, Coombs, and Richardson (1990), who found that the percentage of 9- to 17-year-old students aspiring to college began to decline between the ages of 11 and 12. Evidence that aspirations are formed even earlier was provided by Cook et al. (1996), who found that race and class differences in the aspirations of second grade boys mirrored race and class differences in adult job holdings.

Regardless of the age level studied, a consistent theme in the existing research is the connection between occupational aspirations and educational aspirations (Cook et al., 1996; Ramos & Sanchez, 1995). In general, researchers have assumed that students who have higher occupational aspirations will, consequently, aspire to greater educational attainment (Man & Helm Bikos, 2000). This assumption is based, in turn, on the presumption that students have an accurate understanding of the education or other vocational training required for specific occupations.

Alternatively, there is a small body of research suggesting that the relationship between occupational and educational aspirations may work in the opposite direction: Students may form occupational preferences based, in part, on their perceptions of the amount of education or training necessary for specific jobs (McGee & Stockard, 1991; Wails, 2000). This research supports Gottfredson's (1981) theory of how occupational aspirations develop during the preschool through college years, particularly between the ages of 9 to 13 (beginning in grades four through six) when children develop an orientation to social valuation. It is at this stage, according to Gottfredson, that a child's self-concept related to social class and ability level becomes an important determinant of social behavior, including occupational aspirations. As a result, the child begins to rule out occupations of unacceptably low prestige as well as those occupations requiring too much effort to obtain in light of the child's perceived ability level. Once rejected as incompatible with a child's ability level and perceptions of reasonable effort, an occupation is no longer included in the child's "zone of acceptable alternatives" (p. 557) and will not be reconsidered at later stages of development. Thus, as early as the 4th grade, children's erroneous ideas about the effort required to obtain particular jobs may result in a permanent rejection of those jobs as acceptable occupational alternatives.

Based on existing theory and research, it seems clear that accurate knowledge of educational and vocational training requirements is essential to the development of realistic--and congruent--educational and occupational aspirations. Unfortunately, research suggests that children's knowledge of the vocational preparation required for particular jobs does not increase at the same rate as their knowledge of other occupational characteristics. Wails (2000) found that the accuracy of students' assessment of the preparation time required for 20 well-known occupations did not increase significantly between the 6th and 12th grades, even though students' accuracy increased significantly on each of the other occupational dimensions investigated. Although 12th-grade students were generally more accurate than 3rd-, 6th-, and 9th-grade students in their assessment of the six occupational dimensions studied, their knowledge of vocational preparation time was significantly lower than their knowledge of occupational earnings and status. Similarly, McGee and Stockard (1991) found that 4th-grade children were less accurate in their estimates of vocational preparation requirements than in their estimates of occupational earnings.

In sum, early educational and occupational aspirations are likely influenced by inaccurate perceptions of vocational preparation requirements, and the accuracy of these perceptions does not appear to change markedly as children mature. Combined with research demonstrating that children's early aspirations are relatively stable (Gottfredson, 1981; Trice, 1991; Trice & King, 1991; Trice & McClellan, 1993; Trice & McClellan, 1994), the research reviewed above may help explain why some students reach middle school and high school without developing realistic plans for reaching their occupational goals (Solorzano, 1992). It may also explain why high school students who say they have no intention of attending college report that they aspire to careers requiring a college education (Brantlinger, 1992).

Given the need for students to make informed decisions about their educational and occupational futures, it seems clear that research is needed to clarify the process by which children come to associate the need for postsecondary education or other vocational training with specific occupations or occupational clusters. The age at which children first begin to associate college attendance with specific occupations and the influence of this association on children's own occupational and educational aspirations are two related questions warranting research (Herring Wahl & Blackhurst, 2000). Based on these gaps in the existing research literature, the following research questions were identified for this study: (a) To what extent do elementary school children understand the vocational preparation requirements for various occupations? (b) To what extent do elementary school children understand why college or other postsecondary education is a prerequisite for certain occupations? (c) What rationale do children provide when asked to explain why particular jobs do or do not require a college education? and (d) To what extent do children apply the same rationale to their own occupational and educational aspirations?

METHOD

The data used to examine the above research questions came from structured, individual interviews with 119 children in the first (n = 38), third (n = 38) and fifth (n = 43) grades in a southern Minnesota school district. Participants represented approximately 30% of the first, third-, and fifth-grade students enrolled at two elementary schools within the district. The schools were selected because the composition of their student bodies is representative of the district's enrollment, which is predominantly White and includes a mixture of families from working class and professional backgrounds. A range of grade levels was included in order to assess developmental differences in students' understanding of vocational preparation requirements. Earlier studies indicated that, by the fourth grade, elementary students are aware of a variety of occupations and their characteristics (McGee & Stockard, 1991); including even younger students in the sample for this study permitted an exploration of when this awareness typically develops.

Participants

Of the 119 students interviewed, 38% (n = 45) were female and 62% (n = 74) were male. Demographic questionnaires completed by parents indicated that 2 participants were African American, 2 were Native American, 1 was Hispanic American, and 6 were biracial or multiracial. The remaining parents reported the race of their children as White (n = 105) or other/not specified (n = 3). Nearly three quarters of the sample (74%; n = 88) lived with two biological parents, whereas 17% (n = 20) lived with a single parent, and 6% (n = 7) lived with a biological parent and a stepparent. Family incomes ranged from under $10,000 (3%; n = 4) to over $91,000 (22%; n = 25), with 31% (n = 36) of parents reporting family incomes below $41,000 and 42% (n = 55) reporting incomes between $41,000 and $90,000. Approximately 85% (n = 99) of participants reported that one or both of their parents had attended college, while 20% (n = 15) reported having older siblings who attended college. Demographic information provided by parents confirmed that about 80% of participants did, in fact, have at least one parent or step-parent with some college or technical college in their educational background. Among mothers, 37% were college graduates, while another 40% reported attending some college or technical college; among fathers, these percentages were 32% and 28%, respectively. While the percentage of parents with undergraduate degrees was substantially higher than the 26% reported nationally, the sample substantially under-represented parents with a high school education or less (20% of mothers and 32% of fathers, compared to 50% of adults nationally). In addition, the sample over-represented parents with at least some graduate education (U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1999).

Interview Procedures and Questions

Prior to implementing the study, pilot interviews were conducted to ensure that the structured interview questions were understandable, age appropriate, and not unduly lengthy. A total of eight children in the first (n = 3), third (n = 2), and fifth (n = 3) grades were included in the pilot study, which resulted in only minor changes to the interview protocol.

Participants in the study were recruited via letters sent home to their parents or guardians; students of parents who returned consent forms and usable demographic questionnaires were included in the sample. The structured interviews lasted between 20 and 30 minutes and were conducted by trained interviewers during the regular school day in a private setting provided by the school. Students were assured that their parents and teachers would not be told how they responded to the interview questions. Each interview was audiotaped, and the tapes were transcribed for qualitative data analysis. Whenever possible, participants' responses were also coded for quantitative analysis.

Interview questions were developed based on a review of the literature related to educational and occupational aspirations (Herring Wahl & Blackhurst, 2000) and included the following: (a) Do you want to go to college? Why or why not? (b) Do you think you really will go to college? Why or why not? (c) What do you want to be when you grow up? (d) What do you think you really will be when you grow up? and (e) Do you think you will need to go to college in order to be a--? Why or why not?

In addition, a central portion of each interview was devoted to showing participants computerized images of various work settings, naming each of the depicted occupations, and asking the question "Do you think the person who holds this job would need to go to college?" Fifth-grade students were asked to provide a rationale for their responses, whereas first- and third-grade students were simply asked to answer "yes" or "no." The work settings were selected based on previous studies of elementary students' occupational knowledge (Cook et al., 1996; Franken, 1983; McGee & Stockard, 1991) and exemplified a range of occupational characteristics, including status, income, educational requirements, and gender representation. Each was depicted without a worker present in order to avoid influencing participants' perceptions of occupational status or gender appropriateness (Liben, Bigler, & Krogh, 2001).

Children in grades one and three were shown an abbreviated series of work settings, including those of secretary, store clerk, doctor, police officer, teacher, and pilot. Children in grade five were shown the same six work settings in addition to the settings for professional athlete, food service worker, bank teller, custodian, librarian, dentist, mail carrier, pharmacist, and construction worker. Of the occupations depicted, four require a college education (doctor, teacher, dentist, pharmacist). Four-year degree programs are available for three others, although a degree is not required for employment (librarian, pilot, police officer). Four-year degree programs are neither required nor available for the remaining eight occupations.

Data Analysis

Descriptive statistics were used to partially address the first and fourth research questions identified for this study: To what extent do elementary school children understand the vocational preparation requirements for various occupations and to what extent is this understanding evident in children's own occupational and educational aspirations? Specifically, the researchers used coded interview responses to calculate the following: (a) the percentage of children that correctly classified each job as either requiring college or not; (b) those jobs that were correctly classified most frequently and least frequently; (c) the number and percentage of children that aspired to college; and (d) the number and percentage of children aspiring to jobs requiring college. For all statistical comparisons between grade levels, the alpha level was set at .05.

To address the remaining research questions, interview transcripts were analyzed using a modified version of Vaughn, Shay Schumm, & Sinagub's (1996) guidelines for qualitative data analysis. Steps one and two of the four-step process were completed by each researcher working independently, whereas steps three and four required negotiation and collaboration between members of the research team.

In step one, data from each interview transcript were unitized, with each data unit consisting of the smallest piece of information that was informative by itself. Data units that did not meet the criterion of better informing the research questions were not considered relevant, even if they were interesting. In step two, researchers sorted the data units into categories, each representing a distinct construct. As the researchers sorted the data units, they identified the criteria that distinguished each category from the others. These criteria represented rules that justified the inclusion of a given data unit in a particular category. The criteria were also used to test inter-rater reliability in step three of the data analysis process.

In step three, the researchers worked together to compare and negotiate the categories developed independently in steps one and two. Beginning with those categories that were considered most representative of the data, the researchers compared each of their category rifles and rules for inclusion, discussing the similarities and differences between their respective, comparable categories. Working jointly, the researchers then revised the rules of each category so that they would apply to all of the comparable categories, devised a new title for the category (or used one already suggested), and determined the extent to which the data units in the category had been consistently categorized. This process continued until agreement had been reached about each category title and the corresponding rules for including data units.

Finally, the researchers identified the "big ideas" represented by the categories agreed upon in step three. These ideas were expressed as themes, each of which included one or more categories. When appropriate, available theory and research were used to inform this process (Gottfredson, 1981; Herring Wahl & Blackhurst, 2000; McGee & Stockard, 1991; Walls, 2000). Direct quotations from participants were selected to serve as examples of the six themes, each of which is discussed below.

RESULTS

At all three grade levels, almost all participants indicated both a desire to attend college and the belief that they actually would attend college. Nearly 90% of first graders said they aspired to college (87.2%) and expected to attend (89.7%); among third graders, these percentages were 92.1% and 89.5%, respectively. Slightly over 95% of fifth grade students expressed both a desire to attend and the conviction that they would in fact attend college. There were no significant differences in either aspirations or expectations by grade level.

However, students' motives for aspiring to college changed significantly between the first and fifth grades. Among first-grade students, the most common reason for aspiring to college was "to learn" or "to get smarter," a response provided by 85.7% of the first graders. Only 14.3% of first graders reported that "getting or preparing for a job" was a primary motive for attending. By the fifth grade, however, these statistics had reversed: only 16.2% of fifth-graders reported a desire to attend college so they could learn more or become smarter, whereas 83.8% reported a desire to obtain or prepare for a job ([X.sup.2] = 29.40; p < .0001).

In addition to the relatively high educational attainment of their parents, one possible explanation for the high educational aspirations expressed by the students in this study is that between two thirds and three fourths of the students at each grade level believed they would need college in order to obtain their preferred job. As indicated in Table 1, students considerably overestimated the need for a college education. While only 47.6% of fifth graders aspired to occupations that actually require college, for example, 76.2% perceived the need to attend college in order to achieve their occupational aspirations. The disparity between the perceived and actual need for college was similar at the first- and third-grade levels (see Table 1).

Not surprisingly, given the disparities discussed above, students also overestimated the need for college when asked to assess the educational requirements of the occupations listed in Table 2. More than half of first and third graders incorrectly classified the job of store clerk as requiring college, while more than 75% incorrectly ascribed the need for college to the jobs of secretary, police officer, and construction worker. Similarly, between one half and three fourths of all fifth graders incorrectly classified the jobs of professional athlete, librarian, and construction worker as requiring college; a similar error was made by over three fourths of fifth graders who incorrectly associated the need for a college education with the jobs of bank teller (78.6%), secretary (88.1%), police officer (90.5%), and pilot (92.9%).

In contrast, students were highly accurate in their assessment of the educational requirements for the jobs of teacher and doctor; these jobs were correctly identified as requiting college by 85% to 100% of the students at each grade level. In addition, at the fifth grade level, the majority of students correctly classified custodian (90%) and food service worker (64.3%) as jobs that did not require college. There were no significant differences in the accuracy of students' assessment of vocational preparation requirements by grade level.

The qualitative analysis of fifth graders' responses illuminated the reasoning errors that resulted in the quantitative data reported in Table 2. While fifth graders were mostly accurate in their understanding of the general reasons some occupations require a college education, they were relatively inaccurate in their application of those reasons to specific jobs. The broad categories of reasoning identified in students' responses are discussed as themes below.

Theme 1: Advanced Knowledge, Skills, or Intellectual Capability

When asked to explain why particular occupations require college and others do not, participants most frequently cited the need for advanced knowledge or specialized skills. Clearly, by the fifth grade, most children understand that certain occupations require knowledge or expertise beyond the basic skills acquired through the K-12 school system or on-the-job training. Although almost universal agreement about this general principle was evident from participants' responses, there was wide variation in the way participants operationalized the principle. Applying the same rationale to the skills typically required of a bank teller, for example, two children came to different conclusions about whether a college education is a prerequisite for the job:

"Yes. You need to know how to count money and give change."

"No. You just need to know how to count money."

Similarly, while some participants maintained that occupations such as dentist ("they just do teeth") and pilot ("you [just] sit in a chair and fly") did not require knowledge or skills commensurate with a college education, the skills demanded of construction workers ("you have to know how to handle wood") and secretaries ("they have to use that loud speaker thing") were deemed college worthy by more than three fourths of the fifth graders.

One notable exception to the variation described above was participants' general agreement about the association between college and computer skills. In almost every case, participants who noted that a job required computer competency went on to assert that, as a result, the job also required a college education. This association was the primary reason that jobs such as bank teller and secretary were erroneously classified as requiting college by a large majority of students. Only a small number of fifth graders was able to distinguish between the advanced computer skills typically requiring a college education and the basic computer skills required of many entry-level or manual jobs: "No, [you don't need college to be a store clerk], because all you are doing is typing on computers and telling how much it is worth and the total."

Closely tied to the notion that certain jobs require advanced knowledge or skills is the recognition that some jobs are more intellectually demanding than others and, thus, require superior intellectual capacity. Accordingly, participants frequently associated the need for college with the need to be "smart" in order to fulfill the requirements of particular jobs:

"[Mail carrier] is not a job that you really have to be that smart."

"You need to go to college extra years if you want to be a doctor, because doctors need to be smart ..."

Some children made even broader associations between occupation and intellect, citing opinions about the intelligence of people who typically hold particular jobs: "My dad said the average IQ of a police officer was ... 10 points below the whole world average." Once again, however, apparent agreement about the general principle (i.e., that college is required for jobs that are intellectually demanding or difficult) often resulted in disagreement when the principle was applied to particular occupations.

Finally, a small but notable number of participants made distinctions between the knowledge, skills, and intellectual capacity required at various levels of particular occupations. Some students noted, for example, that while entry-level positions in the food service field would not typically require college, supervisory positions in the same field might. Similar distinctions were made for positions in the banking, retail, construction, and secretarial fields.

Theme 2: Social Valuation

Consistent with Gottfredson's (1981) theory, fifth graders' responses contained clear evidence of a nascent recognition of social valuation. In particular, fifth graders demonstrated a developing understanding of occupational status as well as evidence that they had already begun to dismiss certain occupations as unacceptably low in prestige. Participants also demonstrated an awareness of relative occupational earnings and tied both earnings and occupational status to the need for a college education.

When discussing the concept of occupational status, fifth graders used their own terms to convey their understanding that some jobs command greater social respect than others:

"A doctor has a really important job."

"[Custodian] is not like a really, really good job."

Despite their obvious awareness of status differences between occupations, participants' assessment of occupational status did not always mirror objective rankings (McGee & Stockard, 1991). Unlike the disparities observed in Theme 1 responses, however, erroneous assessments related to social valuation almost always overestimated the level of social status accorded a given occupation. Students almost never asserted that occupations such as doctor, dentist, or teacher lacked social status, for example, but were apt to classify jobs such as bank teller as high in status: "That's a really important job and you have to do a lot of really important stuff." One possible explanation may be that differences in their assessments of job status reflected students' developing self-concepts related to their own social standing. For students who perceive themselves as having relatively low social standing, in other words, the job of bank teller may be perceived as one of the higher status jobs in the "zone of acceptable alternatives" (Gottftedson, 1981, p. 557).

For other students, some jobs had clearly been ruled out as occupational alternatives because of the jobs' relatively low social status. Most often, participants communicated this fact by retorting to certain jobs as though they were not bona fide occupations but, instead, were suitable only for part-time or temporary employment:

"That's a job you have while you're in college."

"You probably won't be working at that job very long so there's nothing you really need to know."

"Not very many people work [at that job] for very long."

Regardless of differences in their perceptions of occupational status, students uniformly equated higher perceived status with the need for higher education, and vice versa. When occupational earnings were mentioned they were closely tied to the concept of status and, consequently, the need for college: "[Custodian] is a low-paying job; you don't need a special education."

Theme 3: Professionalism

In addition to a growing awareness of occupational status, fifth graders' responses demonstrated an awareness that certain occupations are considered "professions" and, as such, require specific credentials that may include a college degree. Most students who asserted that a college degree was a necessary credential for certain occupations correctly identified the professions represented among the work settings presented during the interviews. These included medicine, teaching, dentistry, and pharmacy:

"You need a special degree to be a doctor."

"They need to get special degrees for teaching."

"You have to get a degree in college [to be a dentist]."

"[Pharmacists] need to go [to college] ... sort of like the doctor's degree."

Some students took this reasoning one step further, suggesting that a college degree is required to be a "professional" in any field. According to this criterion, a few students reasoned that college was necessary to become a professional athlete: "It's called professional [athlete] because you learn a lot more ... you can't just be a professional [without] going to college." Most students who applied this criterion, however, demonstrated an understanding that the term "professional" is typically reserved for members of occupations in which a credential is necessary to certify mastery of an advanced body of knowledge: "[Store clerk] is not like a professional job that you have to go to college for [because] you already know how to do the computer and the register ... it's not really what you have to learn about because it's what you already know."

Theme 4: Do No Harm

Though participants did not use the term "malpractice," they did associate the need for college with those occupations in which inadequate knowledge or training is likely to result in harm to others. In many cases, this rationale indicated a purely practical concern for their own or others' safety:

"[Dentists] need to learn how to use drills and stuff, just in case they don't hurt anybody."

"If [pilots] just get in the airplane and don't know how to fly they will probably kill the people."

In other cases, however, students' responses indicated an appreciation for the responsibility that accompanies being entrusted with other people's well being:

"[Doctors] are doing things on people and [they] should know what [they're] doing."

"[Pharmacists] are giving people drugs that they use; [they] have to make sure they are good."

Some students even applied this rationale to jobs for which malpractice is not typically a consideration, suggesting that a college education is necessary for any job which has the potential for violating public trust. For one student, the job of mail carrier met this criterion:

"[People] trust you to transport [their mail] to the next place and not open up their letters."

Theme 5: Personal Experience

Although most students had clearly developed abstract generalizations about the kinds of jobs requiring a college degree or education, participants also relied frequently on concrete evidence to support their responses. In particular, participants relied on their own experiences with members of particular occupations or, more commonly, the experiences of their relatives:

"When I was in Mrs. Pearson's class, there were two doctors there and both said they had to go to college for about 3 years or 5 years."

"My morn is a teacher and she [went to college]."

"My uncle is a police officer and he went to college for 2 years."

"My dad's [a construction worker] and he had to go to college."

Prior research suggested that children are more accurate in assessing the characteristics (e.g., status, income, vocational training requirements) of those jobs with which they have the most personal experience. And, in fact, the participants in this study were more accurate in their assessment of the vocational preparation requirements for teacher, librarian, food service worker, and custodian--all jobs with which children have regular contact during the school day--than for most other jobs on the list. At the same time, however, the job of secretary was one of the jobs most often classified incorrectly as requiring college, even though it was obvious front participants' responses that they had more personal experience with (school) secretaries than with many of the other jobs.

One possible explanation for this finding is that, of the jobs with which students had the most contact during the school day, the job of secretary was often seen as the most "important" or "in charge." Students noted that secretaries were responsible for handling problems, controlling visitors, managing the office, and answering questions--tasks which most students viewed as essential to running the school. In addition, students repeatedly commented that secretarial duties require computer competency. It is not surprising, then, that by applying the kinds of reasoning described in Themes 1 and 2 above, many students concluded that the job of secretary requires a college education. Nonetheless, it is one example of how children's relatively narrow range of experiences may lead to reduced accuracy in their assessment of vocational preparation requirements.

Theme 6: Alternatives to College

In general, participants' responses indicated a limited awareness of technical or vocational college as well as other postsecondary training options. Those students who did distinguish between 4-year colleges and other postsecondary institutions frequently suggested that the most complicated, highly skilled jobs were those requiring technical college:

"It's complicated to fly an airplane. [Pilots] may have to go to technical college."

Such responses suggested that some students incorrectly associated the term technical with a higher level of education reserved for jobs in science, engineering, and computer science.

Most often, however, students made vague references to "special" colleges that would provide training for jobs requiring specific skills but not a college degree. These included pilot, mail carrier, and food service worker. While such responses indicated an awareness that there are jobs requiting more than on-the-job training but less than a college education, they also revealed students' lack of understanding about postsecondary alternatives. In addition, such responses usually revealed students' assumptions that vocational education is provided at distinct, job-specific institutions:

"[Professional athletes] would have to go to, like, a special [college] ... like basketball college or sports college."

"You'd have to go to a cooking college."

DISCUSSION

The results of this study suggest that, by the fifth grade, children have developed a fairly accurate understanding of the broad categories of occupational characteristics typically associated with the need for a college education. Nonetheless, the fifth graders in this study were highly inaccurate in their assessment of the vocational preparation required for particular jobs. In fact, although fifth graders emphasized the vocational training purposes of college significantly more than first graders, they were no more accurate than the first graders in their identification of those occupations typically requiring a college education. In addition, participants were no more accurate in their assessment of the vocational preparation requirements for their preferred jobs than they were in their assessment of the occupations presented by the interviewers.

Such inaccuracy likely reflects, in part, children's lack of knowledge about the actual skills and duties associated with many jobs. In the absence of such knowledge, the participants in this study often made erroneous generalizations based on their own idiosyncratic experience. At the same time, however, participants as a group consistently overestimated the education required for even those jobs with which they seemed quite familiar. While it may not be surprising that children overestimate the amount of training required to master skills they themselves do not possess and, therefore, perceive as advanced, this tendency may negatively influence children's educational and occupational aspirations if it results in the ability/effort mismatch described by Gottfredson (1981).

Fifth graders' responses provided considerable evidence to support Gottfredson's developmental theory of occupational choice, particularly as it relates to social valuation. There was evidence, for example, that fifth graders had already begun to rule out jobs perceived as unacceptably low in status, and that this process was influenced by participants' assessment of their own social standing. If Gottfredson's theory is accurate, such jobs once ruled out will never again be included in participants' zone of acceptable job alternatives. If, as Gotffredson also postulated, children of this age reject jobs deemed to require too much effort to obtain, then the results of this study suggest that children may be rejecting jobs based on erroneous perceptions.

However, given that over 95% of the fifth graders in this study aspired to college even though only 76% believed their preferred job required college, it appears that the process of ruling out jobs perceived to require too much effort may occur later in children's development than Gottfredson postulated. Indeed, it appears that the process of developing congruent educational and occupational aspirations based on a realistic self-assessment of ability level begins some time after the fifth grade. Although a number of the fifth graders in this study aspired to college because they perceived themselves as "smart," none of the participants had yet ruled out college due to a perceived lack of ability. Similarly, few students appeared to have adjusted their educational or occupational outlooks downward: Among students who did not expect to obtain their first-choice jobs, only 9% named an expected occupation that required less education than the first-choice occupation. In roughly the same percentage of cases (8%), the expected job actually required more education than the first-choice job.

Finally, the results of this study suggest that elementary children have a limited understanding of postsecondary education options. Very few fifth graders identified vocational or technical colleges as postsecondary alternatives, though many seemed aware that some jobs required specialized training generally not associated with a 4-year college. It seems likely that participants' overestimation of the need for college was at least partly a function of their inability to make this distinction.

IMPLICATIONS

Based on the results of this study, several recommendations for practice and future research seem warranted. First, when combined with previous research, this study suggests that late elementary school is a particularly opportune time to provide career education. By the fifth grade, students have developed the conceptual framework necessary to understand vocational preparation requirements. In addition, students appear poised to adjust their educational and occupational aspirations based on perceptions of how such requirements mesh with their own abilities. Providing specific information about the vocational training required of various occupations is therefore not only developmentally appropriate, but it is also necessary if students are to formulate realistic and congruent educational and occupational goals.

By the sixth or seventh grade, students may have already begun adjusting both their aspirations and their expectations downward (Brantlinger, 1992; Paulson et al., 1990). The results of this study suggest that these adjustments may be due, in part, to inaccurate assumptions about the effort required to obtain particular jobs. Waiting until middle school to educate students about the vocational preparation requirements of specific occupations may therefore unnecessarily circumscribe students' vocational choices. As a result, career guidance activities typically recommended for the middle school years may be more appropriate for late elementary grade levels. These include career fairs featuring employers and professionals from a variety of occupations (Murrow-Taylor, McDonald Foltz, Ellis, & Culbertson, 1999), classroom visits from parents and other adults who represent a diversity of career choices, field trips to varied work settings, and other activities designed to allow realistic comparisons of occupational responsibilities, day-to-day activities, and training needs (Hefting Wahl & Blackhurst, 2000). The need for such formal, systematic career education efforts is particularly apparent in light of Walls' (2000) finding that students' ability to assess vocational preparation requirements did not improve significantly between elementary school and the senior year of high school.

Of course, some downward adjustment of students' early aspirations is to be expected given the unrealistically high expectations reported in this study: Despite their relatively privileged backgrounds, it is unlikely that 95% of the fifth graders interviewed will, in fact, attend college. As a natural extension of the education efforts described above, therefore, late elementary students should be provided with accurate information about other postsecondary education and training options. Absent such information, those students who do not have the academic ability, the financial resources, or the motivation to attend a 4-year institution will be handicapped in their ability to make realistic vocational plans and successfully navigate the school-to-work transition.

At the same time, students should be made aware of the long-term benefits of a college education. One possible explanation for the dramatic decrease in educational aspirations and expectations observed by Brantlinger (1992) and others is that, as students mature, they increasingly associate college with the need to prepare for a specific job. Once students learn that their desired occupation does not require college, they may adjust their educational aspirations accordingly. Given the increased importance of lifelong learning and career mobility in today's economy (Valadez, 1998), however, the ramifications of forgoing college may extend well beyond the initial postsecondary job search.

Finally, the results of this study suggest the need for continued research on the relationships between educational aspirations and occupational aspirations. In particular, further research is needed to investigate the hypothesis that students' early educational aspirations influence their occupational preferences (Gottfredson, 1981; McGee & Stockard, 1991; Walls, 2000) as well as the competing hypothesis that students' educational aspirations are, in fact, adjusted to coincide with their occupational goals and expectations (Cook et al., 1996; Ramos & Sanchez, 1995). Given the highly inaccurate assessment of vocational preparation requirements observed in this study and others (McGee & Stockard; Walls), it is difficult to determine the extent to which students' occupational preferences are related to their educational aspirations. As noted above, it is possible that the high educational aspirations observed in this study were a consequence of students' tendency to overestimate the need for a college education in order to obtain their preferred jobs. This possibility suggests that participants will adjust their educational goals downward as they become more accurate in their assessment of vocational preparation requirements. On the other hand, it is possible that, over time, participants will adjust their occupational goals upward to coincide with their high educational aspirations. It is also possible that the relationships between educational and occupational aspirations operate differently for students from different socioeconomic backgrounds (Cook et al.). Longitudinal research with more diverse samples will be necessary to determine the nature and timing of these relationships.

Table 1: Perceived and Actual Need for College by Grade Level

Grade            Perceived Need for College

                 "Do you think you will need to
                 go to college to be a --?"

                   Yes      No      Unsure

First Graders     66.7%    12.8%    20.5%
Third Graders     68.4     13.2     18.4
Fifth Graders     76.2      7.1     16.7

Grade            Actual Need for College

                 (% Aspiring to Jobs that Actually
                 Require College)

                 College    No College    Ambiguous

First Graders     41.0%        51.3%         7.7%
Third Graders     36.8         47.4         15.8
Fifth Graders     47.6         42.9          9.5

Table 2: "Do you think someone would need to go to college in order to
have this job?"

Occupation             First Grade (%)

                       Yes     No      Unsure

Athlete
Food Service
Doctor                 87.2    12.8    0
Bank Teller
Custodian
Secretary              82.1    10.3    7.7
Store Clerk            56.4    38.5    5.1
Teacher                92.3     7.7    0
Librarian
Police Officer         97.4     2.6    0
Dentist
Mail Carrier
Pharmacist
Pilot                  76.9    20.5    2.6
Construction Worker

Occupation             Third Grade (%)

                       Yes     No      Unsure

Athlete
Food Service
Doctor                 97.4     0      2.6
Bank Teller
Custodian
Secretary              84.2     7.9    7.9
Store Clerk            60.5    34.2    5.3
Teacher                97.4     0      2.6
Librarian
Police Officer         86.8     5.3    7.9
Dentist
Mail Carrier
Pharmacist
Pilot                  84.2    10.5    5.3
Construction Worker

Occupation             Fifth Grade (%)

                       Yes      No      Unsure

Athlete                 57.1    38.1     4.8
Food Service            19.0    64.3    16.7
Doctor                 100.0     0       0
Bank Teller             78.6    11.9     9.5
Custodian                7.1    90.0    11.9
Secretary               88.1     7.1     4.8
Store Clerk             40.0    61.9     7.1
Teacher                 97.6     0       2.4
Librarian               54.8    33.3    11.9
Police Officer          90.5     7.1     2.4
Dentist                 95.2     0       4.8
Mail Carrier            40.5    54.8     4.8
Pharmacist              92.9     4.8     2.4
Pilot                   92.9     4.8     2.4
Construction Worker     76.2    16.7     7.1

References

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Anne E. Blackhurst, Ph.D., is an associate professor and Richard W. Auger, Ph.D., is an assistant Professor. Both are with the Department of Counseling and Student Personnel, Minnesota State University, Mankato. E-mail: anne.blackhurst@ mnsu.edu.

Kay Herting Wahl, Ed.D., is Director of School Counseling, Department of Educational Psychology, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis.