Career counseling is personal counseling: a constructivist approach to nurturing the development of gifted female adolescents.

Gifted individuals face many concerns when contemplating their futures. Often hindered by career indecision; perfectionism; and multiple personal, familial, and societal pressures, some gifted young people flounder when they have the ability to flourish. Many counselors and educators trust that a wealth of talents will propel these adolescents to automatic life success, and the unique needs of this population can go unmet. This article considers the complexity of challenges facing gifted young women, presents current and potential interventions, and encourages integrating developmental and constructivist theories with objectivist techniques. Implications for practitioners and future research suggestions are highlighted.

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Gifted students exhibiting multipotentiality frequently receive the social messages that decree they can "have it all" and "be anything" they want to be. These seemingly encouraging dicta can discourage and overwhelm some gifted individuals, especially if compounded by an internalized notion that they should also be "the best" at whatever they choose. Parents and educators alike may mistakenly presume that these students will excel in life based on their talents alone. In schools especially, nonacademic needs receive only nominal attention (Fredrickson, 1986; Kelly, 1996; Mitchell, Levin, & Krumboltz, 1999; Perrone, 1997), and this population is likely to be ill-served (Robinson, 2002) or underserved in counseling contexts (Ambrose, Allen, & Huntley, 1994; Kerr & Ghrist-Priebe, 1988). Plainly, gifted students as a whole do not receive their fair share of attention (Colangelo, 2002). Sometimes counselors fail to recognize that blessings can become a curse for these individuals, and without essential guidance and support, gifted students are at risk to underachieve, overextend, and succumb to personal and societal pressures. Gifted girls seem to be especially vulnerable. Despite some progress, as an aggregate, they still lag behind their male counterparts in occupational status and achievement (Arnold, 1993; Kaufmann, 1981; Kerr, 1985) and attainment of traditional preeminence (Callahan, Cunningham, & Plucker, 1994; Reis, 1998). Frequently, they become "adult underachievers" (Reis & Callahan, 1989, p. 102), which may have profound consequences for their self-concept, their health, and their future.

The American achievement ideology can exacerbate this phenomenon (Ford & Harris, 1992). Gifted students, who subscribe to the belief that hard work always pays off and later fail to meet their personal or familial expectations, may criticize themselves as lazy, feel guilty, or discount their talents. Plus, the ethos of achievement in American culture often presses young students to achieve, achieve, achieve with little time to reflect or to develop motivation beyond accruing accomplishments that others deem worthy. On the other hand, gifted students may underachieve out of boredom, fear of failure or success, or perceived social repercussions (Kaplan & Geoffroy, 1993). To combat "achievement for achievement's sake," thwart overextension, eradicate disappointments accompanying underachievement, and prevent mental health problems, an integration of developmental and constructivist approaches, using positivistic techniques, may be warranted in the career and life education of gifted young women.

Although growing in general, literature aimed directly at the gifted adolescent population is sparse (Leung, 1998; Noble, 1992). Likewise, mounting interest in constructivism as a career theory has not permeated this arena yet. Thus, an examination of the characteristics of gifted female adolescents, a consideration of integrating constructivist and developmental theories, and a presentation of the potential utility of interventions that fit into this theoretical context follow and suggest that career counseling is a crucial mechanism in meeting the distinct needs of this population.

Population Characteristics

Although definitions of giftedness vary widely and have recently become inclusive of both intelligence and creativity, giftedness is a term generally reserved for individuals with well-above-average intellectual capabilities. The degrees of giftedness vary from academically talented (approximately 16% of the population) to highly gifted (0.007%), based on intelligence measures (Sanderlin & Lundy, 1979); nonetheless, intellectual and creative abilities often enable students to find success in many arenas. The term multipotentiality (Fredrickson & Rothney, 1972), then, originally surfaced to express a gifted individual's ability to choose from and thrive in a variety of careers (Kerr & Sodano, 2003). Some researchers (Herr, 1976; Milgram, 1989) allow for the fact that a few extremely gifted or talented individuals may not be multidimensional, but most of the gifted population is generally considered to demonstrate this feature (Badolato, 1998). This construct tends to increase among college-bound and college students, the primary focus of this review (Kerr & Colangelo, 1988; Kerr & Erb, 1991). With the growing number of viable career opportunities in general, the implications of multipotentiality for young gifted students exponentially expand.

Considerable literature reflects the growing interest in meeting the career needs of academically gifted students, and it has been documented extensively and for decades that many highly capable students are plagued by career indecision (Hollingsworth, 1926; Jespen, 1981; Karnes & Oehler-Stinnett, 1986; Kerr, 1981; Perrone, Male, & Karshner, 1979; Schatz, 1999). Too often, internal and external pressures coupled with viable options paralyze these young people. Decision-making difficulty may be magnified for multitalented individuals who view making a choice as relinquishing other possibilities (Leung & Conoley, 1994; Perrone et al., 1979). This "overchoice syndrome" threatens the career and life course of very talented youth (Rysiew, Shore, & Carson, 1994). One longitudinal study of Presidential Scholars confirmed that this lack of direction can manifest itself as vacillation in choosing a college major or in delayed career choice, both with implications that follow these bright students well into their adult lives (Kaufmann, 1983). In some cases, gifted students fail to elect a career at all and remain as "professional students" where success is practically assured (Perrone et al., 1979). Because these students display not only an array of abilities but, more remarkably, an array of sincere interests, they pose unique challenges for counselors.

Traditional trait-factor approaches to career exploration and decision making may be inadequate for the gifted population. For example, assessment instruments based primarily on interests tend to yield an undifferentiated profile and offer little guidance for students whose results indicate an interest in a variety of careers (Kerr, 1981). This detail is important for gifted young women in particular, because gifted young men more often present a differentiated profile, highlighting distinct interests (Kerr & Sodano, 2003). Traditional assessment inventories administered at grade level may also be overly general and wholly inappropriate (Kerr & Sodano, 2003). Just like these students respond better to accelerated challenges in the classroom, they may benefit from deeper and more holistic approaches to life planning.

Although the gifted population is diverse, some commonalities of the group emerge. Karnes and Oehler-Stinnett (1986) compared anxiety levels regarding career decisions, social status, and achievement of both gifted and nongifted youth and discovered that gifted individuals experienced higher stress levels than did their nongifted peers. In addition to amplified stress, Hawkins (1997) noted research that shows that many gifted students score as intuitive types on the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (Myers & McCaulley, 1985 [Delbridge-Parker & Robinson, 1989; Mills, 1983]). Gifted students also tend to be more introspective (Winner, 1996). In a study of 1,725 gifted adolescents, Gallagher (1990) compared the results with a general population of high school students and found that highly talented students (75%) prefer intuitive ("N") characteristics versus a 32% preference in the general population. These findings have been corroborated in numerous studies (see Hawkins, 1997), most notably with Rhodes Scholars (93%), Phi Beta Kappa members (76%), and National Merit Finalists (82%) showing a strong preference for intuitive characteristics (MacDaid, McCaulley, & Kainz, 1986). Also, highly intelligent youth often present high degrees of emotionality and sensitivity, which may compound typical adolescent problems (Piechowski, 1997).

Researchers have documented the mental health vulnerabilities of some of the gifted population. Although many gifted people are well-adjusted (Swiatek, 1995), nearly 25% have some difficulties (Dalzell, 1998). For example, many gifted students are susceptible to low self-concepts (Kerr & Sodano, 2003) and demonstrate characteristics of perfectionism (Orange, 1997; Roedell, 1984; Roeper, 1982; Silverman, 1995). Perfectionism and its accompanying difficulties have been cited as a counseling concern in this population (Kerr, 1991; Schuler, 2000; Webb, Meckstroth, & Tolan, 1982). Although this emotional trait likely conveys some benefits for high-achieving students (Roedell, 1984; Schuler, 2000; Silverman, 1995), much research presents it as inimical, because it has the ability to impede optimum functioning (e.g., Adderholdt-Elliott, 1991; Schuler, 2000). One study assessing perfectionism in gifted and talented students enrolled in a rural middle school found that a full 87.5% of these students exhibited perfectionistic characteristics (Schuler, 2000). This finding confirms another large, well-designed study that detected perfectionism in 89% of a sample of gifted and honors high school students (Orange, 1997). Most notably, this latter 89% scored in the highest two categories of perfectionism: 58% functioned in obsessive-compulsive ways in some areas and 31% demonstrated obsessive-compulsive patterns that were a serious problem (Raudsepp, 1988, as cited in Orange, 1997). Accordingly, gifted students often have an irrational fear of failure (Fredrickson, 1986), and it is noteworthy that individuals with anorexia usually have high IQ scores (Woodall & Anderson, 1989). Maladaptive perfectionism has been linked not only to eating disorders (Axtell & Newton, 1993) but also to obsessive-compulsive disorder (Rasmussen & Eisen, 1992) and depression (Hewitt & Dyck, 1986).

The gifted individual who feels lonely and different from his or her peers may be exceptionally susceptible to depression (Weisse, 1990). Webb et al. (1982) further supported this assertion and found that when gifted students do not receive sufficient support for their feelings, they are likely to present signs of depression. They also reported a finding that suicide attempts of college students generally happen more often among adolescents with above-average grades and who attend highly competitive schools. Russo, Miller, and Vitaliano (1985) reported that the suicide rates are 3 times higher among female medical students and physicians than in the general female population. A study of gifted and nongifted Australian adolescents showed that gifted girls reported overall lower self-esteem than did their nongifted peers (Lea-Wood & Clunies-Ross, 1995). Similarly, Tong and Yewchuck (1996) found that, compared with their nongifted peers, gifted girls are more vulnerable and have lower nonacademic self-concepts, and other researchers maintain that the self-esteem of gifted girls declines throughout their school development (Kline & Short, 1991). Seligman (1975) even referred to "success depression" to describe when gifted students believe they are undeserving of rewards or when they fear having to make each successive accomplishment more brilliant (Kaplan & Geoffroy, 1993). For gifted individuals, career and mental health development seem particularly entwined.

The developmental implications of being a gifted girl may be especially pronounced, and recent attention has been given to identifying the salient factors of the career decision-making process for gifted female adolescents. Frey (2002) highlighted findings from The National Research Center on the Gifted and Talented that suggest that female adolescents are an at-risk population for underachievement (Diaz, Hebert, Maxfield, Ratley, & Reis, 1995). A longitudinal study of high school valedictorians corroborated these findings (Arnold, 1993).

Gender role socialization appears to play a dominant role in negatively affecting the career development of gifted girls (Kerr & Sodano, 2003). Kerr (1983) determined that the aspirations of gifted girls typically are not commensurate with those of gifted boys. Although gifted elementary school girls appear surer of their talents than do gifted elementary school boys (Kerr & Sodano, 2003), the positions shift by junior high, at which point gifted girls are likely to report lower career aspirations (Kerr, 1983). Similar regressions have been reported in IQ scores (Kerr, 1985), in self-esteem (Gilligan, 1990), in self-confidence (Hyde, Fennema, Ryan, & Frost, 1990), and even in essential competency for future independence (Borland, 1986). These losses parallel a profound loss of resilience that researchers hypothesize occurs for many girls during adolescence (Gilligan, 1982). Reports also state that female adolescents may be under greater stress than male adolescents and could be 4 times as likely to commit suicide (Rothenberg, 1997). In a study by Luftig and Nichols (1991), gifted girls were even seen as less popular than gifted boys. It is not surprising, then, that many studies confirm that highly capable female students often do not achieve in the same numbers as their male counterparts and choose careers that do not correspond with their intellectual abilities (American Association of University Women, 1995; Badolato, 1998; Callahan et al., 1994; Fox & Tobin, 1988; Lewis, Karnes, & Knight, 1995). Such underachievement and underemployment often signal a loss for both the individual and society (Badolato, 1998).

External pressures such as peers, family, and school environment can have a negative effect on talented young women's academic and career development (Nelson & Smith, 2001). Researchers note that gifted female adolescents are sometimes "caught in a bind between their intelligence and their gender" (Badolato, 1998, p. 32), may be rejected by peers if they appear too intelligent (Noble, 1992), and may hide their abilities in order to be accepted (Kramer, 1991). One study suggested that fear of failure manifests itself similarly in men and women but that a fear of success is essentially only an issue for women (Ludwig, 1996). The women who do not meet their own expectations in career or life roles may be susceptible to deep regret, depression, and life dissatisfaction. Conversely, those who are ambitious or successful may label themselves as selfish (Reis, 2002). The consequences may be equally dire for those women who naively assume they must do it all and do not adequately plan for or anticipate the challenges that accompany multiple life roles that may include marriage and motherhood; these women are especially prone to stress-related problems, burnout, depression, and alcohol abuse (Hollinger, 1991; Noble, 1992).

Many gifted women also report feelings of acute loneliness and feel different from their nongifted counterparts (Reis, 1998, 2002). Friendships may have been abandoned because of competition, jealousy, or simply a lack of time. A sense of isolation may be particularly profound for gifted minority women, or for any gifted individuals, if their achievements successively remove them further and further away from their culture of origin (Kerr & Sodano, 2003). Findings suggest that single-sex groups provide essential peer interaction (Fox & Tobin, 1988; Wells, 1985) and that gifted children who can find similarities, rather than differences, with others develop a more positive self-concept (Janos, Marwood, & Robinson, 1985). Friendship needs can often be met through interactions with other gifted same-age peers (Freeman, 1985), assuaging feelings of isolation and frustration while enhancing insight about self and abilities (Dalzell, 1998). Connecting with others is a crucial piece of building resilience (Brooks & Goldstein, 2004), and opportunities to connect with others may be particularly important for gifted youth who can feel disconnected and different from many of their peers.

Developmental theorists typically view identity formation as a cornerstone of adolescence. Identity development is a crucial component of career development, and many researchers suggest that highly talented individuals face an existential identity crisis when choosing a career (Herr, 1976; Perrone & Van Den Heuvel, 1981; Silverman, 1993). Chickering (1969) maintained that a gifted female student must form a secure personal identity before being able to form a career identity. It seems plausible, however, that developing a career identity is a key ingredient in developing an overall identity and not a subsequent step. In a study of identity development in gifted female adolescents, career exploration contributed most highly to identity formation (Shoffner & Newsome, 2001). Because identity crises may be linked to mental health difficulties, syllogistically, career development may be a preventative measure in precluding severe identity crises. Further studies in this area are needed. Phelps (1991) concurred that highly capable young women ultimately rely on their identity in making significant decisions, and perfectionism, a common attribute of many gifted individuals, may seriously inhibit or impede identity formation (Weisse, 1990). For women in particular, decision making becomes difficult, and it is not unusual for women to have a wide range of personality characteristics (Reis, 2002), which may make it even harder for them to understand themselves. Because women represent approximately half of the gifted population and seem to attend to advice from counselors more than men do (Reis & Dobyns, 1991), it is imperative that counselors and educators develop ways to meet the needs of this ironically at-risk group.

Theoretical Base

Interests in converging and integrating theoretical perspectives surface as a prominent theme in recent career literature (Chen, 2003; Osipow, 1990; Savickas, 1995). Chen highlighted the rationale and potentiality for theory integration, attempting to merge concepts from both positivism and constructivism in particular. His suggestions may be salient for the gifted population, because solely positivistic approaches and objective instruments may prove unfruitful. Furthermore, when coupled with perfectionist tendencies often seen in gifted students, a purely person-environment theoretical posture may promote a Cinderella fallacy, leaving students to erroneously believe only one perfect career exists for them. On the other hand, social constructivism maintains that meaning is derived from experience and individual interactions with other people. It adopts a perspective that espouses the individual as a reflexive, reflective participant in the meaning-making process of life (Peavy, 1995). This theory may appeal to the gifted population because it takes a broad perspective, a stance intuitive types may appreciate. It also stresses reflection, and many girls tend to be reflective thinkers (Reis, 2002). Because intuitive types are apt to be imaginative, independent thinkers, and because they usually value individual interpretation and searching for meaning in creative ways (Hawkins, 1997), interventions that play to these preferences may be beneficial.

Recent trends in career literature espouse the utility of constructivist approaches and a shift from positivism to subjectivism in general (Brott, 2001; Hosking & Bass, 2001). Gelatt (1989) averred that subjectivity and reflectivity are crucial in handling information overload, a predicament faced by many gifted women in contemplating seemingly infinite career options. In a postmodern world--simultaneously vexed and enriched by technological advances, immediate dissemination of information, and the increasing complexities of human behavior--the need for a reflective, constructivist approach becomes apparent. It changes the developmental landscape from "finding a job to finding one's self: from the psychometric self to the storied self; from getting information to generating experiences; from objectivity to subjectivity" (Brott, 2004, p. 190). It attends to what leaders in the field of giftedness have been proclaiming about: focusing on values and needs rather than on interests and skills (see Kerr & Sodano, 2003). In this approach, quantitative assessment measures are not relied on but rather are integrated into the student's process of self-exploration (Brott, 2004). Under a constructivist framework, qualitative measures such as genograms, structured interviews, constellation of influences (Brott, 2001; Patton & McMahon, 1999), life lines, card sorts, life roles circles, and goal maps (Brott, 2004) compose just a sample of techniques that aid individuals in uncovering themes in their life stories.

Super's (1990) developmental concept emphasizing life span and life space plays an equally important role. One study noted the difficulty of the transition for even the brightest young women and found that a focus on roles and values rather than on academic performance encouraged achievement (Arnold, 1993). The superwoman syndrome can apply to supergirls as well, who feel pressure to assume a variety of roles without instruction on how to balance many of the accompanying life demands (Callahan et al., 1994). When overextension results, the joy and meaning of activities can be significantly compromised or lost. Appropriately, Kerr (1988) endorsed values-based career counseling that helps students "search for meaning" (p. 267) rather than a job, and that helps students recognize that career choice is not a single decision but a continual process (Super, 1990). Comprehending career choice as a dynamic process may be important for gifted girls who have many options and may change career paths several times. Theorists who combine developmental and constructivist concepts postulate that career is just one facet of the spectrum of a person's life; however, it is an inextricable and integral one that should not be extrapolated from, but rather viewed as part of past, present, and future contexts.

Similarly, a developmental, constructivist approach to career counseling that attends to the important aspects of identity formation while considering the life space of the individual as the interaction and constellation of crucial life roles and theaters (Savickas, 2002; Super, 1990) could likely be helpful in working with this gifted population. Building on Nardi's (1983) research, Arnold (1993) asserted that in career development, women use a "personal life script, an imagined constellation of future and professional roles" ([paragraph] 9). Although they are applied to regular adult education, narrative constructions are "the most effective way" (Rossiter, 2002, p. 2) of reaching learners. These are important philosophies when working with gifted young women and helping them view life and career choices as a holistic process.

Although recently popular in general career literature and in gifted classroom education, constructivist approaches to career development with gifted female students have surprisingly received almost no attention. For instance, a Boolean search of ERIC using the terms career and gifted and constructivist or constructivism returned zero hits. This is noteworthy given constructivism's phenomenological posture and its potential applicability to the complexities and personalities of gifted young women. The lack of research in this area, however, hints at some of the disadvantages of a constructivist approach. Constructivism functions as a comparably nebulous theory that likely proves difficult to measure empirically. It is a highly subjective approach with interventions that may be time-consuming to implement and difficult to replicate. It cannot be neatly compartmentalized and could be anxiety-provoking for some students who have difficulty with self-reflection activities. All of these factors may make it difficult for counselors to advocate for more constructivist approaches given that there is a dearth of research attesting to its effectiveness in adolescent career development.

Despite its limitations, a constructivist approach holds other examples of considerable promise. In a multicultural and pluralistic society, constructivism seems especially important. Carter (1997) looked at the convergence of culture, ethnicity, class, and place in rural and urban Appalachian girls and called for educators to consider the way multiple discourses interact in the adolescent development of many girls, not just gifted ones. For gifted students in particular, a developmental, constructivist approach has the potential for reducing the anxiety around career choice. Savickas (2002) expounded, "Connecting today's indecision to yesterday's experiences and tomorrow's possibilities serves to clarify meaning, and enhance the ability to choose" (p. 192). For gifted individuals, the value in the ability to choose cannot be overstated; moreover, for many of these students who may need additional emotional support, an important feature of constructivism is that the demarcation between career counseling and personal counseling disappears (Brott, 2001). Career counseling becomes personal counseling, and constructivism reiterates the value of each.

Interventions and Tools

Comprehensive Programs

Some large-scale programs that adopted a more holistic approach have produced solid results. Project CHOICE: Creating Her Options in Career Exploration (Fleming & Hollinger, 1979) addressed internal and external barriers to success, career interests, and self-exploration over a 14-week period. To assess constructs such as awareness of internal and external barriers, self-esteem, motivation, fear of success, and career interests, program designers used a variety of quantitative assessment instruments and then tailored the discussions in their weekly, 2-hour workshops accordingly. In the longitudinal follow-up studies of 268 participants, the researchers determined that self-perceptions of agency predicted later confidence in goal attainment and, more important, in adulthood life satisfaction (Hollinger & Fleming, 1993). This comprehensive program paved they way for many others. Similarly, Kerr and Ghrist-Priebe (1988) created a 1-day career counseling intervention based on the renowned guidance laboratory model originally designed at the Guidance Institute for Talented Students. Their program involves assessment, individual and group counseling, and exposure to college career centers. It emphasizes "life planning" and addresses potential barriers as well as goal-setting strategies, and it has yielded promising results. Other guidance laboratory programs have successfully emulated these models (see Kerr & Robinson Kurpius, 2004; Kerr & Sodano, 2003).

Although improved over the years, the attrition of gifted girls' interest in science and math careers has received attention. The Sisters in Science program (Hammrich, Richardson, & Livingston, 1999), although not aimed exclusively at gifted girls, is founded on constructivist learning principles and thus far has found increased interest and achievement in science and mathematics among girls. This constructivist approach is promising. For gifted girls, significant attention has been devoted over the past 15 years to bolstering interest and achievement in mathematics and science. McCormick and Wolf (1993) reported on three such interventions: Expanding Your Horizons, an annual, 1-day workshop for junior high and high school girls that exposes them to high-achieving women in mathematics- and science-related professions; Multiplying Options Subtracting Biases, created to enervate female adolescents' resistance to enrolling in math and science courses by showing a series of videos; and EQUALS, an in-service training program for teachers designed to attune them to strategies to increase interest in these areas. The directives gleaned from the success of these programs instruct educators to normalize the doubt these gifted young women are experiencing, challenge them to continue enrolling in math and science courses, and overall help them to keep options open to prevent foreclosure. The Iowa Model framework for career development in gifted children, Grades K-12, adopts a similar perspective, exploring concepts of self and concepts of the world of work (Montgomery & McKay, 1992). Although never articulated as constructivist, activities such as a lifelong notebook, letter writing, biography and autobiography, megatrend forecast, service projects, trips and exchange programs, gender orientation, mentoring, and cultural activities all could be ensconced nicely into such a framework.

Mentors

Albeit somewhat sparse, research on the utility of specific interventions to assist the gifted population is noteworthy, and some promising interventions can supplement, complement, or buttress a constructivist approach. Constructivism recognizes the influence of role models in children's lives, especially those who offer solutions to similar developmental problems (Savickas, 1993). Bisland (2001) reported on various qualitative and case studies espousing the success and value of mentor-ship programs that offer support (Berger, 1990), provide contacts in a potential career (Clark, 1995), introduce challenges that exceed teacher or classroom limitations while enhancing self-esteem and maturity (Clasen & Clasen, 1997), and kindle general career exploration (Schatz, 1999). In a study designed to encourage talented girls in math and science, Kerr and Robinson Kurpius (2004) asserted that women who fulfill their dreams tend to identify closely with a particular profession--mentorships likely help toward this end. In two studies on Presidential Scholars (Kaufmann, 1999; Kaufmann, Harrel, Milam, Woolverton, & Miller, 1986), for female students, having mentors in their chosen field was the variable linked to occupational achievement commensurate with male counterparts (Kerr & Robinson Kurpius, 2004). Greene (2002) noted that research repeatedly suggests that mentor programs benefit girls (Beck, 1989; Gladieux & Swail, 2000; Reis, 1998). In one study, high school girls noted the positive effect mentorships had on role exploration and career development (Beck, 1989); and in a survey of 100 gifted women, 60% indicated that a mentor was the most influential factor in their success (Noble, 1992) Likewise, shadowing, internships, and volunteer positions provide opportunities for connecting with role models and receiving career exposure and information (Rysiew, Shore, & Leeb, 1999). Gilligan (1982) believed that young women emulate others and value role relationships; thus, mentorships furnish an ideal component of a career counseling or future planning program. The relationships do not necessarily need to be external to the school setting. Teachers and sometimes older students can operate as excellent models, and technological advancements hold promise for increasing the accessibility of outstanding mentors (Bisland, 2001). Clearly, the need for more empirical research validating these interventions exists.

Bibliotherapy 

As gifted female adolescents engage in crafting their own stories, the fictional or biographical representations of others may be instrumental if not inspirational. Developmental bibliotherapy is the use of literature in a way that engenders personal growth, and from the ancient Egyptians and Greeks to contemporary educators and counselors, it has long been regarded as a powerful tool in cathartic healing and progress. Researchers attest to its potential value and current effectiveness in working with gifted students (Hebert & Kent, 2000), given that intuitive types tend to "enjoy reading and learning new material in their own way" (Hawkins, 1997, [paragraph] 35) and gifted girls are often voracious readers (Hebert & Kent, 2000). Notably, because practical considerations and limitations may restrict immediate accessibility to numerous highly gifted female role models (Silverman, 1993), carefully selected books can function as viable alternatives, providing a multitude of models and illustrations of their challenges, resilience, and triumphs. These resources may be particularly apposite for gifted minorities, and Ford (2000) furnished an annotated bibliography of works with gifted Black protagonists. Indubitably, the characters in these books can operate as positive and motivational role models, but in a classroom setting, they may be equally important in promoting multicultural awareness for all students and exposing different philosophical, socioeconomic, and cultural worldviews (Hebert & Kent, 2000).

The preventative power of bibliotherapy bears legitimate promise. Researchers propose incorporating bibliotherapy in the classroom (Sullivan & Strang, 2002-2003) and tout it as promoting emotional intelligence (Goleman, 1995), which is crucial to decision-making success in a postmodern world (Brown, George-Curran, & Smith, 2003; Goleman, 1995). In fact, Goleman proclaimed that emotional intelligence is even more critical to academic achievement than IQ. Ghosn (1999) concurred and argued that "literature has the potential of nurturing emotional intelligence by providing vicarious emotional experiences that may help shape the brain circuits for empathy" (p. 2). Bolstering emotional intelligence may prove particularly salient for gifted individuals, who sometimes display deficiencies in affective abilities if they overvalue cognitive capabilities (Kaplan, 1983). Additionally, others name bibliotherapy as an effective tool in combating suicide (Delisle, 1990; Nugent, 2000), handling expectations of others, and reducing maladaptive perfectionism (Adderholdt-Elliott & Eller, 1989)--all issues established as germane to the gifted population. Also dealing with significant concerns of gifted female adolescents, Hebert, Long, and Spiers Neumeister (2001) provided a list of biographies, centered on themes of gender role expectations, relationships, achievement and underachievement concerns, and resilience. Reis and Dobyns (1991) similarly compiled a bibliography of nonfiction books for gifted girls, and Sprague and Keeling (2000) supplied what they called a "Library for Ophelia" that encourages examination of challenges gifted female adolescents may encounter; they also maintained that books have the ability to encourage gifted young women to achieve their potential and to enhance critical identity development. Most important, perhaps, books have the ability to reduce the "delusion of uniqueness" and remind readers they are not alone (Hebert & Kent, 2000).

Cinematherapy

Comparable to bibliotherapy's concepts of identification, catharsis, and insight, cinematherapy or video therapy involves watching certain commercial movies as therapeutic interventions. Just as books present heroes and heroines who face trials and tribulations, movies frequently provide these as well. Although virtually no empirical research attests to cinematherapy's effectiveness (Sharp, Smith, & Cole, 2002), it augurs well as a catalyst for discussion and for use either as a direct intervention or as a metaphorical tool, and some authors assert that movies are more powerful than any other form of art (Wedding & Boyd, 1997). Recently, researchers have suggested its use in general counseling and social development with gifted students (Hall, 1990; Milne & Reis, 2000; Newton, 1995). For instance, a television series like Bramwell (Whitby & Davidson, 1996-2000) and movies like Gorillas in the Mist (Glimcher, Clegg, & Apted, 1988) and Contact (Zemeckis & Starkey, 1997) show outstanding women facing gender barriers; however, the options are virtually limitless, given that almost any movie can elicit discussion about gender roles, stereotypes, and characteristics that either preclude or promote success. For further illustration, the protagonist of Billy Elliot (Brenman, Finn, & Daldry, 2000) is a male preadolescent, but his plight to pursue a nontraditional dream to become a ballerina despite his father's wishes is rife with material to spark meaningful discussion with any gifted group. Additionally, many excellent and classic novels and biographies have been transformed into films and may provide a more efficient means for generating dialogue. Counselors must be careful in choosing and discussing films. If students solely see images of individuals succeeding and overcoming seemingly insurmountable odds, their fear of failure may be increased and their self-concept may even be lowered. Visions of individuals who do not succeed are equally as important to identify and deconstruct. Clips from films such as Dead Poets Society (Haft, Witt, Thomas, & Weir, 1989) and Mona Lisa Smile (Goldsmith-Thomas, Schindler, Schiff, & Newel, 2003) can serve as examples. Ultimately, identifying vicariously with characters and their strengths as well as their weaknesses may be helpful for gifted students who feel lonely (Milne & Reis, 2000) and may aid them in considering their own strengths, the barriers they may face, their resilience, and their identities more fully. In constructing personal narratives, it can be helpful to review the life stories of others and to be reminded that "our narratives are the means through which we imagine ourselves into the persons we become" (Hopkins, 1994, as cited in Rossiter, 2002, p. 4). Such imagining is the crux of career development.

Implications for Training, Research, and Practice

The following suggestions aim to stimulate thinking and offer additional possibilities for counselors and educators to consider giftedness and career development.

* Most schools recognize the different academic needs of gifted students and design curricula accordingly; counselors can advocate for differentiated career and socioemotional support programs as well.

* The lack of training for teachers in this area has been called "a quiet crisis" (see Gubbins, 2002, p. 4). Counselors have an opportunity to consult with teachers in suggesting books or other curricular materials and to educate them about the distinct traits and vulnerabilities of gifted female students.

* Counselors themselves do not usually receive specialized training in counseling gifted individuals. Counselors are encouraged to make a concerted effort to learn more about this population, and counselor educators will want to consider deliberately embedding giftedness training into their graduate curriculum.

* Only modest research has been conducted in meeting the needs of gifted female adolescents. Considerably more empirical and qualitative studies of interventions, as well as integrative theoretical approaches, are vital.

* A longitudinal, predictive study on career development as a variable in preventing mental health problems could reveal the importance of career counseling in identity formation, rather than vice versa. More research denoting the interdependence of career concerns and personal concerns could validate the inclusion of career counseling in personal counseling and appeal to third-party payment providers.

* Parents often model, enable, or encourage overextension for their daughters (Callahan et al., 1994). Counselors have the ability to consult with parents about the disadvantages associated with overextension and educate them about the characteristics of this population.

* Counselors can also teach parents the skills needed to advocate for their gifted daughters in school and other settings (Colangelo, 2002).

* Because mentoring often appears to have a positive role in the lives of gifted women, counselors will want to consider creating mentor-ship opportunities and serving as mentors themselves.

* Counselors need to remain cognizant of the fact that gifted students are often underserved and advocate for increased counselor support personnel, especially in school settings.

* Highly gifted students make up a small portion of the population and may be geographically distant from each other. Counselors can design innovative and creative ways to use technology and encourage colleges, schools, and communities to design appropriate programs to connect these students.

* The lack of attention may be particularly salient for gifted minority students, who face additional barriers, and researchers will want to determine whether the phenomenological posture of constructivism proves valuable to diverse populations.

* Justification of a more constructivist, phenomenological intervention approach could contribute to proving that qualitative types of measurement of giftedness are valuable, too. This would likely benefit minority students and other potentially excluded students.

Conclusion

Meeting the needs of the gifted population is not an elitist endeavor; rather, it holds the potential to extend beyond the gifted individuals. The concept of powerful learning (Hague & Walker, 1996) suggests that discoveries and developments that aid the gifted population may be useful for the nongifted population as well. This fact becomes even more poignant in today's society. As career opportunities multiply and gender barriers are slowly diluted, the probability rises that most adolescents will face some degree of "overchoice syndrome." Understanding, preventing, and combating this phenomenon, then, ultimately assists many burgeoning young adults--not just multipotentialed adolescents--in realizing their talents. Moreover, a developmental, constructivist approach that encourages some reflectivity in students and compels them to continually construct, deconstruct, and reconstruct their life stories may hold real promise for the gifted population. This is also a promising time for the future of career counseling. Career counseling with gifted students is not a specialty that narrows the counselor's expertise, but rather expands it. Although some counselors advocate for increasing the mental health focus of counselor education programs, issues elucidated by the gifted population reiterate the extent that career development and mental health can be, and often are, interrelated.

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Millie Maxwell, Counselor Education Program, North Carolina State University at Raleigh, and Saint Mary's School, Raleigh, North Carolina. The author thanks Stanley B. Baker for his assistance. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Millie Maxwell, 900 Hillsborough Street, Raleigh, NC 27603 (e-mail: [e-mail]).