Captain C W Robertson RMLI.

Some time ago Royal Marines Historical Society member, Jim Finney, wrote to me asking if I could locate a memorial to Captain C. W. Robertson who was killed in action during the Boer War. I was able to confirm that his name was not recorded on the Australian memorials to those who served, or died, at the war, but I was able locate a reference to a memorial in Charterhouse School's cloisters. Robertson had served in the Benin punitive expedition in 1897, and was serving aboard HMS Katoomba at Sydney, New South Wales (NSW) when the Boer War started. Recently a friend, Dr Ross Bastiaan, OAM, RFD, a Melbourne periodontist, military historian and sculptor, told me he was going to place some commemorative plaques at significant Boer War sites in South Africa. Members may have seen some of his work on the Western Front and Gallipoli battlefields. I asked him if he would photograph Robertson's grave if he went to Rustenburg. Claude William Robertson is buried in the graveyard at Rustenburg, South Africa. A Royal Marines badge adorns his headstone, but this son of empire died in action commanding a squadron of an Australian mounted unit against the Boers at Magato Pass on Kosters River, 22 July 1900. Robertson had previous active service in the Benin Punitive Expedition in 1897, for which he was mentioned in despatches.

I knew little of the Benin expedition; there is only a sketch, `Bush Fighting at Benin', in Colonel C Field's Britain's Sea-Soldiers. Robertson was also given a brief mention, a few words about his going to South Africa as an instructor with a NSW unit, in the same volume. With the Corps' recent return to active duty in West Africa, just over a century later, it seemed appropriate to write a few words about the Benin expedition, and about Robertson's untimely death in South Africa.

The story begins late in 1896, when Mr J. R. Phillips was acting Consul-General of the Niger Coast Protectorate during the absence of Sir Ralph Moor, who was on leave in London. The refusal of the King of Benin to allow trade, even though a treaty had been made three years prior, with the coast, was seen as an affront to the authority of the colonial administration. It seems that Phillips was out to make a name for himself during the time he was Acting Consul-General, by opening fresh negotiations with the recalcitrant King. Towards the end of the year, Phillips advised the Foreign Office of his intention to visit the King of Benin, and deal with him. His original party was to have included 150 Lagos Hausas, and a detachment of the Niger Coast Protective Force (NCPF) equipped with two seven-pounders, one Maxim gun and a rocket apparatus. When the despatch conveying Phillips' intentions reached London, it was passed to Moor, for his information. He endorsed his deputy's intentions and suggested a gunboat and marines reinforce the proposed expedition. However, the Colonial Secretary was unwilling to release troops for the expedition. There was little activity at Whitehall over the Christmas-New Year holiday, it was not until 8 January 1897 that a telegram was sent to Phillips instructing him to postpone the expedition for another year. This message arrived too late; Phillips was already dead before the cable was sent. Phillips may have been informed by some other means of the prevailing attitude in Whitehall, because prior to his departure, he did reduce the number of troops in his party and sent the NCPF band back to Sapele, in case their uniforms and swords should alarm the King. The officers of the NCPF that accompanied the expedition were advised they could take their revolvers, but they must remain packed in the baggage. Phillips' expedition to King Overami of Benin, commenced from Sapele, on 2 Jan 1897. This mission was not a religious crusade, it was an attempt to get the King to open up the Edo tribal lands to British traders, and submit to British rule. King Overami was hostile to this idea. A few years before the Itsikeri Chief, Nana of Brohimi, and others, had been captured and taken into exile, never to return to their native lands. Three years had passed since white men had visited Benin City. Phillips sent a messenger to the King advising him of his peaceful intentions. Overami replied that they were not to come; he was busy with the Ague festival. This festival, which involved sacrifices, was held to mark the planting of the new season's yams. The King's reply basically meant he was not, or did not want to be, available.

A local Itsikeri Chief, Dogho, advised Phillips that it would be suicide to proceed. Phillips had already advised the King that his party was unarmed and consisted of only nine white men and about 150 local carriers. King Overami held a meeting with his chiefs at which he announced that he did not want the white men killed. The chiefs overruled the King and sent a war party to Egbini to ambush Philip's expedition. Ominously, the chief responsible for sacrificial victims accompanied the war party. A party of Edo warriors had been at Egbini to prepare ambush sites some days before Phillips arrived. Their strategy was to cut an `ambush road' over a distance of one mile parallel to the main track from Gwato Creek, to Benin City. This creek is a tributary of the Benin River, and provided the most direct route from the coast to Benin City. In the ambush position, the muzzles of the Edo guns almost reached the main track. The Edo warriors were well concealed in the dense rain forest. When the ambush was activated at 4 p.m. on 4 January, Phillips was the first to die, his last words were `No revolvers, gentlemen, please'. (1) Only two of the nine white men escaped, Captain A. M. Boisragon, Royal Irish Regiment, seconded to the NCPF, and R. F. Locke, an official of the Niger Coast Protectorate. They evaded their pursuers and made their way down the Gwato Creek to safety.

The two survivors bearing the sad news of the fate of the rest of the expedition arrived at Sapele on 7 January. A cable was immediately, despatched to the Foreign Office. It contained Boisragon' s report that all the others had been killed, but we will revisit this later. At a Cabinet meeting on 12 January, the army proved reluctant to act because of the expense of mounting an expedition and the difficulties that could be anticipated. However, the Admiralty was far more confident and appointed Rear-Admiral Harry Rawson, commanding the squadron at the Cape of Good Hope, to lead an expedition to take Benin City. On receipt of this news, Admiral Rawson advised the Admiralty that he could take Benin in six weeks.

Rawson's plan was to put 1200 men ashore. Bluejackets were to be provided from HM Ships, St George, Theseus and Forte, plus the marines brought from England aboard the Malacca, to supplement the 300 troops from the NCPF. The main NCPF force commanded by Major B. M. Hamilton was to leave the base at Warrigi, on the north bank of the Benin River, and cut their way through the forest to Benin City, a distance of over thirty miles. Two diversionary columns were to deploy, one on the west flank, to Gwato, the other to Sapoba on the east flank. It was anticipated that the column on the west would engage the Edo soldiers defending the road from Gwato to Benin City. The other column advancing on Sapoba was to act as a blocking force to prevent fugitives escaping into surrounding peaceful districts. (2) After consultation with Moor, who had by then returned to his post, Rawson reduced the size of the landing force to 700 men, (260 NCPF, the remainder RN & RM). A decision Rawson was later to regret. Moor, wanting to take as large a share of credit as possible for the capture of Benin City, for his own NCPF troops and himself, had recommended the reduction. Unfortunately, Moor totally underestimated the fighting ability of the Edo warriors. Major Roche RMLI from St George, was to command the Marine Battalion, composed mainly of the marines from the hospital ship, Malacca.

Four river steamers had been hired from British and German trading companies, to carry the force up the tidal rivers to their respective jumping off points. This took most of 9 and 10 February. It was during this phase of the operations that the expedition sustained its first casualty. Marine Mills from Theseus died from heat stroke on the evening of 10 February. He had been in the sun all day wearing a heavy uniform. He was placed into a makeshift coffin made from butter boxes. This was covered with the Union Jack and taken by canoe to the small European cemetery at Sapele, for burial.

Late on 10 February, the main Naval landing party marched up to Siri. (3) For the next two days heavy fighting took place between the Edo and the three columns. Arriving at Siri, the main force found that the river was too wide to cross by the suspension bridge that they had brought with them. A river launch and two surfboats were brought up the Benin River to ferry the force up to the village of Ologbo from where they could start their approach on Benin City; 24 miles away.

Once across the river, the force again came under constant attack from hostile Edo tribesmen hidden in the dense rainforest. This harassment continued along the entire route to Benin City. Luckily the Edo's guns were mainly old muzzle-loading muskets, known as `Dane guns'. A legacy of long established trade in the area with Europeans, since first, the Portuguese, then English traders, arrived in the Benin Bight during 1553. A rich cargo of pepper was obtained from Benin in that year. Later, as the main body made the final approach on Benin City, the expedition came under fire from old smooth bore cannon loaded with nails, stones and bits of metal. Benin had a long tradition of casting bronze and gold artefacts, so there was plenty of metal available for the purpose.

Admiral Rawson had once more to revise his plans when it was learned that the two diversionary columns were met by determined stands by the Edo warriors, and both had to call for reinforcements. To meet this request Rawson had to call up reserves from the fleet, at anchor in the Bight. He also had to call up more ammunition, water, and more carriers. In the bush fighting encountered during the approach march, there had been a very high rate of ammunition usage. Clean water was not available, so river water was boiled and carried forward to the advancing troops. The reinforcements arrived at Warrigi on 14 February, and as soon as they joined the main force, the advance continued. On 17 February. The lack of available water became more acute and meant that supplies had to be carried on the heads of porters, and men from the depleted column's strength. This forced Rawson to change his plans again. He had intended to assault Benin City with 800 men, but the water resupply problem forced him to reduce his main attack force down to a flying column of 560 men. There was a precedent for Rawson's decision; Sir Garnet Wolsey had done the same during the Ashanti War at the attack on Kumasi in 1873. (4)

By early morning on 18 February, all was ready for the final assault. Hamilton had brought up the maxims, seven-pounders, and the rocket apparatus. From near the mud-brick wall that surrounded the city, three rockets, and four shells were fired at maximum elevation into the main compounds. Two of these rockets hissing loudly, fell into a compound near the King's palace. This caused panic within the city, and hundreds of the Edo inhabitants assembled there, fled in panic to the surrounding bush.

There were plenty of warriors remaining in the city to give the flying column a hot reception. Rawson had formed his leading element in a loose square formation, and gave the order to advance. Fighting their way up the main avenue leading to the King's palace to time, the red tunics of the RMLI provided the Edo with many targets and casualties began to mount. Ten marines including Captain Byrne fell wounded. Near the palace the Edo made their last stand and again fired their obsolete cannon into the ranks of the advancing column. Rawson then gave the order for the final assault, and Bugler Allen, of the marines, promptly sounded the charge. At the same time Hamilton's improvised composite battery fired off all its weapons to encourage the marines in the final encounter. Benin City had been taken, and it's King and most of his followers were fugitives running headlong through the forest as fast as they could to get away from the victors.

Benin City was not a pretty sight when it fell. The basis of Edo religion rested on human sacrifice and fetish worship. In the city there were seven large sacrifice compounds, each enclosed within high walls. Within these compounds were altars, up to 50 feet long, covered with dried human blood. The altars were adorned with fetish gods, made from upright carved ivory tusks, mounted in hideous brass heads. In a report by Consul-General Moor on the state of the city on 18 February it is recorded that, `the populace sat around in these huge compounds while the Ju-Ju priests performed the sacrifices for their edification.' (5) British Parliamentary Papers (BPP) for 1898 contain the published papers on the expedition. A word of warning is appropriate here. Many of the reports sent back by the men on the spot were sanitised by their authors. There is also good reason to believe that the official record in the BPP may also have been changed, to make the content more palatable. Among the contemporary official reports, the one sent by the Principle Medical Officer to Moor, dated 13 March, and contains a very clear eyewitness account of the scene at Benin City. It is worth including this in full:

   Sir,

   I have the honour to submit a brief Report on the sanitary condition of
   Benin City on the day of its capture, the 18th February 1897.

   On the principle "sacrifice tree," facing the main gates of the King's
   compound, there were two sacrifices (crucifixions), and lying around the
   foot of the tree there were seventeen, newly decapitated bodies, in various
   stages of decomposition. On the "sacrifice tree" to the west of the main
   entrance a woman was crucified, and at the foot of the tree four
   decapitated and eviscerated bodies were found. On going westwards, towards
   the plain leading to the Gwato road, a sickening sight was met with. One
   hundred and seventy-six human sacrifices and decomposing bodies were found,
   the stench from which was so intolerable that the sanitary gang under my
   supervision had on more than one occasion to beat a hasty retreat.

   In the portion of city to the south of the plain I came across five
   sacrifices (decapitations with terrible mutilations), and in the compounds
   in the rear of the King's Palace six more were found. On the main road,
   leading eastward from the principal gate, eleven newly decapitated bodies
   were found. A little further on, and close to the entrance of the path from
   Ologbo, seven bodies were found, killed by gunshot wounds. These evidently
   fell in the action of 18 February. All the above mentioned [the seven
   gunshot victims only] were decently buried, besides upwards of 300
   skeletons.

   In various parts of the city, but principally in the immediate vicinity of
   the King's compound, huge pits were found (12 to 15 feet in diameter and 40
   to 50 feet deep), seven of which contained human sacrifices, from fifteen
   to twenty in each pit, the dead and dying were intermingled in these
   foulsome holes. Several unfortunate captives were rescued with great
   difficulty, and are now progressing favourably, with the exception of one
   poor creature, who, I am afraid, will remain an imbecile for the rest of
   his life. After all the living had been rescued the pits were filled with
   earth.

   The day after our arrival here nearly all the European officers, and a
   great number of the native troops and carriers, suffered acutely from a
   form of epidemic diarrhoea, caused by inhaling the putrid atmosphere,
   which, I am pleased to say, has entirely passed away, and the general
   health is now extremely good. The sanitary condition of the city is, at
   present, all that could be desired under the circumstances. (6)

   I have, &c.

   (Signed) R ALLMAN, PMO

The numbers included in the report above amount to a total of about 663 bodies, if the 300 skeletons are included in the count. One of the survivors found alive in the sacrifice pits was a servant of Thomas Gordon, a member of Phillip's party. His evidence, and that of other native carriers from the ambushed diplomatic mission, cast doubt on Captain Boisragon' s report of the ambush. Over one hundred of the native carriers were captured and taken to the city. Boisragon reported that during the ambush he ran to find his revolver, but was unable to, as the baggage was scattered in the bush. He, and Locke, the other survivor, claimed that the other white men had been killed. Even though, in his own account, he had only witnessed the deaths of Copland-Crawford, Dr. Elliott and Maling. (7) One of the Itsikeri carriers, who survived the ambush and was captured, said that when he was brought o Benin City on the day following the ambush, he saw four white men sitting, tied up, in the King's sacrifice compound. On the day after this the heads of four white men, with stick-gags in their mouths, were brought round the other captives. In his book, City of Blood Revisited, Robert Home claims that Moor accepted this account. He went on to write that, at Moor's request, news of the fate of these white men was suppressed to spare relatives of those killed `in the ambush' further distress. There could have been other white men who were also taken to Benin City alive, but reports by survivors of the ambush, and later from captured Edo, indicating that all captured whites were killed within two days of the ambush. One report did reach Sapele after the ambush that Kenneth Campbell was not wounded in the ambush, but was captured, taken to Benin City and ritually killed two days after the ambush.

Following the capture of the city, Admiral Rawson's force remained for a short while assisting the NCPF to establish a defended post in there, bringing up ammunition and supplies. Once this was completed they returned to the fleet. All casualties, and the Royal Marines originally brought from England, returned home in the Malacca. The principal chiefs were later captured and some hanged for their part in the massacre. A few months after this, King, Oba Overami, unable to live as a fugitive in the Forrest, surrendered. He was spared execution and detained in the Protectorate: Not exiled like Chief Nana.

On 25 May 1897, the names of those awarded honours for their actions in Benin were published in the London Gazette. Major T H de-M. Roche, RMLI, was awarded the DSO, and a Brevet promotion to Lieutenant-Colonel. Captain G L Beaumont, RMLI, was awarded a Brevet promotion to major. Many officers, and men, were mentioned in despatches, but it must be remembered that at that time there was no emblem conferred. It was in 1919, that formal recognition was given royal approval, and in 1920, the oak leaf symbol was instituted. Those mentioned by Rear Admiral Rawson, were, Major, Roche, Captains G T Byrne and G L Beaumont, of the RMLI. Also mentioned in the despatch are Lieutenants, Diblie [Dibblee] and Robinson, [Robertson] both of whom `commanded sections of the marines.' (8) Captain Byrne was hit by a bullet that lodged in his spine during the final attack on 18 February. He was carried by stretcher, in agony, back to Ologbo. From there he was evacuated to the Malacca, and on to St Thomas's Hospital at Westminster. The newly introduced X-Ray equipment could not trace the bullet. Captain Byrne died on 25 March and is buried in Haslar naval cemetery. (9)

RM casualties sustained during the expedition totalled 10, one killed in action and nine wounded. Some of the wounded possibly died as a result of their wounds like Captain Byrne. Other casualties were, two marines died from sunstroke, one from fever, and another drowned in the Benin River. Full details including divisional numbers, parent ship, and the incident in which the casualties occurred are contained in Admiral Rawson's despatch mentioned above. In her book, The Last Post, Mildred Dooner mentions Robertson's MID. This could be the Robinson, mentioned by Admiral Rawson. The only Robinson in the Army list at the time had the initials, GV. (10) Likewise; Lieutenant Dibblee's name is spelt Diblie in Rawson's despatch, but there is no `Diblie', and only one `Dibblee', in the Army List for the period. It must be remembered that both these gentlemen, had arrived in the Malacca, gone straight into the forest, and had departed, before the despatch was written. There was very little time to clarify names. Lieutenant C W Robertson RMLI, was promoted to Captain on January 1898, and posted to HMS Katoomba (formerly the 3rd class cruiser Pandora) a unit of the Australasian Squadron based at Sydney.

At the outbreak of the war in South Africa, Captain Robertson obtained approval to go. On 24 February he was married to Edith Johnson, daughter of Mr Whittingdale Johnson, a NSW State Magistrate, at St. Mathias' Church Paddington. A few days later he was appointed to a temporary commission in the New South Wales (NSW) Bushmen's Contingent. This was announced in the NSW Government Gazette No. 185, at Sydney, on 27 February 1900.

Robertson went to South Africa in command of B squadron of the Australian Bushmen under Colonel Airey, and landed at Beira. They went first to Bulawayo and served at the relief of Mafeking. During the march to Pretoria the Bushmen moved towards Rustenburg. Robertson was killed in action on 22 July 1900, near Magato Pass. Captain. Robertson is buried at Rustenburg, his grave marked by a headstone bearing the badge of the Royal Marines. His name is inscribed on the monument in the Cambridge enclosure, St. James's Park, erected by all ranks of the Royal Marines Artillery and Light Infantry to the memory of their comrades who fell in South Africa and China: also on the War Memorial in the cloisters at Charterhouse.

(1) Robert Home, City of Blood Revisited, Rex Collings, London, 1982, p.44.

(2) See Homes, 1982, p. 62.

(3) Often written as Cere on early maps.

(4) For a short account on the Ashanti campaign, James Morris's, Heaven's Command, Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1980, pp. 398-404, is recommended.

(5) Sir W. N. Geary, Nigeria under British Rule, Methuen, London, 1927.pp. 116-7.

(6) BPP 1898, (c 8627) LX 91. Massacre of Mr Phillips Diplomatic Expedition to the King of Benin.

(7) A. Boisragon, The Benin Massacre, London, 1898.

(8) Admiral. Rawson's despatch to the Admiralty, 27 February 1897, contained in British Parliamentary Papers, 1897, LX

(9) Robert Home, London, 1982, p. 97.

(10) Mildred G. Dooner, The Last Post, Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent & Co. Ltd., London 1903. This is the source for Robertson's MID. His name does not appear in the BPP reference above. A useful book on those who died in the Boer War.