Bush's Wilsonian internationalism: how radical is President Bush's globalist agenda? Establishment pundits approvingly compare him to President Woodrow Wilson, the icon of modern one-worldism. (Cover Story: False Conservatism).

As the 2000 presidential election campaign was heading into its final weeks, Foreign Affairs, the house organ of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), sent a message to its prestigious readership. Writing in the September/October issue of that journal (which Time magazine has called "the most influential periodical in print"), James M. Lindsay of the Brookings Institution noted that "both Al Gore and George W. Bush are internationalists by inclination." It was an important communication (one of many) signaling to organized one-worlders that, rhetoric notwithstanding, the Democrat and Republican contenders were both reliably in the "internationalist" camp. All except the most obstinately blind recognized Vice President Al Gore as an arch-internationalist, one who embraced all of Bill Clinton's one-world agenda and who supported every United Nations treaty and every UN "empowerment" scheme. But Governor George Bush? Why, he was a strident nationalist, a vociferous "America First" champion, a conservative, and a notorious UN basher.

Now fast forward nearly two years. In a July 1, 2002 column, the Wall Street Journal's editorial features editor, Max Boot (a CFR member), offered an important confirmation of Lindsay's earlier assessment of the Bush "inclination." Boot's title was anything but subtle: "George W. Bush: The 'W' Stands for Woodrow." That's Woodrow as in Woodrow Wilson, of course. Woodrow Wilson, the notoriously liberaleft Democrat. Woodrow Wilson, the U.S. resident who championed world government through the League of Nations. Thanks to the "isolationists"--those who believed in national sovereignty and the Constitution--the U.S. Senate refused to make the United States a party to that misbegotten venture.)

Woodrow Wilson's vision of "world order" under an international government and his relentless zeal in pursuing that objective gave rise to the expression "Wilsonian internationalism." The term describes the worldview, goals, policies, and methods of the network of power elites who dominate globalist bastions like the CFR. Boot unabashedly identifies himself with the Wilsonian camp. More importantly, he identifies President George W. Bush as a Wilsonian. Boot applauds Bush's Wilsonian policies in building a UN posse against terrorism and praises the president's speeches that point toward a forthcoming U.S. attack on Iraq. "These speeches have radical, though as yet unrealized, implications," says Boot, while urging the president onward.

The implications are radical indeed, and fraught with danger for the survival of limited, constitutional government. But Boot's column did not even scratch the surface of George Bush's Wilsonian credentials. In the nearly two years bracketed by the Lindsay and Boot signals, the Bush administration has proven one of the most activist internationalist administrations in our country's history. Yet, George "Woodrow" Bush is still being hailed in Republican circles as the "conservative" godsend that saved America from Al Gore's liberalism and internationalism.

The Bush speechwriters have carefully crafted, at regular intervals, ear-pleasing applause lines for the GOP's conservative core constituency, confident that the applause and cheers will cover the contradictory speeches and policies that George Woodrow delivers to his Wilsonian constituency. Rhetoric and popular delusions notwithstanding, Team Bush has carried forward a full-throttled program of radical Wilsonian internationalism covering the entire globalist waterfront:

* Payment of U.S. "back dues" to the UN;

* Endorsement of and praise for the UN Charter crafted by Soviet spy Alger Hiss;

* Huge funding increases for the IMF and World Bank;

* Support for further empowering the World Trade Organization;

* Support for creating the sovereignty-destroying Free Trade Area of the Americas;

* Strategic disarmament vis-a-vis Russia;

* Signing the UN's Persistent Organic Pollutants Convention;

* Strategic cave-in on the International Criminal Court;

* Embracing Russia, China, Syria, Iran, Libya, and other terrorist-sponsoring states in the bogus UN-led war on terrorism;

* Pushing a "Homeland Security" program that represents, arguably, the most far-reaching assault on American federalism since Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal era.

For those capable of reading between the lines, George W.'s internationalist inclinations were obvious early on. Even before Mr. Lindsay's abovecited pronouncement in Foreign Affairs, the Establishment media supplied numerous clues to Bush's real allegiance. The New York Times provided an important one in a December 24, 1999 article by Eric Schmidt, entitled "A Cadre of Familiar Foreign Policy Experts Is Putting Its Imprint on Bush." The Times article deceitfully referred to this Bush brain trust as "a small group of conservative experts," "hawkish advisers," and "ex-Cold Warriors."

All 10 of the "conservative" advisers listed in the Times article are confirmed one-world internationalists and 9 of the 10 are CFR members: Condoleezza Rice; Robert Blackwill; Richard Cheney; Stephen Hadley; Richard Perle; George Shultz; Paul Wolfowitz; Dov Zakheim; and Robert Zoellick. The only non-CFR member in that Times list of candidate Bush's inner circle of advisers was Richard Armitage, a longtime handyman for his CFR superiors, whom he unswervingly served in the CIA, State Department, and Defense Department.

At a May 23, 2000 press conference on his proposed foreign policy, "Woodrow" Bush was accompanied by an entourage of Wilsonian advisers from America's foreign policy establishment: Henry Kissinger; Condoleezza Rice; Brent Scowcroft; Donald Rumsfeld; Colin Powell; and George Shultz. All of these political heavyweights are CFR members--except Rumsfeld, who is former CFR.

White House-Pratt House Axis

When George W. moved into the Oval Office and began naming Cabinet officials, he repeated a sickeningly familiar pattern: Many of the most important posts went to the CFR globalists. As in past administrations--both Democrat and Republican, stretching back to FDR--the Cabinet selections appeared to be made, not at the White House, but at Pratt House, the New York City headquarters of the CFR.

The accompanying list (see page 21) presents a painful truth that many conservatives arid GOP faithful have too long ignored: The top echelons of the "conservative" Bush administration are larded with the same CFR internationalists responsible for an unbroken, half-century chain of betrayals and disasters.

According to the CFR's 2001 annual report, 503 of its members are government officials. The majority of these officials undoubtedly serve in the Bush administration; others serve in Congress, the Judiciary, and state government. Which means that well over 400 Pratt House regulars are manning Team Bush's top posts.

Many believe Vice President Dick Cheney, a longtime CFR member with an undeserved image as a political conservative, is the real power wielder behind the throne. "Cheney is unique in American history," says Douglas Brinkley (CFR), a presidential historian at the University of New Orleans, in a July 29, 2002 interview in USA Today. "He is the vortex in the White House on foreign policy making. Everything comes through him." Mr. Cheney's record in the previous Bush administration and his performance at a February 15, 2002 CFR confab supports the claim that Cheney is the one calling the shots for Team Bush.

"It's good to be back at the Council on Foreign Relations," Cheney declared in an address at the group's headquarters. "I've been a member for a long time, and was actually a director for some period of time. I never mentioned that when I was campaigning for reelection back home in Wyoming...." That remark about deceiving the dumb rubes back home elicited a ripple of knowing laughter from the assembled one-worlders. These notables are accustomed to presenting a conservative, pro-American image to the voters while pursuing policies aimed at undermining American sovereignty. Cheney's speech presented the first major articulation of the Bush administration's proposal to launch a new military attack on Iraq. It was natural for him to do so: He was, after all, secretary of defense when Bush Sr. launched Operation Desert Storm. That U.S.-UN operation against Saddam, said Bush, was being fought to establish "a new world order," one that would help establish an empowered United Nations as envisioned by its founders.

The elder Bush was a longtime functionary in the CFR and remains a committed internationalist. He continues to exert considerable influence over the current occupant of the Oval Office, reportedly conferring with his son and other Cabinet officials and top White House staffers on a daily basis.

Revolving Door Deception

In his acceptance speech at the 1992 Democratic National Convention, White House aspirant Bill Clinton paid homage to history professor Carroll Quigley, his mentor at Georgetown University. This doff of the hat to Quigley was a conscious signal to members of the internationalist power elite that the former Arkansas governor was a fellow one-worlder. It also told those in the know that a transition from Bush to Clinton would not mean any substantive change in internationalist policies. Professor Quigley was one of the very few academics ever granted access to the secret records of this power elite, which he and other observers have often referred to as the "Eastern Establishment." In his monumental work Tragedy and Hope, he provided important details on the operations of this elite network, its gradual takeover of many of America's political and economic institutions, and its plans for subverting America's constitutional government and submerging our republic in a new international order. Quigley noted that th ese immensely wealthy internationalists had gained control of both major political parties through financial contributions. The control has become nearly absolute and the parties almost identical, according to the professor, "so that the American people can 'throw the rascals out' at any election without leading to any profound or extensive shifts in policy." Thus, noted Quigley, "it should be possible to replace [the party in power], every four years if necessary, by the other party ... which will still pursue, with new vigor, approximately the same basic policies."

Professor Quigley's scenario of a planned, quadrennial "revolving door" turnover has held true for decades. George "Woodrow" Bush is proving, by both word and deed, that his administration is continuing that deadly pattern.

RELATED ARTICLE: Bush-CFR Web of Influence

With its members occupying key positions throughout the Bush administration, the Council on Foreign Relations has wide influence helping to achieve its goal of world government.

NOTE: An asterisk indicates a nomination not confirmed as of publication date.

Executive Offices

Vice President Richard Cheney

Chief of Staff for the Vice President I. Lewis Libby

National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice

Senior Associate Counsel to the President and Legal Adviser to the National Security Council John B. Bellinger III 

Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for:

* Asian Affairs, National Security Council staff Torkel L. Patterson

* Defense Policy and Arms Control Franklin C. Miller

* African Affairs at the National Security Council Jendayi E. Frazer

* Gulf, Southwest Asia and Other Regional Issues, National Security Council Zalmay Khalilzad

President's Council on Environmental Quality Chairman James L. Connaughton 

Council of Economic Advisers Member Anne O. Krueger 

National Economic Council Member (and Executive Director of the President's Commission to Strengthen Social Security) Charles Blahous III

Commission on Presidential Scholars:

* Member Marcia E. Miller

* Member Fr. Theodore Hesburgh

State Department

Secretary of State Colin L. Powell

Under Secretary of State for:

* Arms Control and International Security John Robert Bolton

* Global Affairs Paula J. Dobriansky Assistant Secretary of State for:

* African Affairs Walter H. Kansteiner III

* Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Lorne W. Craner

* International Organizational Affairs Kim Rene Holmes

* Near Eastern Affairs William J. Burns Policy Planning Staff Dir. Richard Haass

U.S. Representative to the United Nations John D. Negroponte

Head of the U.S. Delegation to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights Shirin R. Tahir-Kheli

Alternate Representative to the United Nations for Special Political Affairs Richard Salisbury Williamson

U.S. Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund Nancy Paulette Jacklin *

Executive Director of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (part of the World Bank) Carole L. Brookins

Legal Adviser of the Department of State William H. Taft IV

Ambassador to:

* Bulgaria -- James William Pardew Jr.

* Egypt -- C. David Welch

* Georgia -- Aurelia Erskine Brazeal *

* India -- Robert D. Blackwill

* Israel -- Daniel Charles Kurtzer

* Japan -- Howard H. Baker Jr.

* NATO -- Robert Nicholas Burns

* Romania -- Michael E. Guest

* The Russian Federation -- Alexander R. Vershbow

* Singapore -- Franklin L. Lavin

* South Africa -- Cameron Rees Hume

* Sweden -- Charles A. Heimbold Jr.

Agency for International Development Assistant Administrator for Africa Constance Berry Newman 

Overseas Private Investment Corporation President Peter S. Watson

Defense Department

Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld (former CFR)

Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul D. Wolfowitz

Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Douglas Jay Feith

Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller) Dov S. Zakheim 

Assistant Secretary of Defense Peter W. Rodman

Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Henry H. Shelton

Army Chief of Staff Eric K. Shinseki

Air Force Chief of Staff Michael E. Ryan 

Commander, European Command Joseph W. Ralston

Commander, U.S. Space Command Ralph E. Eberhart

Secretary of the Air Force James G. Roche 

General Counsel of the Department of the Navy Alberto Jose Mora 

Treasury Department

Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Kenneth W. Dam 

Assistant Treasury Secretary for Economic Policy Richard Harris Clarida

Undersecretary of Treasury for Domestic Finance Peter R. Fisher

Director of the U.S. Mint Henrietta Holsman Fore

Commerce Department

Under Secretary of Commerce for:

* Export Administration Kenneth I. Juster

* Economic Affairs Kathleen B. Cooper

Assistant Secretary of Commerce Faryar Shirzad

Other Agencies

Secretary of Labor Elaine L. Chao

U.S. Trade Representative Robert B. Zoellick

Deputy United States Trade Representative Jon M. Huntsman Jr.

EPA Administrator Christine Todd Whitman

CIA Director George J. Tenet

CIA Deputy Director John E. McLaughlin 

Federal Reserve Board of Governors Chairman Alan Greenspan

Deputy Secretary of Veterans Affairs Leo Sidney Mackay Jr.

Assistant Secretary of Veterans Affairs for Management William Henry Campbell *

Assistant Attorney General Viet D. Dinh 

2nd U.S. District Court Judge Barrington D. Parker Jr.

Justice Department Foreign Claims Settlement Board Member David Boris Rivkin Jr.