Burundi on the Brink, 1993-95: A UN Special Envoy Reflects on Preventive Diplomacy.

By Ahmedou Ould-Abdullah

United States Institute of Peace 

Burundi, a small country in Central Africa with just 6 million people, has known more violence than peace since it became an independent nation in 1962. Its politics has been chaotic, coloured by ethnic antagonism between the majority Hutu and the minority Tutsi who control the main institutions of the State. But the unfortunate event that prompted the United Nations in 1993 to dispatch an envoy to Burundi was the political upheaval that followed an abortive military coup on 21 October 1993. That putsch truncated the country's four-month-old democracy with the assassination of Hutu President Melchoir Ndadaye and the leaders of the National Assembly. As a country with rather prominent ethnic fault lines, the coup was followed by reprisal killings of Tutsi by the Hutu ethnic group who felt aggrieved about the assassination.

Burundi on the Brink is a story of efforts by Ahmedou Ould-Abdullah, Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General, to help steer the country away from the path of genocide. His mandate, given by the Security Council, comprised four elements: to restore the democratic institutions overthrown in the coup of October 1993; to establish an inquiry into the coup and the massacres that followed; to facilitate dialogue among the antagonizing parties; and to work with the Organization of African Unity, which was also involved in the resolution of the crisis. The story is full of swings, from hope to despair and unending apprehension. Mr. Ould-Abdullah's task was both difficult and complicated. Having to contend with a very minimal staff and a small budget, the UN envoy set about his task with the zeal and determination to succeed. "I arrived in Burundli with very little luggage, but with one strong, if also rather banal, conviction: perseverance and hard work will pay off."

With no briefing from the Secretariat, Mr. Ould-Abdullah took an appropriate step on arrival in Burundi by embarking on extensive consultations among the political actors, religious groups, the business community, the army and the diplomatic community. This singular effort was not only to enhance his knowledge of the situation and the people, but also to gain their confidence--elements needed for the success of his assignment. In trying to establish dialogue among the political actors, the UN envoy discovered that the leadership of the ruling party--Frodebu--lacked political experience and negotiating skills, while the opposition party--Uprona--had more political skills. This kind of imbalance was not conducive for successful dialogue, so Mr. Ould-Abdullah took the initiative to improve Frodebu's political performance.

One big challenge he faced in working with the political actors was the unwillingness of the opposition parties to cooperate and the tendency of some of the groups to take extremist positions. His approach then was to work with the moderate groups and exclude the extremist elements, though being diplomatic enough to maintain contact with them. The national dialogue was geared towards creating understanding among the political actors and restoring the leadership of the country that was eliminated in the coup. Frodebu was able to get its candidates, Sylvestre Ntibantuganya and Christian Sendegaya, elected as Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly.

But the election of the President proved to be a more difficult task. After protracted negotiations during which tension between communities heightened, the parties finally agreed to a constitutional amendment allowing for indirect election of the President, and Cyprien Ntaryamira was elected. With the restoration of democratic institutions, the UN envoy turned to the issue of investigation of the coup and the subsequent massacres. The UN Secretary-General had appointed a fact-finding team to look into the coup; Mr. Ould-Abdullah focused its mission on a political, rather than judicial enquiry.

But on the evening of 6 April 1994, a plane carrying President Ntaryamira and his Rwandan counterpart, President Habyarimana, crashed as the two Hutu leaders were returning from a regional meeting in Arusha, United Republic of Tanzania. Again, Mr. Ould-Abdullah had to deploy his political tact to reduce tension and forestall the explosion of the crisis into ethnic killings. He got the Speaker of the National Assembly, the Prime Minister, the Minister of Defence and the Army Chief to work together to douse tempers and take control of the situation. The Speaker went on television to announce the President's death and urge for calm. Mr. Ould-Abdullah, who contributed to the television address, insisted that it must emphasize the fact that the President was not a target and that the army should work with the Government and reassure the people of their unity in the face of the crisis. The next task was to get a substantive replacement for President Ntaryamira.

But this ran into a major obstacle as the Constitutional Court, reconstituted in its original form, issued a decision invalidating the constitutional amendment that allowed for the National Assembly to elect a new president. As the days went by, tension mounted in the country, ambitious political actors were scheming to take over, and there were sporadic acts of killings, and then a rumour that some army officers were planning a coup. To deal with the rumour, the UN envoy decided to go public with the information and pre-empt the coup plotters. In an interview with Radio France Internationale, he stated that rumours of a coup were serious, that he knew the plotters and had communicated their names to the UN Headquarters in New York and that the plotters' chance of success was nil. This pre-emptive action scared the plotters, and the situation was again saved.

In so doing, Mr. Ould-Abdullah certainly went beyond his diplomatic role to managing the political happenings in Burundi. But the task of getting a new president was still undone. Painstaking and slow talks eventually resulted in the Convention of Government of 10 September 1994, which provided for power-sharing among the political parties and established the commitment of the parties to promote peace, stability and reconciliation. Under the arrangement, the Speaker, who constitutionally became acting President after the death of the President, was also elected President by the National Assembly.

Things were still not stable and the institutions of State were not functioning properly. Violence began with political assassinations and sporadic killings. Predictions then became rife of imminent genocide in Burundi like the one that had just taken place in neighbouring Rwanda. These dire predictions, Mr. Ould-Abdullah observes, had the negative impact of stifling aid that would have helped stabilize the Government. Other Governments also began to get individually involved in efforts to resolve the crisis, resulting in disorganized focus and the lack of a common front.

Not believing in the usefulness of this effort, the UN envoy tendered his letter of resignation as Special Representative on 6 September 1995, having served for barely two years in that position. It was at a time when things were still uncertain in Burundi, and talks to restore the country to political stability are still continuing today.

Mr. Ould-Abdullah's memoir gives useful insight into the Burundian society and the crisis. Burundians, he observes, have been exposed to so much violence that they seem inured to its pains. Political actors seem to believe they can resolve their differences by violence rather than by dialogue. While it is generally believed that ethnic affinities are the strongest factors in Burundian life, he brings out the fact that the clans which cut across ethnic lines are even more important influences. It is equally strange that Burundi's Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups should see themselves so far apart in times of crisis, when in fact they live side by side in the same communities.