Berber Movement Becomes More Assertive As Globalisation Hits North Africa.

ALGIERS - APS sources say the ongoing Berber unrest in Algeria has sparked concern in Morocco and Tunisia about the possibility of an upsurge of Berber "nationalism". The sudden flare-up of violence among the Algerian Berbers, with clashes continuing virtually non-stop since April, came as a shock to leaderships across the region. All the North African countries have Berber minorities, from the Atlantic coast to the borders of Sudan, but their main presence is in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. The sources point out that there are fears that the situation in Algeria might have a spillover effect, first on Morocco and then on Libya and Tunisia, with the last seen as much less vulnerable due to its fairly robust socio-economic situation.

The sources agree that the catalyst for the upsurge of Berber unrest in Algeria is a combination of identity crisis and economic desperation, along with frustration at the government's inability to implement a positive socio-economic programme (see News Service No. 20). They note that the anti-government spirit among the Berbers has been spreading to the non-Berber community as well. While the rioting was limited mainly to Berber areas in April and May, non-Berbers have also begun to join in the protests. By June 15, protests had spread to the north-eastern towns of Khenchela, Skikda and Ain Fakroun, and southward to Dirah. On the other hand, it was also pointed out that during the recent Berber protests in Algiers, non-Berber residents of the city clashed with the Berbers telling them to go and destroy property in their own towns and cities.

According to the sources, one of the reasons for the sudden explosion of violence in the Kabylie region, where Algerian Berbers are concentrated, is the impact of globalisation. The Algerian government is trying to implement macro-economic restructuring programmes required by the IMF and World Bank, and the impact this has on the economic prospects of citizens in the short-term is often negative. For example, one of the key demands of these multilateral agencies is privatisation; this virtually guarantees higher unemployment as state companies lay off employees to become more efficient.

Algeria cannot afford at this point to render citizens jobless, because unemployment is already very high. The unemployment rate is officially estimated at about 30%, but among people under 25 it is said by local journalists and economists to be closer to 80%. Compounding the unemployment problem is the critical housing shortage facing the country; and the brutal methods used by the paramilitaries in putting down unrest is making things worse. It is estimated that up to 80 Berbers have been killed since the unrest began in April, and the security forces have been charged with using live bullets - an allegation rejected by the government.

One of the facts which suggest that globalisation, as much as identity and discrimination, is the reason behind the Berber unrest is that most of the protests have focused on broader social and political grievances towards the regime. Corruption, economic mismanagement and related issues have been as much at the forefront of the protests as demands for the recognition of the Berber language Tamazight. Initial protests had included a call for withdrawal of police units from Kabylie and official recognition of the Berber language and culture. But as protests and violent intensified, the focus of demands shifted towards a complete removal of Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika and his military backers, a move to democracy and an end to corruption - not just in the Berber region, but in all of Algeria.

It is in this context that, the sources say, leadership circles in Morocco, Libya and Tunisia are concerned about the spread of Berber nationalism. This is because, while Berber rights may not generate much sympathy among the Arabs, a demand for better governance as the overriding theme will be attractive across the region. A demand for Berber rights or separatist tendencies could ride such a wave.

The Wider Implications: The sources point out that the geo-strategic situation may be ripe for a revival of the Berber identity. The Berbers, at least in the Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, are generally liberal and regarded as more pro-Western than the Arabs. They are less inclined to support the radical Islamist tendencies and have a long history of interaction with Europe. As such, the sources say, the Berber protests in Algeria may have wider implications. They believe it is not inconceivable for southern members of the EU to regard the Berbers as a kind of buffer against radical Islam.

In this sense, the EU may see some positive aspects in a revival of the Berber identity. Moreover, within the EU itself, as part of both globalisation and the formation of a "European" identity, long ignored ethnic heritages are being revived - from the Basques to the Celts. Europe would find it hard to back government crackdowns against the Berber basic demands for the recognition of their language and culture, the right to give their children Berber names, etc.

More subtly, the Berber angle may also introduce a twist to the growing distance between Europe and the US in terms of geo-economic as well as geo-strategic issues. For instance, the EU regards North Africa - or the Mediterranean Rim - as its "backyard". This is just one of the reasons why the EU members had rejected all US attempts at pressuring them to stop them doing business with Libya, for instance. As such, they are not keen to see American companies gaining a lion's share of business in these countries.

In Algeria, American oil companies have invested over $4 billion in the hydrocarbons sector and more than 500 Americans live in the country. Despite the violence in the country, the US has adjusted to the ground realities. For the first time in nine years, on July 4 the US is to hold an Independence Day reception at its embassy. The sources point out that an anti-government Berber movement with nationalist overtones could reduce some of the certainty in the long-term plans of the companies involved.

The sources also point out, however, that the prospect for a major separatist movement by the Berbers is not high in the short term. They note that, despite the discrimination, many Berbers have chosen to be co-opted and have assimilated with the Arab elite - in business, government and the military. They note that large numbers of Berbers have engaged in mixed marriages, attended state schools and universities, and accepted jobs and positions within the structure of the ruling establishment and other sectors of the economy in all the countries involved - i.e. Algeria, Morocco, Libya and Tunisia. Indeed the business sectors of Casablanca and Fez are said to be dominated by the Berbers. Despite the unrest, the sources say, it would be virtually unthinkable for these assimilated Berbers working in the army or the police force in Algeria, for example, to attend forums addressing Berber issues, or participate in discussion panels about the revival of the Berber language and folklore, etc.