At risk children in resegregated schools: an analysis of the achievement gap.

Historically, political mad social forces have strategically converged to directly influence the formulation and implementation of education policies that seek to equalize educational opportunities for members of minority groups. Such has been the case with school desegregation efforts. Since the 1954 Brown Decision, powerful interest groups have sought and secured the assistance of the courts in providing legal support in abandoning desegregation initiatives. Unfortunately, fifty years after Brown, legal scholars and social scientists continue to debate the merits of school desegregation mandates. As the debate intensifies, desegregation policies continue to be scrutinized and quietly dismantled. As we watch, the public schools resegregate, it is obvious that the promises of Brown have not been fulfilled. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the achievement gap between resegregated and desegregated schools in the city of Norfolk.

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The conservatism surrounding the Reagan Era provided the sociopolitical context to abandon school desegregation initiatives. During the Reagan Presidency, the United States Justice Department adopted a hands off approach to enforcing states to comply with desegregation mandates. The Reagan, Bush I, Clinton and Bush II Administrations did not take a firm stand on school desegregation. The political ideology of the Reagan Administration reflected a desire to move towards a color-blind society in which race was a neutral issue in public policy formulation. As Reynolds (1982) noted, President Regan believed that many of the public policies from the 1980s created externalities, which resulted in practices that discriminated against European Americans and therefore were both morally wrong and unconstitutional. This legal shift away from Brown continues.

The 1990s ended active federal judicial involvement in school desegregation. This decade was characterized by increased legal challenges to mandated school desegregation policies. Several public school districts ceased enforcing segregation plans and returned to neighborhood schools. During this decade, the courts began to establish legal standards that facilitated the resegregation of the public schools. In 1984, the Oklahoma school board decided to return to neighborhood schools for grades 1-4 and to establish racially balanced fifth grade centers. The new plan meant that 11 of the 64 schools in the city would become more than 90 percent African American. Twenty-two of the schools would have a student population 90 percent or more European American. This new plan met with protest among the various stakeholders; however, the plan became effective in 1985.

In 1986, the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals decided that the respondents could challenge the student reassignment plan because the district was still under a 1972 court mandate. The case was remanded to the District Court. The District Court ruled that the original desegregation plan was not relevant and that the district had acted in good faith in complying with the 1972 mandate. The District Court further asserted that the new student assignment plan was not implemented with the intention of discriminating against African American students. The Court of Appeals reversed the ruling of the district court. The Oklahoma School Board challenged the circuit court's decision. In the School Board of Education Oklahoma City v Dowell, 1991, the United States Supreme Court ruled that once a previously segregated school district has implemented "practicable" strategies to eliminate segregation, it can be declared unitary and released from court ordered busing. The court also stipulated that the districts could be released from court ordered desegregation if the students and faculty were desegregated and the district met other desegregation requirements. This gave the school district the legal sanction to dismantle desegregation efforts and to return to resegregate. This ruling was strengthened in Freeman v Pitts, 1992, when the United States Supreme Court ruled that if a district has done everything reasonable to achieve desegregation it can be declared unitary before reaching one hundred percent compliance. In order to achieve this, the school district must demonstrate a "good faith" commitment to compliance. The ruling suggested that the Courts no longer believed that integration resulted in increased achievement levels for African Americans or European American children (Whitman, 1998). Freeman v. Pitts was crucial to desegregation efforts because it allow districts to be incrementally released from judicial oversight.

In the 1989 Missouri v. Jenkins, the Kansas City School District sued the state of Missouri alleging that the nearby suburban school districts as well as other federal agencies conspired to establish and maintain a dual educational system. The plaintiffs further contended that that the state failed to adopt policies that would eliminate a dual system. The state district court found that the federal agencies were not to blame; however, the court ruled that the state and the Kansas City school district operated a segregated school district for European Americans and African American students. In 1985, The District court found that segregating African American and European American students had caused student achievement to decline. Specifics directly related to this decline were not articulated. The Court also cited the finding that 25 of the districts 36 schools were more than 90 percent African American (Jenkins v. Missouri, 639 F. Supp. 19, 23 (WD Mo. 1985). As a remedy, the court ordered a reduction in class size. The district court also ordered programs to expand summer school tutoring and early childhood care. The state claimed that the district had achieved unitary status relevant to compensatory educational programs for which the state was financially obligated. The district Judge Russell Clark rejected this contention. The eighth circuit court of Appeals affirmed this ruling and further stated that there was a trend toward improvement; however, scores were still below the national norms. The court ruled that a school district does not need to continue its desegregation plan just because minority students test scores continue to fall below the national norm. The ruling further contended that the state of Missouri was not required to fund programs and other school activities and programs designed to recruit European American students from the suburban for a lengthy period of time just because an achievement gap existed between African American and European American students. The decision also stipulated that the state was only required to do what was "practicable" to eliminate past discrimination. The court contended that the district was not responsible for developing remedies to address the inequities among students within schools.

These judicial decisions facilitated the school resegregation movement of the late 1980s and 1990s. An analysis of the relationship between resegregation and the achievement gap between European American and African American students will guide this paper.

The Achievement Gap

From 1970 to 1980, the achievement gap between African Americans and European American students declined by 50%. However, the gap began to increase in 1988 (Haycock, 2001) An analysis of data from the National Center for Educational Statistics (2001) indicated that the standardized achievement test scores of African American students increased significantly in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s. The results suggested that the reading test scores of 17 year-old African Americans increased throughout the 1980s and 1990; however, the achievement gap between African Americans and European Americans increased in the 1990s. Findings further indicated that the mathematics test scores of 13 year-old African Americans and European American decreased significantly in the 1980s.

A review of findings from the National Center For Educational Statistics (2001) indicated that only 1 in 100 African American 17 year-olds can read and interpret technical data as compared with 1 in 12 of their European American counterparts. Analyses of these data also found that only 1 in 100 African Americans can solve multi-step word problems and elementary algebra as compared to 1 in 10 European American students. Additionally, only 3 in 10 African Americans have mastered the computation of fractions, common percents, and averages, while 7 in 10 European Americans have mastered these skills. The gaps between these two groups continue to pervade the data. The results show that by the end of high school, African Americans have acquired skills in reading and mathematics that are the same as those of 8th grade European American students. Perhaps even more revealing, the statistics indicated hat African Americans are half as likely to complete a four-year college as European Americans. significantly weakened desegregation compliance.

Although SAT averages increased between 1991 and 2001, there is still a significant gap between African American and European American students. (Boehner, 2001) Analyses of data from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (2000) indicated that the achievement gap between African American and European American students begins in elementary school and continues throughout high school. Between 1971 and 1988, the mathematics achievement gap between African American and European American students declined for 13 year-olds and 17 year-olds. However, From 1988-1996, the gap increased for 13 year olds and remained constant for 17 year-olds (The Condition of Education, 2000).

Further analysis of the data indicated that the average reading score of African American 17 year-olds was 239, which was 22 point below 13 year-old European Americans. In 1988, the average reading score of African American students was 274 and 295 for their European American counterparts. African Americans score lowered than their European American counterparts on vocabulary, reading and mathematics tests. This gap in achievement continues throughout K-12. African Americans as a group score below 75 percent of European Americans on most standardized measures (Munk, 2001). The achievement gap between European Americans and African Americans becomes evident in grades, test scores, course selection and graduation rates (Comer, 2001). By the time a African American students complete the fourth grade, these individuals are 2 years behind their European American counterparts in reading and mathematics achievement. When These African American students begin grade eight, they are at least 3 years behind; and by grade 12 four years behind (Comer, 200l). The gap between African Americans and Europeans continues to grow throughout the schooling process.

African American students score lower than European Americans on standardized measures of achievement (Trent, 1998, Jencks and Phillips, 1998). According to Jencks and Phillips (1998), this gap between the two groups begins before children enter kindergarten and continues into adulthood. Data from the Center for Educational Statistics Report (1997) indicate that during the 1970's approximately 25 percent of European American children, ages 3 and 4 attended preschool. This same percentage was found among African American children. However, by 1991, only 31 percent of African American children were enrolled in preschool while 40 percent of their European American counterparts attended. This nine percent gap in attendance rates may contribute significantly to the achievement gap between the groups.

Additional analyses of data from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), indicate that the academic performance in reading, mathematics and science for 9 year old African American children is significantly lower than their European American counterparts. A closer review of the findings suggests that at age 17, there is still a statistically significant gap between the two groups. These data also indicated the gap has narrowed over the last two decades (National Center for Educational Statistics, 1997.) The reading gap narrowed from 1.25 standard deviations in 1971 to 0.69 standard deviations. The gap in mathematics also declined from 1.33 to 0.89 in 1996. Although the achievement gap has narrowed somewhat, the typical African American student scores below 75 percent of the European Americans on standardized tests. (Jencks and Phillips, 1998)

There is also a significant gap in the SAT scores of college bound African American and European American students. A review of 1993 SAT scores revealed that African American children performed 91 points lower on the verbal section and 106 points lower in mathematics. This gap narrowed from the previous two decades. In 1976, the scores were 119 (verbal) and 139 (mathematics). Further analyses of NAEP data indicate that the gains made by European American children in mathematics and reading have increased since 1988. However, the gains made by African American children have declined in reading and remained constant in mathematics (The Condition of Education, 1997). The gap narrowed between the 1972 and 1988 by about one-half (Haycock, 1997.) African Americans showed the most gains among children who began school in 1968 through 1972 and from 1976 through 1980. The reading gap between African Americans and European Americans was 30 points; however, the gap narrowed to 18 in 1988 and increased to 30 again in 1992 (Haycock, 1997.)

The Problem

In 1976, the Southern region of the United States was the most racially integrated region in the country. According to (Orfield, 1996), 45 percent of all African Americans children attended schools that were predominately European American. The public schools in the northeastern and Midwestern sections of the nation were more segregated. Only 28 percent of African Americans attended majority European American schools while 30 percent attended such schools in the Midwest. An analysis of 1999 enrollment data indicated that approximately 38,000 students are enrollend in grades Pre-K through 12 in the Norfolk Virginia Public Schools. Additionally, less than ten percent of the school age children in the city attend private school.

However, prior to the desegregation of the Norfolk Public Schools in 1970, 57% of the district's 56,830 students were European American and 43% were African American. However, after more than 15 years of mandated busing for integration, enrollment dropped to 34,803 students. Of this number, 42% were European Americans and 58% were African American. As a result of this shift and a loss of more than 18,000 students, the Norfolk School District suggested a new approach to desegregation. The school board voted to abolish cross-town busing for elementary school children. The revised desegregation plan assigned students to neighborhood schools, creating ten elementary schools that were more than 99 percent African American. (Norfolk Department of Research and Statistics (2002).

This neighborhood schools plan was challenged in the United States District Court for Virginia. On May 6, 1983, Paul Riddick, Jr. filed a suit against the local school board on behalf of all the African American students in the city. The Norfolk School Board was named the defendant in the suit. The plaintiffs charged that the school board intentionally adopted an elementary school assignment plan that was unconstitutional and discriminated against African American students because of their race. The plaintiffs demanded that the court declare the school district's student assignment plan adopted on February 2, 1983 unconstitutional.

In 1984, a Virginia District court ruled that the district could end court ordered cross-town busing of elementary students for the purpose of desegregation. The court held that the neighborhood school plan adopted by the school system on February 2, 1983 did not discriminate against the African American students because of their race. Additionally, the court ruled that the plaintiffs had failed to show that the district's assignment plan was motivated by race.

Riddick et al. Appealed the decision to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals. In 1986, the circuit court upheld the ruling of the district court. The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals held that although the court originally ordered the district to utilize busing as desegregation strategy,, it withdrew from the case in 1975. In 1975, the court ruled that the Norfolk Public Schools System was unitary. However, the Plaintiffs in the Riddick Case contended that the system had become more segregated since 1975. The court did not agree. The ruling stated in part, "we do not think that this is case which a school board upon obtaining judicial decision that is unitary, turns it back on its minority students. If so were the case we would not approve Norfolk's new assignment plan."

In 1986, the plaintiffs attempted to get the United States Supreme Court to review the circuit court's findings; however, the court refused to hear the case. The ruling of the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals was left in tact without approval or disapproval by the high court.

The Focus

The purpose of this investigation is to describe the trends in the achievement gap between resegregated and desegregated schools in the Norfolk Public Schools.

Sample/Data Sources

The mathematics and science scores from the Standards of Learning Tests were analyzed for students in grades three and five. The scorces in mathematics and science for the years 1998, 1999, 2000 and 2001 were computed for resegregated schools and their desegregated counterparts.

Findings

Analysis of data (Figure 1) indicated that the mathematics achievement gap between the third grade resegregated and desegregated schools decreased from 28 points in 1998 to 9 points in 2001.

However, trends in the fifth grade (Figure 2) mathematics achievement gap did not reflect a consistent decline between the resegregated and desegregated schools. In 1998, the mean score for the resegregated schools was 20 percent. Analysis of the 1999 fifth grade scores indicated that the gap increased 10 percentage points and declined 2 percentage points the following year. A significant decline in the fifth grade mathematics achievemen gap (11 percentage points) was noted in 2001.

A more consistent pattern was found in the analyis of the science achievement gap between resegregated and desegreagated schools. As shown in figuer 3, A consistent decline in the gap between the two groups was evident in grade three. In 1998, the gap was 34 points and the decline continued into 2002 (17 points). Fifth grade science scores indicated that the gap remained fairly constant until 2001 (Figure 4). The science gap decline from 28 in 2000 to 6 in 2001. Analyses of these data indicated that the gap between resegregated schools and desegregated schools continues to exist in mathematics and science. However, the mathematics and science gaps appear to increase from grade three to grade five for both resegregated and desegregated schools.

Summary

A review of the research indicated that the achievement gap between European American children and minority children narrowed significantly from the 1960s to the mid-1990s. The findings further suggest that children attending racially integrated schools perform better than their segregated counterparts (Hubert, 1999.1) As McPartland (1968), noted more than three decades ago, racial isolation only serves to increase the achievement gap between African American and European American students.

Since the days of the Reagan Administration, the United States Justice Department has done little to force states to comply with desegregation mandates. Affirmative Action Programs and other policies designed to assist minority group members in gaining equal access to educational opportunities continue to be challenged by school districts throughout the nation. The hands-off approach to school desegregation has remained consistent into the 21st century. As the doctrine of "separate but equal" gains support, the impact of resegregating schools on academic achievement should be investigated more extensively. As we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Brown Decision, the schools are still segregated. In 1954, only 10 percent of public school students were minority group members. Today the public school segregation index continues to grow. (Orfield, 1999) Since the mid-1970's, the American public schools have become more segregated and are regressing to a pre-Brown pattern of segregation (CNN.COM, 2003; Orfield, 1999; Phillip, 1994.) Before policymakers in the city of Norfolk can address the academic gap between African American and European American children, they must address the moral gap in their policies. When one resegregates poor and minority children in pubic schools, one limits life chances. These limitations contribute to cognitive, psychosocial, and capital gaps. What are we as a society celebrating?

Figure 1

Mathematics Grade 3

                            percent of students passing SOL Test
                         1998       1999     2000     2001

Resegrated Schools       27.3       42.9     55.49     63
Desegrated Schools       55.12      61.88    65.81     71.66
Achievement Gap          27.82      18.98    10.32      8.66

Figure 2

Mathematics Grade 5

                            percent of students passing SOL Test
                         1998       1999     2000     2001

Resegrated Schools       15.85      18.97    37.09    51.01
Desegrated Schools       35.45      48.44    64.19    62.37
Achievement Gap          19.6       29.47    27.1     11.36

Figure 3

Science Grade 3

                            percent of students passing SOL Test
                         1998       1999     2000     2001

Resegrated Schools       20.46      36.25    47.12    51.43
Desegrated Schools       54.17      63.7     64.55    68.01
Achievement Gap          33.71      27.45    17.43    16.58

Figure 4

Science Grade 5

                            percent of students passing SOL Test
                         1998       1999     2000     2001

Resegrated Schools       18.31      33.91    24.09    58.05
Desegrated Schools       44.29      59.9     52.11    64.14
Achievement Gap          26.16      25.99    28.02    6.09

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V.W. Ipka, Pb.D., Associate Professor, Temple University.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dr Ikpa, 1 Paynter Street, Bear, Deleware, 19701; email: [e-mail]