Aristotle's kinesis/energeia-test and the semantics of the Greek perfect (1).
The purpose of this article is twofold. First, I aim to arrive at a better understanding of Aristotle's distinction between kineseis and energeiai in the Metaphysics 1048b. I argue that in order to understand Aristotle's test, we must understand the workings of the Greek perfect better. The main part of the article is then concerned with the semantics of the Greek perfect from Homer to classical times, discussing Gero and von Stechow's recent contribution (2002). Finally, an interpretation of Aristotle's test in the light of this discussion is proposed.
Linguists presenting the modern taxonomy of aktionsarten (2) often refer to Aristotle's Metaphysics 1048b, lines 18-35, as the earliest discussion of this problem. In this passage, Aristotle divides actions--praxeis--in two groups, which he calls kineseis and energeiai. Although there seems to be agreement that Aristotle's distinction is related to modern distinctions of aktionsarten--which go back to the works of Vendler (1957) (reprinted in Vendler  from which I henceforth cite) and Kenny (1963)--there is uncertainty as to the exact nature of the relation. Kenny (1963) was explicitly influenced by Aristotle as he proposed his classification, and he affirms that Aristotle's energeiai are his (and our, as the modern classification is based on those of Kenny and Vendler) activities and states. In Verkuyl (1993: 50), however, we read that "Kenny is much more faithful than Vendler to Aristotle's division in Metaphysics IX 1048, 18-35, who distinguishes Actualities (States) from Incomplete and Complete Movements." And Graham (1980) has argued that energeiai are our states, whereas kineseis are non-states, and this opinion is adopted, for example, in Smith (1997: 17). So there is still need to clear up the confusion, and this is only possible, I shall argue, through a better understanding of the Greek perfect, which plays a crucial role in Aristotle's test.
However, before we go on to a closer scrutiny of Aristotle's test, some brief philological phi·lol·o·gy
1. Literary study or classical scholarship.
2. See historical linguistics.
[Middle English philologie, from Latin philologia, love of learning comments should be made. The passage where Aristotle discusses the kinesis/energeia distinction does in some ways look suspicious: the sentence following immediately upon our lines is a recapitulation recapitulation, theory, stated as the biogenetic law by E. H. Haeckel, that the embryological development of the individual repeats the stages in the evolutionary development of the species. of what precedes the discussion of the kinesis/energeia distinction. Our lines are also omitted in some manuscripts. This led Werner Jaeger Werner Wilhelm Jaeger (July 30, 1888 - October 9, 1961) was a classicist of the 20th century.
Jaeger was born in Lobberich, Germany. He attended school at Lobberich and at the Gymnasium Thomaeum in Kempen before studying at the University of Marburg. He received a Ph.D. (1957:184) to the conclusion that the passage is a later addition to the text, although, as he says, it was probably written by Aristotle himself. The kinesis/energeia distinction is referred to in other works of Aristotle, and there can be no doubt that "it contains sound Aristotelian doctrine and terminology" (Ross 1924: 253). We will therefore follow current usage and treat the passage as genuine. But it does not really fit in its context, and this is no doubt part of the reason for the difficulties in interpreting it. With regard to the text itself, it is corrupt at some points, but it was vastly improved by Bonitz, whose emendations seem to have carried conviction. At any rate, the textual questions do not have implications for the core of the matter.
2. Aristotle's and Kenny's tests
We will now compare the tests of Aristotle and Kenny, starting by citing Ross' (1928) English translation of Aristotle (I have added the Greek terms in square brackets):
Since of the actions which have a limit none is an end but all are relative to the end, e.g. the removing of fat, or fatremoval, and the bodily parts themselves when one is making them thin are in movement in this way (i.e. without being already that at which the movement aims), this is not an action or at least not a complete one (for it is not an end); but that movement in which the end is present is an action. E.g. at the same time we are seeing and have seen, are understanding and have understood, are thinking and have thought (while it is not true that at the same time we are learning and have learnt, or are being cured and have been cured). At the same time we are living well and have lived well, and are happy and have been happy. If not, the process would have had sometime to cease, as the process of making thin ceases: but, as things are, it does not cease; we are living and have lived. Of these processes, then, we must call the one set movements [kineseis] and the other actualities [energeiai]. For every movement is incomplete --making thin, learning, walking, building; these are movements, and incomplete at that. For it is not true that at the same time a thing is walking and has walked, or is building and has built, or is coming to be and has come to be, or is being moved and has been moved, but what is being moved is different from what has been moved, and what is moving from what has moved. But it is the same thing that at the same time has seen and is seeing, or is thinking and has thought. The latter sort of process, then, I call an actuality [energeia], and the former a movement [kinesis kinesis /ki·ne·sis/ (ki-ne´sis) [Gr.]
2. stimulus-induced motion responsive only to the intensity of the stimulus, not the direction; cf. taxis. ] (Ross 1928: 1048b, lines 18-35)
Aristotle here seems to propose a linguistic test that distinguishes between kineseis and energeiai. One part of it, the kinesis test, reads in Greek: (3)
(1) oud' hugiazetai kai hugiastai not [cure.sub.3.SG.MED.PRES.] and [cure.sub.3.SG.MED.PFCT.]
Ross translates: "For it is not true that at the same time we (...) are being cured and have been cured." This seems to say that for kineseis, the present tense pres·ent tense
The verb tense expressing action in the present time, as in She writes; she is writing.
Noun 1. present tense - a verb tense that expresses actions or states at the time of speaking
present verb entails the negation NEGATION. Denial. Two negations are construed to mean one affirmation. Dig. 50, 16, 137. of the perfect tense verb. (4)
Similarly, from his wording
(2) eu zei kai eu ezeken well [live.sub.3.SG.PRES.] and well [live.sub.3.SG.PFCT.] hama at the same time 'At the same time we are living well and have lived well'
it seems clear that he is saying that for energeiai, the present tense verb entails the perfect tense verb.
It is obvious that Aristotle is making an ontological distinction here, and not a linguistic one. If nothing else, this is clear from the fact that he has probably made up at least one of the linguistic forms occurring in his text, namely ezeken, which Ross translates "has lived." Morphologically, ezeken is a regular perfect of the verb zo. However, the form does not occur before Aristotle and only very rarely after, the normal perfect being the synchronically suppletive Sup´ple`tive
a. 1. Supplying deficiencies; supplementary; as, a suppletory oath s>. (but diachronically related) bebioke. bebioke, however, often has the meaning 'having lived to the end.' Thus, Aristotle's statement "we are living, and have lived" would simply be false if he had used the normal Greek perfect of the verb 'live.' Therefore, we may surmise, he made up a new perfect. Now this, of course, means that Aristotle is speaking about living and not about the Greek verb zo.
But even though Aristotle's distinction is essentially a philosophical and ontological one, it has proven interesting for the modern linguistic classification of verbs, whose beginnings are, significantly, to be found in the works of the philosophers Vendler and Kenny. Scholars have, however, not always been aware of the differences between the Greek and the English perfect. We can see this quite clearly in Ross' translation. One of the examples for the kinesis-test reads: "For it is not true that at the same time a thing is walking and has walked." This is false: obviously, the same thing at the same time can be walking and have walked, even if we allow that both VPs refer to the same event. Of course, we should not ascribe as·cribe
tr.v. as·cribed, as·crib·ing, as·cribes
1. To attribute to a specified cause, source, or origin: "Other people ascribe his exclusion from the canon to an unsubtle form of racism" such a fallacy to Aristotle. Rather, something went wrong in the translation of the Greek perfect into English. Now Ross was clearly motivated by the desire for a literal translation This article or section may contain original research or unverified claims.
Please help Wikipedia by adding references. See the for details.
This article has been tagged since September 2007. and thus translated the Greek perfect using an English one. But 'has walked' is naturally understood as an experiential perfect (or equivalently as an existential perfect 'there has been walking,' see Comrie 1976: 58ff.), and this is a reading that the Greek perfect cannot have, as we shall see. But first, we turn to Kenny's test.
Vendler's (1967) and Kenny's (1963) classification of aktionsarten are founded on Aristotle's distinctions, and in Kenny's case, it is explicitly so. Kenny first distinguished states from events; he then went on to divide events into activities and performances. In doing this, he proposed a test to determine whether a given verb is an activity verb or not: for activity verbs, he claimed, a sentence of the form 'A is [??]-ing' entails 'A has [??]-ed.' For example, 'John is running' entails 'John has run.' For performance verbs, however, the situation is the reverse: 'A is [??]-ing' entails 'A has not [??]-ed.' For instance, if a man is building a house, he has not yet built it; if John is deciding whether to join the army, he has not yet decided to. It is immediately clear that Kenny's test bears a resemblance to Aristotle's, and Kenny claims that the activities brought out by the test are part of Aristotle's energeiai (which also, according to according to
1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.
2. In keeping with: according to instructions.
3. Kenny (1963: 173, fn.2), include states). Aristotle's kineseis, Kenny further claims, are his performances.
It has been argued that Kenny's tests are not contradictory and that they therefore do not determine two jointly exhaustive classes (Potts 1965: 66-67). The counterpart to the activity test 'A is [??]-ing entails A has [??]-ed,' should not be that for performances 'A is [??]-ing entails A has not [??]-ed,' but rather the weaker formulation 'A is [??]-ing does not entail A has not [??]-ed.' As Graham says, Kenny's motivation for setting up the tests as he did was clearly his Aristotelian model. He goes on to defend Kenny:
For performances, 'A is [??]-ing' does not entail 'A has [??]-ed'; but furthermore, because performances are complete only over the whole interval (N.E. 1174a 27-29), in all cases 'A is [??]-ing' entails 'A has not [??]-ed' for kineseis. Thus, for metaphysical reasons, the classes picked out by the criteria are jointly exhaustive (Graham 1980: 118, fn. 2).
Graham's use of both Aristotelian and Kennyan terms is confusing, but the point made seems valid enough: if [??] is a performance and A is [??]-ing NOW, it follows from the semantics of the progressive that A has not yet completed [??]-ing, although he may very well do so in the future. This also works in the past: 'A was [??]-ing' entails 'A had not [??]-ed,' because the Reichenbachian reference time of the pluperfect plu·per·fect
1. Of or being a verb tense used to express action completed before a specified or implied past time.
2. is naturally understood to be identical to the reference time and event time of the past progressive; and it once again follows from the semantics of the progressive that A had not yet completed [??]-ing at that time. However, the test breaks down if we use the simple past to give 'A was [??]-ing' entails 'A did not [??],' because the simple past introduces a new reference time identical with its event time, which may very well be later than that of the past progressive. Hence, the entailment 'John was writing a letter entails John did not write a letter' does not go through--perhaps John finished the letter, we do not know. The weaker formulation 'A was [??]-ing does not entail A [??]-ed' is clearly correct, and it often appears as a test for performances in the literature.
It seems then that it makes no difference whether we use Kenny's formulation or the weaker one, as long as we study the relationship between the present progressive and the perfect, or between the past progressive and the pluperfect (i.e. in cases where the reference time of the second sentence is hooked up to the event time of the first)--but the weaker formulation can also be applied to the relationship between the past progressive and the simple past. However, this is not necessary for our present purposes, so we will stick to Kenny's original formulation, which is close to Aristotle's and therefore particularly useful in comparing Aristotle's classification with the modern ones.
There seem to be no major differences between Kenny's and Vendler's tests. In the following, we shall use Kenny's since it is explicitly modeled on Aristotle's. However, we shall use much of Vendler's terminology, since it is more widespread in the modern literature. Since there are many terminological confusions in this field, it may be useful to state our usage here: in Vendler's system, Kenny's performances are divided into accomplishments and achievements, where accomplishments are durative du·ra·tive
Of, related to, or being the verbal aspect that expresses action continuing unbroken for a period of time.
n. In both senses also called continuative.
1. The durative aspect.
2. ('write a letter') and achievements punctual punc·tu·al
1. Acting or arriving exactly at the time appointed; prompt.
2. Paid or accomplished at or by the appointed time.
3. Precise; exact.
4. ('win the race'). We will refer to them as "accomplishments and achievements" (as the difference is mostly not crucial for our present purposes), or as "events falling under a telic telic (tel´ik),
adj (teleologic), assigning purpose to functions as if they were provided by a creative planner. predicate In programming, a statement that evaluates an expression and provides a true or false answer based on the condition of the data. ." This last formulation points to two other important issues, one terminological and the other ontological: by "event" we shall mean loosely "something that happens" and not--as is often seen--a cover term for accomplishments and achievements (i.e. a synonym synonym (sĭn`ənĭm) [Gr.,=having the same name], word having a meaning that is the same as or very similar to the meaning of another word of the same language. Some are alike in some meanings only, as live and dwell. for Kenny's performances). Further, and this will turn out to be crucial, we shall follow Krifka (1992: 34-35) and others in understanding telicity In linguistics, telicity is the property of a verb or verb phrase that presents an action or event as being complete in some sense. A verb or verb phrase with this property is said to be telic, while a verb or verb phrase that presents an action or event as being as a property of predicates and not of events. We will return to these issues, which are important for an understanding of Aristotle's test, in the last section.
Vendler and Kenny both seem to apply their tests to verbs. As Verkuyl (1993), discussing Vendler, notes
His inclination to stay at the lexical level enforces the idea that what he really did was to propose ontological categories: if knowledge of the world and knowledge of a language tie up intimately at some place, they do that at the lexical level and not so much at the structural level (Verkuyl 1993: 33).
Vendler and Kenny did what we would expect in an Aristotelian tradition: as we have said, Aristotle's distinction is essentially ontological and not linguistic. He does use a linguistic test, but then it is not surprising to find an ancient Greek Noun 1. Ancient Greek - the Greek language prior to the Roman Empire
Greek, Hellenic, Hellenic language - the Hellenic branch of the Indo-European family of languages holding that the Greek language Greek language, member of the Indo-European family of languages (see Indo-European). It is the language of one of the major civilizations of the world and of one of the greatest literatures of all time. reflects reality in a rather direct way.
However, modern linguists have stressed that the categorization of situation types must be applied to VPs and not to verbs, because the nature of the object may influence the situation type: draw circles is an activity, whereas draw three circles is an accomplishment. This can be seen from Kenny's test: John is drawing circles entails John has drawn circles (at least after some time), but John is drawing three circles entails that he has not yet done so. In the same way, walk in the park is an activity, whereas walk to the store is an accomplishment.
This phenomenon has been used to "save" Aristotle's test. As we remarked, Ross' translation says, "it is not true that at the same time a thing is walking and has walked." We can make this sentence true in English by supplying a terminus: "it is not true that at the same time a thing is walking from Oxford to Reading and has walked from Oxford to Reading." In doing this, we have changed the activity 'to walk' into a goal-oriented, durative action, that is, an accomplishment. It can be argued that Aristotle implies the termini, and such a conception clearly lies behind Ross' translation. But if it is possible, we should prefer to interpret the text as it stands, without making any suppositions as to implicit objects or termini. The reason for this is that if we start supplying underlying objects and prepositional prep·o·si·tion·al
Relating to or used as a preposition.
prepo·si phrases, we soon run into problems. Where are we allowed to understand such complements and where are we not? For example, the object of one's enjoyment could limit the enjoying in just the same way as the finished house limits the house building. Following this line of thought, Ackrill (1965) argued that one cannot be said 'to have enjoyed a symphony' before one has listened through it. That is, while I am enjoying the symphony, I cannot claim that I have yet enjoyed it. This object NP would make enjoying a kinesis, in plain contradiction with what Aristotle tells us in the Nicomachean Ethics Nicomachean Ethics (sometimes spelled 'Nichomachean'), or Ta Ethika, is a work by Aristotle on virtue and moral character which plays a prominent role in defining Aristotelian ethics. . And if we are allowed to introduce termini in some cases, why not here? Ackrill concluded that Aristotle's grammatical test is flawed. However, his arguments presuppose pre·sup·pose
tr.v. pre·sup·posed, pre·sup·pos·ing, pre·sup·pos·es
1. To believe or suppose in advance.
2. To require or involve necessarily as an antecedent condition. See Synonyms at presume. that 'enjoy' is an adequate translation of hedesthai, which is not self-evident. If hedesthai is a stative verb A stative verb is one which asserts that one of its arguments has a particular property (possibly in relation to its other arguments). Statives differ from other aspectual classes of verbs in that they are static; they have no duration and no distinguished endpoint. , an object will not make the VP telic. But anyway, we can avoid such problems by not supplying objects or prepositional phrases for Aristotle's verbs. After all, they are not in the text.
We summarize Kenny's and Aristotle's tests in the following:
Kenny's test: Performance verbs: A is [??]-ing entails A has not [??]-ed. e.g. John is building his house entails John has not built his house. PRES.PROG. entails not-PFCT. Activity verbs: A is [??]-ing entails A has [??]-ed. e.g. Mary is walking entails Mary has walked. PRES.PROG. entails PFCT. Aristotle's test: Kineseis: oud' hugiazetai kai hugiastai For it is not true that at the same time we are being cured and have been cured. PRES. entails not-PFCT. Energeiai: eu zei kai eu ezeken hama At the same time we are living well and have lived well. PRES. entails PFCT.
One difference between Kenny and Aristotle springs to our eyes at once. Kenny's test uses the present progressive, and so it cannot be applied to state predications. Greek, of course, has no progressive and we cannot therefore exclude that Aristotle's test applies to states. It will be important to have this in mind, although I shall argue that the main difference between the two tests lies in the semantics of the perfect in English and Greek.
The semantics of the Greek perfect was quite recently examined by Gero and von Stechow (2002), from whom we have drawn many insights. However, our need for comparing the English and the Greek perfect has led us to focus on other aspects, inspired by Parsons' (1990) account of the English perfect on the basis of his notion of resultant state. Especially with regard to the Greek perfect in classical times, we have deviated from Gero and von Stechow.
3. The early Greek perfect--general considerations
There seems to be general agreement that the Greek perfect expresses the present existence of a state resulting from a past event. Unfortunately, this is not very precise. We would like to know exactly what kind of state is meant. We will discuss this question later; for the moment, we would only note that such resultant states are not necessarily to be identified with states in the Kenny-Vendler taxonomy. This must be kept in mind during our discussion of the other question: does the Greek perfect present a state resulting from some past event or not?
In some cases it is clear that the state results from a past event. The perfect tethneke 'he is dead' is clearly a result of a past event 'he died,' which can be expressed by the aorist aorist: see tense. (perfective past) ethane ethane (ĕth`ān), CH3CH3, gaseous hydrocarbon. It is a continuous-chain alkane. As a constituent of natural gas, it is used for fuel. It can be prepared by cracking and fractional distillation of petroleum. . This event can again be seen as including an activity subevent 'he was dying' expressed by the imperfect ethneiske. The verbs which have such a relationship between imperfect--aorist--perfect were called action-event-state verbs by Lyons (1967: 117ff.). Lyon's insight is important, but from a terminological point of view, this use of the term "event" does not fit into our scheme, and in the following we shall refer to the coming about of a new state through an event as the culmination of that event. In this, we are following Parsons' (1990) terminology, but as we shall see in the last section, this is not entirely unproblematic.
There are some verbs for which this relationship never holds. Such verbs have a so-called intensive or abnormal perfect. We can give as an example the verb gethein 'be happy.' The present gethei means 'he is happy,' the aorist egethese 'he became happy,' and the perfect gegethe means 'he is happy.' We see the reasons for the somewhat unhelpful labels "abnormal" or "intensive" perfect. The perfect tense is abnormal in that it seems to have the same meaning as the present. Some scholars have felt that this cannot be the ease, and so they have postulated that the perfect is somehow more intensive than the present. But this cannot be safely read out of the texts. As we do not have ancient Greek informants, we shall probably never know the exact nature of the semantic difference between the perfect and the present in such cases, although it seems probable that there is one.
Our problem here, however, is whether the perfect gegethe 'he is happy' can be seen as the result of a former action. Clearly, it would be possible to say that it means 'I have become happy and now I am happy.' Ruiperez (1982) denies this, however, on the grounds that gethein means 'be happy' and not 'become happy.' To this, one would reply that the aorist egethese does mean 'become happy.' Ruiperez denies such an analysis, but to my mind his arguments are not convincing. They are mainly morphological: he says that many verbs with an abnormal perfect do not have an aorist, and that the morphological markers of the aorist and the perfect are in any case quite different. But these morphological arguments cannot disprove disprove,
v to refute or to prove false by affirmative evidence to the contrary. that there is a semantic relationship between the aorist and the perfect. In fact, I will argue that there is a fundamental relationship between the perfect and the perfective (aorist) aspect. The obvious advantage of such an analysis is that it makes it possible to give a unified account of the semantics of the Greek perfect, and this is what we would expect in such a highly marked form. The "abnormal" and the "normal" perfect turn out to be derived semantically in the same way; for some verbs, however, this gives rise to a near-synonomy of the present and the perfect forms. These doublets dou·blet
1. A close-fitting jacket, with or without sleeves, worn by European men between the 15th and 17th centuries.
a. A pair of similar or identical things.
b. A member of such a pair. could be pragmatically exploited to express differences whose exact nature will probably remain obscure to us.
A priori a priori
In epistemology, knowledge that is independent of all particular experiences, as opposed to a posteriori (or empirical) knowledge, which derives from experience. , then, it seems plausible to see a relationship between the semantics of the aorist and of the perfect. The texts also seem to support such a semantic relationship between the aorist and the perfect. This can be seen readily with the verb thneskein: in principle, the imperfective could be used of a dying person who nevertheless survived. If the aorist is used, however, the person died irrevocably. And the perfect, of course, refers to the state resulting from this culminated event expressed by the aorist. It does not mean 'having had a near-death experience.'
Another example of this semantic relationship can be found in the verb bouleuo in its standard sense, that is, excluding the special meaning 'to be a member of the boule boule
Deliberative council in the city-states of ancient Greece. It existed in almost all constitutional city-states, especially from the late 6th century BC. In Athens the boule was created as an aristocratic body by Solon in 594 BC; later, under Cleisthenes, 500 members (council).' According to the Liddell and Scott (1996) lexicon, it means "'take counsel,' 'deliberate,' in past tenses 'determine' or 'resolve after deliberation'." But saying that the meaning 'determine' or 'resolve after deliberation' belongs to the past tenses is plainly wrong and shows a disregard for aspectual issues in the Greek lexicographical lex·i·cog·ra·phy
The process or work of writing, editing, or compiling a dictionary.
[lexico(n) + -graphy. tradition. Naturally, it is the aorist (the perfective past), and--in most cases at least--not the imperfect, that has the meaning 'determine,' 'resolve after deliberation' as is noted in the Diccionario Griego-Espanol (Rodriguez Adrados 1980). In other words Adv. 1. in other words - otherwise stated; "in other words, we are broke"
put differently , the aorist presents an event that culminated. But what about the perfect?
We have a particularly nice example of its use in Plato's Crito 46A. Crito tells Socrates about the plan for his escape and concludes:
(3) oude bouleuesthai eti hora alla not [deliberate.sub.PRES.INF.] still time but bebouleusthai [deliberate.sub.PFCT.INF.]
The meaning cannot be: this is no longer the time for deliberating, but for having deliberated. The perfect bebouleusthai must have the meaning 'having made a decision,' or more precisely 'be in the state of having made a decision.' And this seems to be the meaning of bebouleusthai in all its classical occurrences: it refers to the consequent state of the culminated event ebouleusa and not the past activity ebouleuon 'was discussing.'
We therefore espouse the view that the perfect denotes a present state resulting from a former event that can be expressed by the VP in the aorist. The perfect, therefore, has a double reference: a present state and a past event that culminated. But, as we would expect in such situations, pragmatic factors can put emphasis on the state or on the event. This is a question that we will not pursue further here. Suffice it to say that in early Greek, the notion of state seems to be much more important than the preceding event.
Furthermore, as Wackernagel (1904) recognized in his classical study, the perfect is often intransitive in·tran·si·tive
adj. Abbr. intr. or int. or i.
Designating a verb or verb construction that does not require or cannot take a direct object, as snow or sleep.
An intransitive verb. in Homer: this is so because, in most cases, it refers to a state of the grammatical subject, resulting from some former event. For example, the present histemi is transitive and means 'I make to stand,' whereas the perfect hestemi intransitive and has the meaning 'I stand,' that is 'I have made myself to stand and stand now,' although in this case there seems to be almost no emphasis on the past action. However, the Greek perfect is not necessarily intransitive: many verbs can take an object and nevertheless refer to an event which gives rise to a state of the grammatical subject. Despite claims to the contrary in the post-Wackernagelian tradition, this was obviously so even in the oldest reconstructable stage of Indo-European: the obviously archaic formation *woyd-[H.sub.2]e (perfect from the root *weyd- 'to see') means 'I know' and is of course transitive, but the state expressed is nevertheless a state of the subject. Another example attested in Greek is the verb 'to learn,' Greek manthano. The perfect mematheka is of course transitive, but it nevertheless expresses a state of the subject, namely the state of having learned something.
Furthermore, it is essential to the truth-conditions of the Greek perfect that the state holds at utterance time. This is quite different from the English perfect. The notion of resultant state is relevant to the English perfect also (at least in theories other than the extended now-theory, to which we will return later), in that it asserts of the subject that it has what Carlota Smith (1997: 107ff.) calls the participant property. In Smith's analysis, the sentence 'Elaine has danced with Bill' asserts of Elaine that she has the property of having danced with Bill. This is in some way a state resulting from her dancing with Bill. There is therefore a felicity condition on the use of the perfect in English. The classical example is 'Einstein has lived in Princeton,' which is odd when uttered after Einstein's death; he can no longer be ascribed the participant property. But this felicity condition is utterly different from the truth conditions imposed by the Greek perfect. Consider the corresponding Greek sentence:
(4) Aristoteles Athenas [Aristotle.sub.NOM.SG.] [Athen.sub.ACC.PL.] oikeke [inhabit.sub.PFCT.3.SG.]
This sentence is simply false if uttered at a time when Aristotle no longer lived in Athens. The difference is, of course, that the notion of state inherent in the English perfect in its experiential reading is different from the state to which a Greek perfect refers. This difference seems in fact to be crucial, and we will return to it below. But we can at once note that this use of the perfect is explainable in terms of the relation between the perfect and the aorist: the aorist from this verb, oikesa, does in fact mean 'to settle.' Clearly, we can paraphrase the meaning of (4) as 'Aristotle has settled in Athens and the consequent state of this past event still holds.' This is not different from the meaning of the present, except that there is a reference to the beginning of the state. The sentence (4) was made up to parallel the English example, but the fact that the perfect of oikeo refers to the beginning of the state can be seen in the texts. In Sophocles' play Electra (1101), Orestes asks where Aigisthus lives using the perfect of this verb. Anyone who knows the play will see that it is central to Orestes' concerns that he refers to the beginning of the state; Orestes is seeking Aigisthus because Aigisthus has taken his father's place and now lives in his palace. Here, the reference to the beginning of the event is clear, but the emphasis is naturally on the present state.
Given the fact that the early Greek perfect is essentially intransitive and that the notion of state is all-important, it is tempting to conclude that it has less in common with the category perfect than with the category which Osten Dahl (1985: 133ff.), following Nedjalkov and others, labels "resultative." Nedjalkov in fact uses two terms which seem relevant for the understanding of the Greek perfect, namely stative and resultative. The difference is defined as follows (Nedjalkov 1988: 6): "the stative expresses a state of a thing without any implication of its origin, while the resultative expresses both a state and the preceding action it has resulted from." It is notable that in many languages there is wavering between the stative and the resultative meaning: that is, the same form can be used to denote a state, with or without reference to the event that brought it about. This is reminiscent of the situation in Greek: the reference to a past event can often be rather weak or even nonexistent non·ex·is·tence
1. The condition of not existing.
2. Something that does not exist.
Both the stative and the resultative, then, refer to a state, and in this they differ from the perfect, which primarily refers to a past event. For the time being, we uphold that the notion of state is relevant to the use of the perfect also--cf. the participant property--but it is much weaker than the state to which statives and resultatives refer. This can be seen from the test proposed by Dahl (1985: 134): an adverb adverb: see part of speech; adjective. like 'still' like in 'I am still reading Proust' implies a state-of-affairs and indicates the lack of a difference between the state of affairs expressed in the proposition, and the actual one. This analysis will explain why 'still' is incompatible with perfects (which primarily refer to a past event) like in the ungrammatical un·gram·mat·i·cal
1. Not in accord with the rules of grammar.
2. Not in accord with standard or socially prestigious linguistic usage.
un '*I have still been frightened,' but good with resultatives, like the Greek perfect in the Iliad 21.206:
(5) hoi r'eti par potamon pephobeato they still along-the-river [put-to-flight.sub.3.PL.MED.PFCT.] dineenta whirling 'They were still fleeing along the whirling river.'
The perfect expresses the resultant state of having been put to flight, and the adverb eti 'still' can access this state.
Dahl (1985: 134ff.) further claims that resultatives are characterized by the fact that they are used of results in a narrow sense, whereas the perfect of result allows for a less strict conception of resulting state--which is why its use shades off into the experiential perfect. It follows from this that resultative constructions can only be formed from verbs whose semantics involves change of some kind. In general, resultative constructions tend to be highly lexically restricted. There also seems to be a high correlation between passive voice and resultative constructions.
Now this apparently fits very well with the Homeric perfect. We have already noted that Homer's perfect is generally intransitive, and we may add that fewer verbs have attested perfects in Homer than in later texts. Its use is restricted to certain types of verbs: besides a peculiar use of the perfect with noise verbs, we mostly find verbs of change, whether mental or physical, and motion verbs. It is therefore tempting to analyze the Greek perfect as a resultative, as Geto and von Stechow do. And although we shall do so in the following, there is really no point in changing a well-established terminology. For this reason, we shall continue to speak of the "Greek perfect," although this may give rise to apparent absurdities like 'the Greek perfect is a resultative, and not a perfect.'
4. The English and the Homeric Greek Homeric Greek is the form of Ancient Greek that was used by Homer in the Iliad and Odyssey. It is an archaic version of Ionic Greek, with admixtures from certain other dialects, such as Aeolic Greek. perfect
In order to bring out the difference between the semantics of the English and the Greek perfect, we will focus on Parsons' (1990) distinction between resultant state and target state, which is often exploited in formal semantic work on resultatives (e.g. Kratzer 2000). The resultant state and the target state are defined as follows:
For every event e that culminates, there is a corresponding state that holds forever after. This is "the state of e's having culminated," which I call the "Resultant state of e," or "e's R-state." If Mary eats lunch, then there is a state that holds forever after: The state of Mary's having eaten lunch. The notion of resultant state is clearly subject to the defining principle e's R-state holds at t [??] e culminates at some time at or before t
It is important not to identify the Resultant-state of an event with its 'target state.' If I throw a ball onto the roof, the target state of this event is the ball's being on the roof, a state that may or may not last for a long time. What I am calling the Resultant-state is different; it is the state of my having thrown the ball onto the roof, and it is a state that cannot cease holding at some later time (Parsons 1990: 234f.).
Using his notion of resultant state, Parsons (1990: 236) is able to formalize the semantics of the English perfect as in the following example (although he does not spell it out This article or section contains unconfirmed rumors and/or speculation. Information must be and based on .
Please remove rumors and speculation and discussion from the article. in predicate calculus predicate calculus
Part of modern symbolic logic which systematically exhibits the logical relations between propositions involving quantifiers such as “all” and “some. notation):
(6) Mary has eaten the apple [??]e (eat (e) [??] Agent (e, Mary) [??] Theme (e, the apple) [??] Hold (R(e), now)) 'There is an event e such that e is an eating-event and Mary is the agent of e and the apple is the theme of e and the resultant state of e holds now (at utterance time).'
R is to be interpreted as a function from eventualities to eventualities which assigns each event e that culminates its resultant state. Parsons restricts his notion of R-state to events that culminate because he analyzes processes (Vendler's activities) as homogenous homogenous - homogeneous compositions of events that do culminate. We will see in the final section that this perhaps counterintuitive coun·ter·in·tu·i·tive
Contrary to what intuition or common sense would indicate: "Scientists made clear what may at first seem counterintuitive, that the capacity to be pleasant toward a fellow creature is ... analysis does have some justification, at least in a modified form.
Parsons extends his analysis to states. He affirms that "s's R-state holds at t [??] the period of time for which s holds terminates at or before t." In other words, if Mary is sick, then there is an R-state, the state of Mary's being sick having terminated, expressed by 'Mary has been sick.' However, this definition of R-states of states does not seem to be correct. The natural interpretation of 'Mary has been sick' is of course that she no longer is, but the possibility of extensions like 'for two weeks now' suggests that this is only an implicature im·plic·a·ture
1. The aspect of meaning that a speaker conveys, implies, or suggests without directly expressing. Although the utterance "Can you pass the salt?" . The perfect seems also to allow an open reading. This can be accounted for if we allow that the consequent state of a state holds from the moment the state holds (inclusive or exclusive); that is,
s's R-state holds at t [??] there is a time t' < t (or [less than or equal to] t) at which s holds
Thus, s's R-state continues to hold even if s itself no longer does. In this way 'Mary is sick' entails 'Mary has been sick,' but there is no entailment from 'Mary has been sick' to either 'Mary is sick' or its negation.
Parsons's analysis is clearly simplified and it leaves important questions unanswered, especially from a strictly compositional point of view. What remains unanswered, for example, is how the different R-states to which 'Mary has eaten apples' and 'Mary has eaten the apples' refer can be traced to the difference between the bare plural and the plural with the definite article definite article
A member of the class of determiners that restricts or particularizes a noun. In English, the is the definite article. . To answer this question, a much more refined analysis along the lines of Krifka (1998, and other related work) or Verkuyl (1993) is needed. For our present purposes, however, we may abstract from this problem. Parsons' analysis gives us all we need for explaining Kenny's test. For if we accept that the English perfect states that a resultant state as defined above holds at utterance time, we can clearly predict the entailments from Kenny's test.
We may now attempt an analysis of the Homeric perfect along the same lines. As a resultative, we expect it to occur mainly with telic VPs and this seems to be the case, as noted above. It is convenient to start our analysis with the motion verbs. Consider the following example (Iliad 21.80ff.; Gero and von Stechow 2002: 16):
(7) eos de moi estin hede [morning.sub.NOM.] and [I.sub.DAT.] [be.sub.PRES.3.SG.] this duodekate hot' es Ilion eileloutha [twelfth.sub.NOM.] that to [Troy.sub.ACC.] [go.sub.PRCT.1.SG.] 'This is for me the tweltfh morning that (5) I am in Troy.'
The relative sentence es Ilion eileloutha can plausibly be analyzed in the following way:
[??]e (elthein (e) [??] Agent (e, 1.sg.) [??] To (e, Ilion) [??] Hold (T(e), now)) 'There is an event e such that e is an event of going, and the speaker is the agent of e and Ilion is the goal of e and the T-state of e holds now (at utterance time).'
This is identical with Parsons' analysis of the English perfect, except that it uses the notion of target state instead of resultant state. This reflects an important difference between the truth-conditions of the Greek and the English perfect: in this particular case, as pointed out by Comrie (1976: 59), English can make a difference between 'I have gone to Troy' (resultative) and 'I have been to Troy' (experiential), but in general, as Carlota Smith (1997: 108) says: "if the situation involves change of state, the resultant state (i.e. Parsons' target state) need not obtain at reference time." So it seems that the main difference between the English and the Greek perfect is that the former involves a resultant state and the latter a target state.
Such an analysis is a bit too simple, since it ignores the fact that in Greek, the target state is open for adverbial ad·ver·bi·al
Of, relating to, or being an adverb.
An adverbial element or phrase.
ad·verbi·al·ly adv. modification. As ancient Greek clearly distinguishes between illatival, allatival, and locatival prepositional complements, we can find evidence of this in the use of the perfect with motion verbs. In the following example, the use of the dative dative (dā`tĭv) [Lat.,=giving], in Latin grammar, the case typically used to refer to an indirect object, i.e., a secondary recipient of an action. For example, him in I gave him a book is translated in Latin by a dative case. with the preposition preposition, in English, the part of speech embracing a small number of words used before nouns and pronouns to connect them to the preceding material, e.g., of, in, and about. amphi presupposes a locative locative (lŏk`ətĭv) [Lat.,=placing], in the grammar of certain languages (e.g., Sanskrit), the case referring to location. Nouns in this case are often translatable into English phrases beginning with at, in, or on. meaning for the preposition phrase:
(8) amph' autoi bebamen around [him.sub.DAT.SG.] [walked.sub.PFCT.1.PL.] 'We stand around him', that is, 'We have walked and now stand in positions around him.'
This can be analyzed as:
[??]e (walk (e) [??] Agent (e, 1.pl.) [??] Hold (T(e), now) [??] Around (T(e), him)
This is quite different from the English perfect where an adverb can only modify the event. 'We have walked around him' can only be interpreted as to mean that there was a walking event by us around him and that the resultant state of this event holds now. It clearly does not mean that there was a walking event by us and that the resultant state of this event holds around him. We will not go further into this difference; but what seems clear is that Parsons' R-state, whatever it really is, does not allow for adverbial modification, whereas T-states do. Of course, it is tempting to conclude from this that the semantics of the English perfect involves no state at all and that an extended now-analysis (henceforth: XN-analysis) should be preferred. On this analysis, "the perfect serves to locate an event within a period of time that began in the past and extends up to the present moment" (Dowty 1979: 341). For the early Greek perfect, however, the XN-analysis is excluded, since it involves no notion of state to which the prepositional phrase prepositional phrase
n. Abbr. PP
A phrase that consists of a preposition and its object and has adjectival or adverbial value, such as in the house in the people in the house or by him in in (8) could apply.
5. Target state in Greek
5.1. "Default aktionsart"
It is well known that in languages with no overt aspectual morphology, telic predicates tend to be understood perfectively per·fec·tive
1. Tending toward perfection.
2. Grammar Of, related to, or being the aspect that expresses the completion or the result of the action denoted by the verb.
1. and atelic predicates imperfectively. Consider the following German examples from Bohnemeyer and Swift (2001), where a formal analysis of the phenomenon in terms of a default aspect-operator is offered:
(9) Als ich Marys Buro betrat, schrieb sie an einem Brief. When I Mary's office entered wrote she at a letter. (10) Als ich Marys Buro betrat, schrieb sie einen Brief. When I Mary's office entered wrote she a letter.
In (9) one understands that the writing event was going on during the entering event, that is, the main clause is understood imperfectively. Such an interpretation is possible in (10) also. However, in (10), it is more natural to assume that the onset of the writing event coincided with the entering, that is, the main clause is understood perfectively. These interpretations can be shown to be no more than implicatures, but there is clearly a connection between telicity and aspect. This connection also holds in the opposite direction, in what may be labelled a "default aktionsart" phenomenon. This is true, for example, in Russian where aspect is morphologically marked, but where there are no articles, which means that some noun phrases can be ambiguous between count and mass interpretation. In such cases, the perfective aspect Noun 1. perfective aspect - the aspect of a verb that expresses a completed action
aspect - the beginning or duration or completion or repetition of the action of a verb selects for the interpretation of the object NP as count noun count noun
A noun for an object, such as chair, or for an idea, such as experience, that speakers of a language identify as referring to a single entity and that can form a plural or occur in a noun phrase construction with an :
(11) Ivan pil pivo Ivan [drink.sub.IMAF.PAST] [beer.sub.ACC.] (12) Ivan vypil pivo Ivan [drink.sub.PFV.PAST] [beer.sub.ACC.]
In (12), pivo is most naturally understood as a count noun (6) so that the predicate as a whole is telic, whereas both interpretations are possible in (11).
A similar phenomenon no doubt lies behind the Greek opposition between ebouleuon 'they deliberated' and ebouleusan 'they decided' as discussed above. As we concluded in that section, such a "coercion" effect applies to the perfect as well, and it clearly must be taken into account in an analysis of the target state to which it refers.
5.2. Target state from telic VPs
With telic VPs, adopting Dowty's (1979) decompositional analysis, it is easy to define the target state of a telic VP (BECOME [??]) as [??]. Adopting Dowty's semantics for BECOME [??] (Dowty 1979: 140ff.), we see at once that the target state of an event holds once the event has culminated. There is one further complication, however, namely that the Greek perfect expresses a state of the subject and thus cannot readily combine with externally caused change-of-state verbs (i.e. CAUSE BECOME verbs). For example, there is little evidence that the root *[g.sup.wh]en- 'kill'--although obviously telic--could form a perfect in Indo-European. But in Greek, there is a tendency to "build a conjugation conjugation, in genetics
conjugation, in genetics: see recombination.
conjugation, in grammar
conjugation: see inflection. " that will be discussed below. This means that in the end, all verbal roots are given a perfect. We find three strategies to form perfects from externally caused change-of-state verbs. We will discuss the two first here, and the third in connection with the perfect of activities.
First, the perfect can interact with the argument structure of the verb: the verb (ap-)ollumi is transitive and regularly means 'ruin, destroy.' Following McKoon and Macfarland (2000: 834), we can give its meaning as (([??]) CAUSE (BECOME (x (be ruined)))). The perfect olola, however, is intransitive and regularly means 'I have perished, I am dead, ruined, etc.' Note that there is no implication that the subject brought about its own ruin; we cannot assume that the meaning is (([??]) CAUSE (BECOME ([??] (be ruined)))).
The second strategy is essentially the same, but with added medio-passive morphology on the verb. It seems certain that the IE perfect did not have medio-passive forms, and they are still rare in Homer. However, examples can be found like outao 'wound' (([??]) CAUSE (BECOME (x (be wounded)))), which has a medial medial /me·di·al/ (me´de-il)
1. situated toward the median plane or midline of the body or a structure.
2. pertaining to the middle layer of structures.
adj. perfect outasmai 'I am wounded.' As noted, the effect is about the same, but in this case there is explicit medio-passive morphology on the verb.
These two phenomena are in many ways reminiscent of the anticausative alternation alternation /al·ter·na·tion/ (awl?ter-na´shun) the regular succession of two opposing or different events in turn.
alternation of generations metagenesis. , and can probably be analyzed in the same way (see, e.g., Saebo 2001 with references). We will not pursue the problem here, since it is not directly relevant for the analysis of Aristotle's test. We may safely assume that Aristotle did not intend his test to apply to cases where the perfect interacts with the argument structure, since an entailment like ou gar hama ollusi kai olole ('it is not true that at the same time a thing is destroying and is destroyed') is obviously and trivially false. We will therefore ignore this problem and keep to the simple assumption that the perfect of a telic VP BECOME [??] asserts that the target state [??] of this event holds.
5.3. Target state from stative VPs
This analysis can furthermore be directly extended to states, if we admit that the perfect of state-VPs first demands a perfective reading and then selects for the ingressive in·gres·sive
1. Of, relating to, or involving ingress.
2. Grammar Inchoative.
3. Linguistics Of or being a speech sound produced with an inhalation of breath. one. (7) This is essentially the analysis adapted above; oikeka, the perfect from oikeo 'live' affirms that the target state of a past event of settling (BECOME live at) holds at present. In this case, it is utterly implausible im·plau·si·ble
Difficult to believe; not plausible.
im·plausi·bil that the perfect should have an intensive force. In other cases too, where such an interpretation is a priori possible (as with getheo 'be happy'), no such difference can be safely read out of the texts. The category "intensive perfect" seems to be a creation of philologists startled star·tle
v. star·tled, star·tling, star·tles
1. To cause to make a quick involuntary movement or start.
2. To alarm, frighten, or surprise suddenly. See Synonyms at frighten. by the apparent synonymy syn·on·y·my
n. pl. syn·on·y·mies
1. The quality of being synonymous; equivalence of meaning.
2. Study and classification of synonyms.
3. A list, book, or system of synonyms.
4. of the perfect and the present in such cases. The "intensive perfect" analysis is also problematic on diachronic di·a·chron·ic
Of or concerned with phenomena as they change through time. grounds, as Gero and von Stechow (2002)--themselves partisans of such an analysis--admit: "one wonders by which historical coincidence two very different meanings, intensity and resultativity, were associated to the same morphology."
5.4. Target state from activity VPs
At first, we should note that the so-called "intensive perfect" is not limited to stative VPs; examples can also be found from dynamic VPs. This is particularly common with noise-verbs, such as kekraga 'I shout,' which is very hard to distinguish from the present krazo. These can probably be analyzed along the same lines as the corresponding stative VPs.
In principle, events that fall under activity VPs do not give rise to a target state in any obvious way, and more often than not, they do not have perfect forms at all in Homer. There is one notable exception, namely the motion verbs. We have already seen that such verbs can appear in the perfect with a locatival prepositional phrase. Moreover, such perfects can appear without ANY prepositional phrase, but they still imply a preceding, CULMINATED--and not terminated--motion event. Consider the following example (Iliad 15.90):
(13) Here, tipte bebekas; [Hera.sub.VOC] why [walk.sub.PFCT.2.SG].
Translators give 'Hera, why are you here?' or 'Hera, why have you come?' and this is obviously the right translation: tipte bebekas cannot mean 'Why have you been walking?' We clearly have a case of "default aktionsart." Default aspect, as discussed briefly above, is an implicature that may be cancelled by other factors; it would be interesting to know whether this is so for default aktionsart too. However, the materials allow for no such interpretation--there seem to be no cases of the perfect from a motion verb referring to the target state of a past event which did not culminate. (8) Indeed such an event would not at all give rise to a target state, but only a resultant state. While, as we will see, there are indeed Greek perfects referring to something like a resultant state, this never seems to happen with motion verbs, where it was too easy to impose a telic reading.
With other activity verbs, however, a telic reading could not so easily be imposed, and such perfects are exceedingly rare in Homer. There are, however, a couple of interesting examples: dakruo 'to cry' and kamno 'to work' do form perfects in Homer, and these have the meanings 'to be tear-stained' and 'to be tired.' These examples are interesting because they are exactly paralleled in other languages: Nedjalkov (1988: 35f.) cites Nivkh and Evenki resultatives from the verb 'to cry' with the meaning 'to be tear-stained,' and from Hausa, a resultative from the verb 'to work' which means 'to be tired from work.' It seems that when a state occurs frequently enough as a consequence of some action described by an atelic predicate, this state can be expressed through what Nedjalkov labels a quasi-resultative. We will see more Greek examples when we turn to the post-Homeric period.
6. The post-homeric development
The development of the verbal system from Homer and down to classical times has been described by Chantraine as one of "building a conjugation," and the term seems appropriate. Greek had inherited from Indo-European a system with quite independent verbal stems, in many cases formed from different roots. A mere glimpse at the Lexikon der Indo-germanischen Verben (Rix 2001) gives an impression of the extent of suppletivism and the independence of the aspect stems in Indo-European. But within the history of the Greek language, the verbal system tends to evolve into a system where verbs are lexical unities that can be conjugated conjugated
estrogens, conjugated Warning - Hazardous drug!
C.E.S. through the different categories. We will now look at the consequences this has for the meaning of the perfect.
The first and obvious conclusion to draw is that when all verbs are given a perfect, the so-called quasi-resultatives multiply. We have already seen that such quasi-resultatives denote states which are hard to formalize. In fact, they often seem to come close to Parsons' resultant state. We will consider a few such examples where the Greek perfect seems to take on a meaning quite close to the English perfect. In fact, such a development from a strict resultative to a perfect like the English one seems to be quite a common feature in the semantic evolution of languages. In Greek, with its extraordinary diachronic depth, we can observe this evolution as it proceeds, and this gives us a unique opportunity to see how such a change comes about.
After the study of the examples which seemingly must be analyzed in terms of Parsons' resultant state, we will point to some oft-quoted difficulties with this notion, leading up to a discussion of Gero and von Stechow's analysis of the classical Greek perfect within an XN-approach. We will argue that the similarity of the resultant state analysis and the XN-theory in the case of atelic and stative predications constitutes exactly the link which makes the semantic transition from resultative to perfect possible.
6.1. The perfect with atelic VPs
We have already seen some such cases in the Homeric perfects kekmeka and dedakrumai. These perfects clearly denote states, although these states are idiosyncratically derived and not always predictable from the meaning of the base verb. Such verbs can still be found in classical Greek. Consider first the verb tikto 'to beget be·get
tr.v. be·got , be·got·ten or be·got, be·get·ting, be·gets
1. To father; sire.
2. To cause to exist or occur; produce: Violence begets more violence. .' In the present and the aorist, this verb is of course transitive, taking the child as an object. The perfect tetoka, however, is intransitive and carries the meaning 'be a mother' or 'be in the puerperal puerperal /pu·er·per·al/ (-al) pertaining to a puerpera or to the puerperium.
adj. state,' as in the following example from Xenophon (Cyn. 5.13):
(14) ta men tetoke, ta de tiktei, ta de either [beget.sub.PFCT.3.SG.] or [beget.sub.PRES.3.SG.] or kuei be-[pregnant.sub.PRES.3.SG.] '(The hare is so prolific, that) she is either in the puerperal state or giving birth or pregnant.'
Although, linguistically speaking, being in the puerperal state is not a result of begetting, world knowledge tells us that this is the way things normally are, and this is enough to justify a quasi-resultative. It is hard to generalize generalize /gen·er·al·ize/ (-iz)
1. to spread throughout the body, as when local disease becomes systemic.
2. to form a general principle; to reason inductively. on (not to mention formalize) the semantic derivation derivation, in grammar: see inflection. of such states; they must be specified in the lexicon. However, some generalizations are possible. Quite often, for example, they refer to the realm of responsibility. A particularly nice example (Sophocles, Antigone 442f.) is analyzed by Rijksbaron (1994: 35):
(15) phes e katarnei me [admit.sub.2.SG.PRES.] or [deny.sub.2.SG.PRES.] (not) dedrakenai tade? [do.sub.INF.PFCT.] [this.sub.ACC.PL.] kai phemi drasai kouk and [admit.sub.1.SG.PRES.] [do.sub.INF.AOR.] and not aparnoumai to me. [deny.sub.1.SG.PRES.] (not)
Creon asks Antigone phes e katarnei me dedrakenai tade with drao 'to do' in the perfect: 'do you admit or do you deny that you are responsible for these actions?' Antigone aptly answers in the affirmative, but with the verb in the aorist: she admits to having done what Creon says, but implicitly, by using the aorist and not the perfect, she denies any consequent state of guilt.
(14) quite clearly involves reference to a state which goes beyond a mere current relevance or a participant property. In (15), this is already less clear, although the opposition between the perfect and the aorist does seem to involve more than current relevance. There are, however, cases where the perfect refers to no more than Parsons' resultant state. Many such examples are discussed in Gero and von Stechow (2002), from whom we cite the following (Plato Apology 17c):
(16) di' honper eiotha legein kai en agorai epi ton trapezon, (the words) by which I am accustomed to speak also in the market at the banker's tables hina humon polloi akekoasi where [you.sub.GEN.PL.] [many.sub.NOM.PL.] [hear.sub.PFCT.3.PL.]
The last relative clause must be translated "where many of you have heard me," and this seems to come quite close to the English experiential perfect, which can be analyzed in terms of Parsons' resultant state or within an XN-approach. We will return to the question as to which of these should be preferred, but first we will have a look at the use of the perfect with telic VPs. It seems that the difficulty of constructing any reasonable target state for many atelic VPs, combined with the general tendency to build a conjugation and conjugate conjugate /con·ju·gate/ (kon´jdbobr-gat)
1. paired, or equally coupled; working in unison.
2. a conjugate diameter of the pelvic inlet; used alone usually to denote the true conjugate diameter; see all verbs through all tenses, led to the perfect of atelic verbs referring to resultant states. But for telic VPs, there is in general no problem in defining a target state, and this made it possible for the perfect to retain its old resultative force in such cases, as we shall see.
6.2. The perfect with telic VPs
Telicity in this connection must be somewhat delimited de·lim·it also de·lim·i·tate
tr.v. de·lim·it·ed also de·lim·i·tat·ed, de·lim·it·ing also de·lim·i·tat·ing, de·lim·its also de·lim·i·tates
To establish the limits or boundaries of; demarcate. , since the Greek perfect orginally could only denote a state of the subject. It is controversial whether this is still so in classical Greek; Wackernagel (1904) and Chantraine (1927: 122) claimed to have found object resultatives already in Pindar (fifth century BC), whereas McKay (1965, 1980) and Ringe (1984) have doubted this and claim that the first examples appear much later, in the Christian era Christian era
The period beginning with the birth of Jesus.
the period beginning with the year of Christ's birth
Noun 1. . The nuances involved are so fine that we shall probably never get an exact answer. Consider the following example from Thucydides (5.26.1):
(17) gegraphe de kai tauta [write.sub.PFCT.3.SG.] and [this.sub.ACC.PL.N.] ho autos Thoukudides Athenaios the-same-Thucydides-[Athenian.sub.NOM.SG.]
It is hard to know whether the perfect here expresses the state of this being written (object resultative) or the state of Thucydides being the author of this (subject quasi-resultative), although the highly marked sentence-final position of the subject speaks for the last analysis, which implies that the predicate is treated as atelic (since it does not give rise to a state of the subject) and thus given a quasi-resultative interpretation: writing something is often followed by the state of being an author. We will not pursue this problem further, but rather concentrate on those telic predicates that clearly give rise to a state of the subject.
That the perfect in such cases still in classical times refers to a resultant state and not a target state is shown quite clearly by the verb baino. Consider the following example from Euripides (Heraclidae 62, similarly Sophocles, Oed. Col. 52):
(18) gai' en hei bebekamen [land.sub.NOM.] in [which.sub.DAT.SG.] [walked.sub.PFCT.1.PL.]
The use of the dative with the preposition en implies a locatival force without any implication of motion. If we translate word for word, we get the English sentence 'the land in which we have walked,' which is naturally understood as an experiential perfect of an activity VP. This is, however, not the right meaning, as the context makes clear. The intended meaning is clearly 'the land (to which we have come and) in which we now are.' This means that there must be some state present which can be modified by the prepositional phrase. We have already seen that this does not happen with resultant states. It also seems clear that the truth conditions of such perfects as bebeka do indeed demand that the subject is still at the location towards which the preceding walking event was directed. Only in this way can we explain how it happened that bebeka, by losing its implication of a preceding event, came to approach the copula copula /cop·u·la/ (kop´u-lah)
1. any connecting part or structure.
2. a median ventral elevation on the embryonic tongue formed by union of the second pharyngeal arches and playing a role in tongue development. in meaning (see Liddell and Scott 1996: baino A.I.2).
Further confirmation that the Greek perfect, even in classical times, cannot be analyzed within a simple resultant state-approach comes from the fact that "default aktionsart" phenomena are still alive in classical Greek, as illustrated by examples (3) and (4) above, and also by (18), where there is no illatival prepositional phrase (although it could arguably ar·gu·a·ble
1. Open to argument: an arguable question, still unresolved.
2. That can be argued plausibly; defensible in argument: three arguable points of law. be supplied from the locatival phrase). It is furthermore clear that with telic VPs, it belongs to the truth conditions of the Greek perfect that the target state holds at present, whereas this is merely an implicature with the English perfect. We have already seen this with motion verbs, but it also holds for other telic VPs. For example, on hearing 'the patient has woken up,' we naturally infer that the patient is awake, but this implicature can be cancelled, for example, 'the patient has woken up occasionally, but always slips back into a coma.' In classical Greek, however, as far as one can judge, the perfect egregora from egeiromai 'wake up' simply means 'is awake'--that the target state holds at present is no mere implicature, as an XN-analysis would predict.
In claiming that the XN-analysis can be applied to the classical Greek perfect, Gero and von Stechow seem not to have realized that their examples are mostly from atelic verbs, whereas the examples they give for the resultative meaning are from telic verbs. The only possible example they produce for a telic VP in an XN-use is the following:
(19) ei tis emoi kai Eratosthenei ekhthra popote if some [I.sub.DAT.]-and-[Eratosthenes.sub.DAT.] enmity ever gegenetai [arise.sub.PFCT.3.SG.]
which they translate "(ask yourselves) if any enmity ever arose between me and Eratosthenes (beside this one)." It is probably the adverb popote 'ever' which led them to render gegenetai by a simple past 'arose.' While it is true that this adverb is unusual with the perfect, we have already seen that the perfect does allow for event-modifying adverbs; we might thus translate 'ever arose and now exists,' maintaining a strict target-state analysis.
6.3. The diachronics of the Greek perfect from Homer to classical times
The picture I would like to suggest is the following: in Homer, the perfect always referred to a target state. This target state could in most cases be derived directly from the semantics of the base verb (in resultatives from telic VPs); in other cases, the connection with the base verb was looser (as in the quasi-resultatives). However, as the perfect category expanded to be used with almost all verbs, it came to denote a resultant state with atelic verbs, although its use with telic verbs still denoted a target state. At this point, it may seem that the perfect has no unitary semantics, as it denotes a target state with telic verbs and a resultant state with atelic verbs. However, it seems possible to unify these two by exploiting the notion of event realization (see Bohnemeyer and Swift 2001):
An event e denoted by a predicate P is realized at an interval t if and only if there is a subevent e' of e that falls under the predicate P and whose runtime is included in t. In other words, events that fall under atelic predicates are realized as soon as they have begun, as long as the interval considered is large enough to for the event to count as an instance of the predicate: some strokes of the pen are enough to realize an event failing under the predicate 'write.' Events that fall under telic predicates, however, are only realized when they have culminated: a letter must be finished for the event denoted by 'write a letter' to be realized.
We could claim, then, that the perfect of a predicate P at this point refers to the state resulting from the event denoted by P (in the perfective aspect) being realized. As we shall see, this is a bit vague concerning atelic predicates, since no such state can be clearly defined, but this vagueness was probably exactly what triggered the further semantic evolution. Perfects from stative VPs are ambiguous just as their aorists are. A perfect based on the ingressive reading of the perfective aspect will be something like the old 'intensive perfect' (and these are rare in classical times), whereas perfects based on the complexive reading (see note 7) will have semantics very close to the English perfect with states. The ambiguity here lies in the aorist: ebasileuse can mean 'became king' and 'was king' (for a certain period), and the corresponding perfect (which in this case only appears late) could be based on either of these readings. However, the ambiguity seems to be lexically resolved: for example, sesigeka (from sigao 'to keep silent') means 'the event of my falling silent was realized in the past and the result still holds,' whereas akekoa (from akouo 'to hear') means 'my hearing was realized in the past and the resultant state still obtains.'
As one can see from the last example, it is quite unclear what state a perfect from an atelic predicate refers to. This has often been pointed out as a difficulty in discussions of resultant state theories of the English perfect: it seems difficult to pick out the right state. For telic predicates there is one especially salient state, since all events that fall under such predicates are bordered at the right by a state, the target state. Even in English, where the perfect does not explicitly denote the target state, the present existence of this state is often an implicature, as we have seen. For atelic predicates, there is no easy way to identify a resultant state: we have cited Parsons' definition above and used it throughout this article, but it is clear that with such a broad notion of resultant state, we come dangerously close to an indefinite past theory, which means that we cannot explain the unacceptability of the following sentence (Portner 2000: 12):
(20) *Gutenberg has discovered the art of printing.
And if we, following Carlota Smith, identify the resultant state with the participant property, it seems hard to account for:
(21) Frege has contributed a lot to my thinking. (Portner 2000: 13)
We will not discuss these problems further, but simply note that the difficulties of indentifying the right resultant state have led many linguists to reject the resultant state approach in favor of an XN-analysis. It is clear, however, that both approaches yield about the same truth conditions for the English perfect. This is easily seen in discussions of the relative merits of such theories, which always focus on theoretical simplicity and predictions for rather strained cases. This is by no means unjustified, but it does show that both theories make the same empirical predictions about the core meaning of the perfect. Analogously, the "state of event realized" analysis presented here gives at least approximately the same truth conditions as the XN-analysis FOR ATELIC PREDICATES, whereas they differ significantly for telic predicates.
If we now assume that Greek speakers of the classical period interpreted the perfect as denoting the state resulting from an event being realized, we may conjecture CONJECTURE. Conjectures are ideas or notions founded on probabilities without any demonstration of their truth. Mascardus has defined conjecture: "rationable vestigium latentis veritatis, unde nascitur opinio sapientis;" or a slight degree of credence arising from evidence too weak or too that the vagueness of resultant states from events falling under atelic predicates caused a new XN-interpretation to evolve in this domain, where the truth conditions remained unaffected. In the same way, the perfect with state verbs based on the complexive use of the aorist (as akekoa above) can be analyzed in an XN-interpretation. Both of these changes can be understood as cases of Andersen's (1973) abductive change: the speaker abduces a new grammar which yields the same output. However, when this semantic interpretation This is an important component in dialog systems. It is related to natural language understanding, but mostly its refers to the last stage of understanding. The goal of interpretation is binding the user utterance to concept, or something the system can understand. , by deductive de·duc·tive
1. Of or based on deduction.
2. Involving or using deduction in reasoning.
de·duc innovation, was transferred to telic VPs, the truth conditions changed radically and the Greek perfect became a real perfect and no longer a resultative. This was clearly the case in post-classical Greek, and it is possibly underway in classical times, if Gero and von Stechow's interpretation of (19) is correct. Later, and outside the scope of this article (but see Gero and von Stechow 2002), the perfect fell together with the aorist, as also happened with the French passe pas·sé
1. No longer current or in fashion; out-of-date.
2. Past the prime; faded or aged.
[French, past participle of passer, to pass, from Old French; see compose. In this way, a combination of the resultant state theory and the XN-theory allows us to explain the typologically very common evolution of resultatives into perfects. This evolution runs counter to the principle of "strengthening of implicatures" that is often observed in semantic evolution, since in the use with telic VPs, the present existence of the target state is weakened from a truth condition to an implicature. The driving force behind this evolution seems to be the desire to avoid lexical restriction of a grammatical morpheme morpheme: see grammar.
In linguistics, the smallest grammatical unit of speech. It may be an entire word (cat) or an element of a word (re- and -ed in reappeared). .
7. Aristotle once again
Let us now return to Aristotle's test: it is clear that accomplishments and achievements pass his kinesis-test. For the perfect of such a VP to be true, the event must have been realized in the past, and for events which fall under telic predicates, this means that they must have culminated. In this case, the present tense VP is no longer true. So, telic situation types clearly belong to the category of kineseis, and this also seems to be the common opinion of scholars.
States are also no problem; we have seen that the perfect of state verbs in early Greek is often identical with the meaning of the present; thus the entailments of Aristotle's energeia-test clearly go through. In classical Greek, there is possibly a tendency to form experiential perfects (i.e. perfects based on the complexive use of the perfective aspect), but this does not affect the entailments. Once the present tense state VP can be affirmed, the state must also have held in the past.
However, it seems that activities have much as unsure a place within the Aristotelian classification as within a modern ontology ontology: see metaphysics.
Theory of being as such. It was originally called “first philosophy” by Aristotle. In the 18th century Christian Wolff contrasted ontology, or general metaphysics, with special metaphysical theories of states and events (see, e.g., Smith 1999), a problem that we will return to. Nevertheless, a more complete understanding of the semantics of the Greek perfect enables us to understand his test better. It is quite clear that Aristotle, in many cases, views what WE would classify as an activity-VP as an incomplete description of an accomplishment. It is obvious that baino eis Athenas excludes bebeka eis Athenas, because if I am walking to Athens, I have not yet reached the state of having walked to Athens and being there. But we can also see why baino precludes bebeka, even when there is no goal expressed, because--by the phenomenon of default aktionsart --the perfect imposes a telic reading by supplying such a goal. bebeka, as opposed to the English perfect of the verb 'to walk' simply cannot mean 'I have done a bit of walking'--one has to understand a goal, as in our Iliad example (13). Such an implication of a goal must also lie behind the classical use of bebeka as almost a copula. Default aktionsart also applies to verbs like 'to thin' (iskhnaino) and 'to learn' (manthano). To be telic, such verbs must presuppose a telos in the form of a definite state of thinness and something being learned, respectively.
But are we not then faced with the difficulty noted by Ackrill, namely that we do not know where we should supply such complements and where we should not? No, because it is not we who are supplying the complement, the telic reading is imposed by the use of the perfect with such activities. With states, however, the situation is different, because they cannot be made telic by supplying an object. Indeed a verbal object does not limit a state in the way that it limits events. Obviously, the object of my seeing does not limit my seeing in the same way that the object of my walking limits my walking. As Aristotle himself says, in the Nicomachean Ethics, 1174b 5-6, the whither whith·er
To what place, result, or condition: Whither are we wandering?
1. To which specified place or position: and whence--the termini --constitute the form of kineseis, whereas enjoying and other energeiai seems to be complete at any moment. In interpreting Aristotle's test, nothing is to be supplied BY US; the use of the perfect by itself supplies what there is, so there are indeed no presupposed objects or other complements to be supplied in Aristotle's text.
Following this principle, it is clear that we must interpret hedesthai, claimed by Aristotle to be an energeia, as a state which cannot be limited by an object. Ackrill may be right to argue that while we are enjoying the symphony, we cannot yet be said to have enjoyed it, but this depends on viewing the English verb 'enjoying' as an activity, and is no objection to Aristotle's test. If we conceive of Verb 1. conceive of - form a mental image of something that is not present or that is not the case; "Can you conceive of him as the president?"
envisage, ideate, imagine hedesthai qua energeia as an activity, this would make Aristotle's test fail; but we make a presupposition pre·sup·pose
tr.v. pre·sup·posed, pre·sup·pos·ing, pre·sup·pos·es
1. To believe or suppose in advance.
2. To require or involve necessarily as an antecedent condition. See Synonyms at presume. which is not necessary, and it is clearly preferable to have an interpretation which makes Aristotle's grammatical test a viable one. If we take the semantics of the Greek perfect into account, it is possible--without unnecessary presuppositions--to interpret the test as a grammatically correct one, bringing out interesting properties of the Greek perfect.
Is the test also ontologically correct? Strictly speaking Adv. 1. strictly speaking - in actual fact; "properly speaking, they are not husband and wife"
properly speaking, to be precise , it is not. There are indeed some activities which would pass Aristotle's energeia-tests, namely those that cannot easily be given a telic interpretation, that is, such inergatives as 'scream,' 'cry,' etc. The unsure position of activities in Aristotle's taxonomy and the fact that it cuts through what we see as a homogenous class 'activities' seem to derive from a supposition which is also commonly found in modern literature on aspect and aktionsart, namely that differences brought out by linguistic tests necessarily define ontological categories. This is clearly a presupposition of Aristotle's, and the corresponding view that the Vendler classes are ontological categories which divide events into mutually exclusive Adj. 1. mutually exclusive - unable to be both true at the same time
incompatible - not compatible; "incompatible personalities"; "incompatible colors" classes is found in modern semantics (see, e.g., Mourelatos 1978; Bach 1986 and Smith 1999--generally all talk of "telic events" presupposes such a view). But this seems to be contradicted by the fact that the telic predicate 'Mary walked to school' and the atelic predicate 'Mary walked' can be made true by one and the same event (a manner of speaking that clearly presupposes that we have sufficiently clear identity conditions for events). The natural boundedness criterion, which is often invoked in making the distinction between activities and accomplishments/achievements clear, is also hard to apply to an ontological distinction. In contrasting the predicates 'write a letter' and 'play soccer,' we easily see that the first includes a bound which is not present in the second. This is not at all clear when we consider the corresponding events. It is hard to see that the finished letter is a natural (as opposed to arbitrary) endpoint to my writing, since I can finish it whenever I like by adding a polite formula and sign. And if the ontological distinction between arbitrary end and natural endpoint cannot be made good, the distinction between activities and accomplishments also cannot be upheld in the ontology, since there is, quite trivially, an end to every event. (9)
This also poses problems for the notion of culmination as a two-place predicate of events and times (as in, e.g., Parsons 1990); if I have eaten an apple, then an event has culminated, namely the event of my eating an apple. But, along the way, a lot of other events have culminated, for example, the event of my eating half an apple. Eating an apple seems to have no more (and no less) a natural endpoint than eating half an apple or eating two apples. From this, we must conclude that culmination is a three-place predicate of events, telic VPs, and times--or we may dispose of culmination altogether and adopt the notion of event realization, which amounts to the same for events that fall under telic predicates but is also defined for events that fall under atelic predicates, which are realized on any subinterval down to intervals sufficiently large In mathematics, the phrase sufficiently large is used in contexts such as:
But whereas events cannot be further subdivided in the ontology, there is obviously an ontological distinction between events and states, whether the latter are taken as individuals or as properties of times. And, although Aristotle's test does not strictly speaking bring out this distinction, it is still possible that he had the distinction between states and events in mind. It is notable that all stative verbs pass his energeia-test; he may have conceived of the kinesis-test as an ancillary test that would not necessarily apply to all kineseis. As Graham (1980) argues, all of Aristotle's examples of energeiai should be interpreted as stative verbs. It is no less clear that all the examples of kineseis are verbs which--at least in their perfective aspect--are telic predicates. The fact that Aristotle does not at all mention such verbs as dakruo 'cry,' kamno 'work,' or other dynamic predicates which would pass his energeia-test might suggest a genuine hesitation as to where they should belong in his ontology. On the other hand, he must have been sure that 'living' should be included among the energeiai, since he probably made up the form ezeke in order to make zo 'to live' pass his energeia-test.
There is another point which suggests that Aristotle is really after the event/state distinction. In the section of the Nicomachean Ethics (1173-1174) on pleasure, (10) Aristotle tells us that pleasure is not a kinesis since it cannot be said to be quick or slow. Interestingly, he exploits the ingressive aorist in exposing this difference: "we can get pleased (hesthenai, aorist infinitive infinitive: see mood; tense. ) quickly like we get angry, but we cannot be pleased (hedesthai, present infinitive) quickly." (1173a, lines 34-35) If this incompatibility The inability of a Husband and Wife to cohabit in a marital relationship.
incompatibility n. the state of a marriage in which the spouses no longer have the mutual desire to live together and/or stay married, and is thus a ground for divorce with such adverbs is thought of as a criterion for energeia, it suggests states rather than activities: kamno 'to work' could probably combine with such adverbs. Thus, if we are correct in thinking that Aristotle's kinesis/energeia-distinction corresponds to the modern distinction between state and event--even though this is not clearly brought out by his grammatical test--we must conclude that Aristotle discovered a distinction which is still among the most important ones in modern semantics.
(1.) This paper originated as one of my trial lectures for the doctor artium degree at the University of Oslo The University of Oslo (Norwegian: Universitetet i Oslo, Latin: Universitas Osloensis) was founded in 1811 as Universitas Regia Fredericiana (the Royal Frederick University , and was finished during my stay at the Sprachwissenschaftliches Seminar, Universitat Freiburg, as a research fellow of the Alexander von Humboldt foundation The Alexander von Humboldt Foundation (in German Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung) is a foundation of the German government for the promotion of international cooperation in the field of scientific research. See also
(2.) The German term "aktionsarten" is kept here (though without capitalization), since no universally accepted English equivalent exists. The term seems to have been coined by Karl Brugmann Karl Brugmann (1849-1919) was a German linguist. He is a towering figure in Indo-European linguistics.
During most of his professional life (1887-1919), Brugmann was professor of Sanskrit and comparative linguistics at the University of Leipzig. (1885) in his Greek grammar Greek grammar is treated under:
(3.) In the transcriptions, I ignore accents, since they are not imporant here. The digrams kh, th, ph stand for unvoiced, aspirated stops that are noted by single letters of the Greek alphabet Greek alphabet
Writing system developed in Greece c. 1000 BC, the direct or indirect ancestor of all modern European alphabets. Derived from the North Semitic alphabet via that of the Phoenicians, it modified an all-consonant alphabet to represent vowels. . Accord to tradition, vowel length In linguistics, vowel length is the perceived duration of a vowel sound. Often the chroneme, or the "longness", acts like a consonant, and may etymologically be one such as in Australian English. is marked with makron, and not, as in the IPA IPA - International Phonetic Alphabet system, with [??]. I transcribe vowel length only when it is indicated in the Greek alphabet, that is, only by e and o, and when a subscribed iota follows.
(4.) As has been pointed out in the literature on Kenny's test (e.g. Parsons 1990: 37ff.), the test is only valid if we understand that both verbs refer to the same event, in this case a curing-event.
(5.) It is important to realize that hote does not mean 'since' but is a relative adverb of time.
(6.) However, as the editor points out, a mass noun mass noun
A noun, such as sand, oil, or honesty, that denotes a substance or concept indivisible into countable units and is preceded in English indefinite constructions by modifiers such as some or much rather than interpretation can still be forced in perfective sentences by means of the partitive par·ti·tive
1. Dividing or serving to divide something into parts; marked by division.
2. Grammar Indicating a part as distinct from a whole, as some of the coffee in the sentence genitive genitive (jĕn`ĭtĭv) [Lat.,=genetic], in Latin grammar, the case typically used to refer to a possessor. The term is used in the grammar of other languages, but the phenomenon referred to may not closely resemble a Latin genitive; thus a . Thus, Ivan [vypil.sub.PFV PFV Private Family Visit (Canadian penal system)
PFV Prototypic Foamy Virus
PFV Personal Flying Vehicle
PFV Printer Friendly Version .PAST] [piva.sub.GEN.] would mean 'Ivan drank (some) beer (at one occasion).' It is arguable ar·gu·a·ble
1. Open to argument: an arguable question, still unresolved.
2. That can be argued plausibly; defensible in argument: three arguable points of law. whether this sentence should be considered telic.
(7.) Note that the Greek aorist can have two readings with states: ebasileuse (the aorist from basileuo 'to be king') can have the meanings 'became king' (ingressive) and 'was king' (traditionally called 'complexive use'). In Homer, perfects from such verbs are always based on the ingressive reading, whereas in classical times they are often based on the complexive use.
(8.) Perfects of motion verbs with allatival prepositional phrases are instructive in this regard: consider Iliad 6.495 oikonde bebekei (homewards home·ward
adv. & adj.
Toward or at home.
Adv. 1. [walk.sub.3.SC.PLUPFCT.]) which means 'she was walking homewards.' It seems that the allatival oikonde (as opposed to an illatival eis oikon 'to the house') excludes an endterminative reading. Instead, we get an ingressive reading 'BECOME be walking homewards.' It is interesting that some translators (e.g. the Norwegian Eirik Vandvik Eirik Vandvik (1904-1953) was professor in literature at the university of Oslo. Professor Vandvik was one of the major interpreters of the ancient Greek and Latin literature, and saw it as his purpose to make these works available to Norwegian literati. ) have seen a reference to the beginning of the event in this passage.
(9.) This is a most intricate problem for semantics, as can be seen from the treatment in Krifka (1998: 207), where initial and final parts of an event e are defined so that e' is an initial part of e if it is not preceded by any part of e, and similarly for final parts. This clearly (and in my opinion correctly) does not distinguish natural and arbitrary limits. Telicity is then defined as the property of an event predicate X that applies to events e such that all parts of e that fall under X are initial and final parts of e. This is the mereological heterogeneity criterion for telicity: telic predicates are heterogenous (spelling) heterogenous - It's spelled heterogeneous. on every interval that does not contain the initial and final part of the event. However, this criterion is too strict, as can be seen from the following example: I build a house, thereby completing an event e' of building a house. However, my wife, refuses to move in before I have built a balcony and I immediately go on to fulfill her wishes, thereby completing an event e of building a house. In any natural interpretation, e' is a subevent of e, and they both fall under the predicate 'build a house,' but e' is not a final part of e. Thus, 'build a house' does not fulfill the telicity criterion of Krika, which it should. This might lead us to reject the heterogeneity criterion for telic predicates, and instead adopt a homogeneity Homogeneity
The degree to which items are similar. criterion for atelic predicates, but, as is well known (Dowry dowry (dou`rē), the property that a woman brings to her husband at the time of the marriage. The dowry apparently originated in the giving of a marriage gift by the family of the bridegroom to the bride and the bestowal of money upon the bride by 1979: 163ff.), atelic predicates are also not homogenous at smaller intervals. Thus, since not all atelic predicates are totally homogenous and not all telic predicates totally heterogenous, we are (from the mereological view) forced to conclude that (a)telicity is not a binary feature, but rather a scale. That this can be relevant for linguistics is shown by the following examples from Smollett (2002). On a scalar scalar, quantity or number possessing only sign and magnitude, e.g., the real numbers (see number), in contrast to vectors and tensors; scalars obey the rules of elementary algebra. Many physical quantities have scalar values, e.g. interpretation of telicity, it is clear that 'build a lego tower' is less telic than 'build a house' since a lego tower has no set end point, it can be added to indefinitely and the result is still a lego tower, at least from the point where it has reached the height necessary to qualify as a lego tower. And indeed, Smollett claims that 'Thomas built a lego tower for three hours' is fine for her. She also claims that 'Kathleen ate an apple for a couple of minutes while talking on the phone' is fine. We might just speculate that an apple has a less clear end point than other things, since most people do not eat the kernel. In the same way, 'bake the cake' (as discussed by Zucchi 1998) has an unclear end point, which accounts for the acceptability of 'John baked the cake for an hour.' Clearly, a telicity hierarchy should be defined and the theory further developed for such cases; see Zucchi (1998) for an attempt involving precision states.
(10.) Note that in the following, I translate hedesthai as 'be pleased' and not as earlier as 'enjoy,' in order to make clear the state connotations that I think are there.
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The first edition appeared in 1998, edited by Helmut Rix. , 2nd ed. Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag.
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literary composition, literary work - imaginative or creative writing .
Saebo, Kjell Johan (2001). An analysis of the anticausative alternation. http://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/WE3ZDA0Y/
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1. To limit the possible values of (a magnitude or quantity) to a discrete set of values by quantum mechanical rules.
2. direct objects don't delimit de·lim·it also de·lim·i·tate
tr.v. de·lim·it·ed also de·lim·i·tat·ed, de·lim·it·ing also de·lim·i·tat·ing, de·lim·its also de·lim·i·tates
To establish the limits or boundaries of; demarcate. after all. Poster presented at the Perspectives On Aspect conference, Utrecht 2001. http://www-uilots.let.uu.nl/ conferences/Perspectives_on_Aspect/Proceedings/smollett.pdf
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Wackernagel, Jakob (1904). Studien zum griechischen Perfektum. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Gottingen University.
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Received 2 July 2002
Revised version Revised Version
A British and American revision of the King James Version of the Bible, completed in 1885.
6 January 2003
University of Oslo