Approach or avoidance? The role of nonverbal communication in the academic library user's decision to initiate a reference encounter.

INTRODUCTION

This study investigates a crucial aspect of the reference desk encounter--the user's decision to approach or not to approach the librarian and engage in interaction. The decision to initiate is a unique communication aspect which differentiates librarian-user interactions from other professional-client interactions such as doctor-patient or lawyer-client. Initiation in such cases is a highly structured and rule-governed procedure that is controlled by the professional, usually through the mediation of a secretary or receptionist.

In the case of most reference interactions, the librarian sits or stands behind a desk in full view of the users in the reference area. The librarian is available for users to approach at their discretion, rather than at the librarian's convenience. One might assume, therefore, that initiating an interaction with a librarian would be relatively easy. There is no need to schedule an appointment and possibly wait in a crowded office as one might expect in seeing a doctor. Yet, research in the library literature suggests that approaching a librarian is reported to be difficult (Larason & Robinson, 1984; Swope & Katzer, 1972), often done as a "last resort" (Gothberg, 1977, p. 2), and perceived, at times, as unsatisfactory (Murfin & Gugelchuk, 1987; Radford, 1993, 1998; Taylor,1968). What determines a user's decision to undertake an interaction with a reference librarian?

Library users have two related types of information about librarians as they contemplate initiating an interaction: (1) an impression of the librarian presently attending the reference desk informed by their appearance and nonverbal behavior; and (2) previous experience with and/or opinions of librarians. Any decision to approach and initiate interaction with the librarian is a function of both types of information.

This study investigates the role of nonverbal communication in the user's decision to initiate and endeavors to identify specific behaviors by the librarian that are related to this decision. Nonverbal communication is defined here as "all the messages other than words that people exchange" (DeVito & Hecht, 1990, p. 4). Nonverbal communication behaviors have been classified into the following codes: kinesics (known as body language, including eye, facial, and body movement); paralanguage or vocalics (vocalizations other than words, such as sighs and moans, vocal pitch and volume); haptics (touch); proxemics (spatial distances); chronemics (time); olfactics (smell); and artifacts (use of objects, such as jewelry) (Burgoon et al., 1989).

Approximately 60 percent of meanings are communicated nonverbally: "Nonverbal messages are the primary means for communicating emotion, forming impressions, and communicating about relationships" (DeVito & Hecht, 1990, p. 4). Nonverbal communication behaviors are crucial factors in decisions to initiate interaction with another person (Burgoon et al., 1989; Mehrabian, 1967, 1981). Mehrabian (1981) identified nonverbal immediacy behaviors that express approach or avoidance, level of involvement, and positive and negative feelings in a given interaction. Mehrabian's (1971, 1981) work also found that nonverbal behaviors communicate: (1) status (e.g., superior/subordinate), and (2) responsiveness (how quickly and actively one person responds to another) (see Knapp & Hall, 1992).

LITERATURE REVIEW

The role of nonverbal communication in the reference encounter has received some attention within the library literature (e.g., DeVore-Chew et al., 1988; Genova, 1981; Glogoff, 1983; Harris & Michell, 1982; Heinzkill, 1972; Larason & Robinson, 1984; Radford, 1989; Radford, 1996a, 1996b; Richardson, 1985; Westbrook & DeDecker, 1993). Munoz (1977) argues:

The reference librarian has...an obligation to become acquainted with the

current research in nonverbal communication. ... We are, after all,

interested in understanding all the subtleties of our patron's message,

just as the patron, too, wishes to interpret our signals. Nonverbal

communication is not just a matter of common sense. The study of it is a

scientific enterprise. ... It offers us a means to establish more effective

contact between inquirer and librarian. (p. 223)

Weiss (1976) asserts that the librarian who is "tuned in" to the nonverbal messages of both the user, who is perhaps hesitant, and of themselves, who may present an aloof appearance, can offer more appropriate help. Glogoff (1983) believes that nonverbal communication can be used by the librarian "to gain and keep the patron's confidence long enough to provide the needed assistance" (p. 62). Glogoff views nonverbal communication to be as important to the reference interview as verbal communication.

In a seminal article, Mount (1966) described nonverbal behaviors as potential barriers to reference service: "Reference librarians should take a good look at themselves and see if they always present an air of helpfulness and friendliness, or do they appear cold and disinterested to patrons. Some patrons may not even ask their questions if staff members make it look as if they don't want to help them" (p. 577). However, few scientific studies have been conducted on nonverbal communication in the library context that have been of a substantive nature with generalizable findings. According to Harris and Michell (1982): "Of the empirical studies that do exist, many can be taken as suggestion only, because of the small number of subjects used or because of inadequate reporting of methodology and results" (p. 87).

The worth of these studies lies in their heuristic value. For example Swope and Katzer (1972) conducted an exploratory study of 119 users in an academic library. They investigated the reasons why 27 percent of the people they surveyed who had questions did not ask for a librarian's help. They identified four reasons: (1) dissatisfaction with past service, (2) thinking their question too simple, (3) fear of being a bother, and (4) fear of appearing stupid (see also Liu and Redfern[1997] who had similar findings with regard to multicultural students who were afraid to approach the librarian because they might appear stupid). They concluded: "Every attempt should be made to actively encourage questions (rather than passively waiting for them). Eye contact, a sincere smile, and an invitation to return will do wonders with a hesitant individual" (Swope & Katzer, 1972, p. 165).

A quantitative approach was used by Harris and Michell (1982) which "involved the development of controlled stimuli to which subjects could react [and] enabled us to bypass many of the difficulties posed by the often-used field study approach in which users' responses to uncontrolled reference interviews are collected" (p. 87). Harris and Michell (1982) utilized the psychological concepts of "social cognition" or "impression formation" (see also Goffman, 1959). Videotapes of actors impersonating librarians were developed which manipulated the variables of inclusion, gender, and nonverbal warmth. There were 320 participants who viewed and rated the "librarians"' behavior. This study concluded that the above variables were significant in the participants' judgment of skill and likability of the librarians.

Genova (1981) conducted a study of nonverbal behavior between librarian and user during online search interviews. She found that generally librarians were less satisfied than users. In addition, "the results leave little doubt that tracing of nonverbal aspects of the interaction emerged as a good diagnostic and a descriptive tool" (p. 47). Of the research described here, Genova's included the most complete framework and description of underlying theory along with detailed methodology.

Kazlauskas (1976) studied academic librarians at both reference and circulation desks. He developed case studies at four institutions. He searched for patterns in nonverbal behaviors and extracted categories for positive and negative traits using qualitative analysis. The study was exploratory but suggests that knowledge of nonverbal communication could be useful to librarians. Kazlauskas (1976) found nonverbal approachability to be important. "Those reference personnel who appeared receptive tended to be inundated with requests from patrons" (p. 133). He found the following behaviors to be categorized as positive: eyebrow flash (raising the eyebrow and lowering it quickly when someone approaches), eye contact, evaluative gestures (such as nodding), and general cheerful disposition (such as smiling). Negative nonverbal indicators included: lack of immediate acknowledgment of user, no change in body stance as user approaches, covering the eye with the hand, reading, tapping finger, twitching mouth, and pacing. These nonverbal behaviors have been identified by other researchers as communicating immediacy and its opposite, nonimmediacy, in a variety of contexts (Andersen, 1979; Argyle & Cook,

1976; Burgoon et al., 1989; Burgoon et al., 1984; Kahlbaugh & Haviland, 1994; Mehrabian, 1967, 1981; Patterson, 1973a, 1973b).

Although there is substantial research in the communication literature, most of the literature applying nonverbal communication theory to the library context is opinion or interpretation. Crouch (1979), Boucher (1976), Budd (1977), Ellison (1983), Horn (1974), Mount (1966), and Wayman (1984) provide largely opinion pieces. Glogoff (1983), Holland (1978), Munoz (1977), and Weiss (1976) provide discussions of theoretical applications. These articles are, however, valuable in suggesting possible areas for research. Boucher (1976), for example, characterizes two modes of behavior that the librarian can display: availability mode or preoccupation mode. Glogoff (1983) has addressed similar concerns, adding that some librarians barricade themselves behind the reference desk in such a way as to suggest "Do not disturb" (p. 66). He emphasizes the importance of a positive posture consisting of a smile, direct use of regulators like nodding, eye contact, and a relaxed attitude.

The studies reviewed here emphasize the need for further research to develop and refine their tentative findings. There is no indication that any of these studies have been tested through replication. There is, however, confirmation within the literature of the idea that users are influenced greatly by the nonverbal behaviors of the librarian. It is also apparent that most of the research in this area has been quantitative in nature. Few of these studies have used qualitative research techniques, yet nonverbal behavior is characterized as subtle in nature (Argyle, 1972; Shavit, 1984).

METHOD

A naturalistic design was adopted in order to take into account the total communication context in which the user's decision to approach or not approach is made. Argyle (1972) recommends that study of nonverbal communication should be "carried out in realistic settings ... which contain all the main ingredients of ordinary social behavior" (p. 244). In addition, Mellon (1990) and Shavit (1984) recommend the qualitative approach for study of library reference service. The design of the present study is informed by the work of Gothberg (1976) utilizing Mehrabian's immediacy metaphor in a study of the nonverbal behavior of reference librarians. For Gothberg (1976), immediacy consisted of "proxemic clues, such as physical closeness, touching or reaching out as if to touch, eye contact, and so on" (p. 127). The Gothberg study found that those who were exposed to immediate communication "expressed more satisfaction with the reference interview ... than a user exposed to a librarian's nonimmediate verbal-nonverbal communication" (p. 128).

SUBJECTS

Two academic libraries at New Jersey institutions of higher education were used as research sites: (1) a library of a medium sized, public, mostly undergraduate institution (site A); and (2) a larger public university library (site B). Thirty-four academic reference librarian volunteers participated in the study--nineteen from site A and fifteen from site B. Of these, twenty-two (65 percent) were female and twelve (35 percent) male. Thirty-one (91 percent) were white, two (6 percent) Asian, and one (3 percent) black. Thirty-three held a master's degree in Library Science, and one was an intern enrolled in an M.L.S. program. Nineteen also held a second master's in a variety of subject fields, three held a Ph.D., one a D.L.S., and one was A.B.D. The librarians' ages ranged from twenty-seven to sixty years old with a mean of forty-five years (one not given). The librarians had a range of years of experience in reference from two to twenty-five years with a mean of thirteen years (excluding the intern who had no experience). All librarian participants were volunteers and had no knowledge of the specific design of the study.

One hundred and fifty-five library users participated in the study. Of these, eighty-five (55 percent) were female and seventy (45 percent) were male. One hundred thirty-nine (90 percent) were students, four (3 percent) were members of the general public, three (2 percent) were faculty members, three (2 percent) were alumni, two (1 percent) were college staff members, and two (1 percent) were high school students. Regarding ethnicity, 125 (81 percent) were white, 13 (8 percent) black, 8 (5 percent) Hispanic, 6 (4 percent) Asian, and 2 (1 percent) other.

PROCEDURES

Two methods were employed for data collection: (1) thirty-seven hours of unobtrusive observation, and (2) interviews with users. The study design requires users to be given a choice between two librarians at the reference desk and then to be asked how they made the decision as to which librarian to approach. For the duration of each observation hour, the nonverbal behavior of the librarians on duty at the reference desk was observed. Each librarian was observed both as an individual and also as a member of the librarian dyed (pair).

During the observation hour, every user who approached the reference desk and spoke to the reference librarian(s) was noted. For each interaction, a data collection form was completed which recorded the nonverbal behaviors of librarian and user. Upon completion of each reference interview, the library user was approached and asked to participate in this study. Every user who was approached agreed to be interviewed (N=155). Users were then asked: "Remember when you approached the reference desk with a question, there were two librarians on duty?" (At times--e.g., prior to shift changes--there may have been more than two librarians from which to choose.) When the user indicated remembrance, they were asked: "How did you decide which librarian you were going to ask for help?" The user's answer was written on the form word for word, if possible. Demographic data were also collected for all users and librarians.

A content analysis of user responses was conducted. Keywords or phrases that seemed to summarize each response were noted or assigned. Like responses were grouped together. In addition, specific descriptions of nonverbal behaviors that invited or repelled approaches were noted and similarly grouped into categories.

RESULTS

Five distinct categories were identified that indicated reasons why users chose to approach one librarian over another. These were given the designation of: (1) initiation, (2) availability, (3) proximity, (4) familiarity and to) gender. Descriptions and examples from each category follow.

Initiation

"Initiation" involves explicit action, perceived and reported by the user, on the part of the librarian. It occurs when the librarian initiates the encounter through multiple signals that include eye contact, body orientation, movement toward the user, and/or verbal enforcement (e.g., "May I help you?"). The users describe themselves as feeling as if the librarian has made the decision to begin contact or open communication. The user assumes a passive role and essentially waits for the librarian to signal interest. This category seems to provide a powerful draw. It was mentioned by 58 of the 155 informants (37 percent). Some examples include:

Question to Each User: "How did you decide which librarian to ask for help?"

User A: "Actually, I waited until one of them approached me."

Probe: "Approached you?"

User A: "Yes, she walked toward me."

User B: "She looked over and asked if I needed help."

User C: "I spoke to both of them, really, then let whichever one would, help me."

User D: "She came to me."

Probe: "Came to you?"

User D: "Yeah, she came to me, looked up and said, `Can I help you?' She came to me."

User E: "I just waited for the first person that asked me."

Probe: "So you didn't decide?"

User E: "They decided."

User F: "There was a line of us waiting. I didn't decide. One was already busy so one came up to me. One librarian came and took the first person in line. We students had no choice."

The next interview is interesting because the user was waiting for two minutes but did not interrupt a librarian who was standing alone using an OCLC terminal. The user felt that it would be bad manners to interrupt. It is also interesting to note that another librarian came up to the user and said "May I help you?" but the user only remembers being asked about the topic:

User G: "I waited."

Probe: "Why didn't you interrupt (librarian at computer)?"

User G: "I was taught better than that, I guess. I just waited."

Probe: "Then what happened?"

User G: "[The] other librarian came toward me."

Probe: "Did she greet you?"

User G: "No, just asked about my topic."

In these cases, the librarian seems to have a large portion of the responsibility for initiating the reference encounter. Many users expressed willingness to wait rather than to interrupt the librarian's work. Three users commented on the lack of "initiation" on the part of the librarian. For example:

User H: "I was standing there and she didn't even act like she knew I was there. I thought `What's this person's problem?'"

User I: [referring to librarian on the phone] "I would have been more comfortable if she would have given me a wave or signaled to me while I was waiting."

User J: "She didn't seem very friendly."

Probe: "Could you be more specific?"

User J: "She didn't even take the time to look up, say `Hi, hello, may I help you?'".

A male user was waiting for help while two librarians were chatting casually at the desk and a third librarian was on the phone:

User K: "Whichever which one came to me first. The one who could take time out of their busy schedule you know what I mean? [sarcastic smile, rolled eyes, touched researcher's elbow]."

The user here seemed to imply that the librarians were not busy but ignored him while they chatted and did not give him immediate recognition.

Initiation can be more powerful than familiarity. User L had witnessed a previous interaction with one librarian and wanted to approach him yet did not want to disturb his reading:

User L: "The older woman was--she just made eye contact first. The other one did not look up. I was going to ask the Asian man since he helped someone next to me and was friendly and patient and he even helped with spelling, but he was reading something and the other librarian walked over to me."

Initiation becomes extremely important to users who may be feeling unsure of themselves, their library skills, or their computer abilities. In the next case, the user was feeling insecure because she graduated twelve years ago and was overwhelmed by the presence of the library's electronic resources. She became animated and spoke about missing the card catalog which had been replaced by an OPAC. In addition, she expressed guilt at being "punished" by being interviewed because she was in the library to help her daughter with an assignment (see Gross [1995] for an article that explores queries done on behalf of others):

User M: "I waited for someone to say `Can I help you?' If she had been busy I wouldn't have interrupted her. Would have gotten busy and came back. I am feeling insecure, graduated in '85. I miss the card catalog. I guess they want the user to be independent, there's a reduction in force. I came to get information but don't know what I am doing. What would my parents do? Have to get into computers or you're a dead woman. I'm doing my daughter a favor, and I am getting punished [by being interviewed]. The library is so different. Where's the card catalog? Am totally overwhelmed by changes since '85. I'm a teacher, my kids [students] would be fine."

User M's comments are also interesting because she said that her perception was that the librarians "want the user to be independent" and that "there's a reduction in force" neither of which was true for this library.

Availability

A category closely related to "initiation" is "availability," which is characterized as an open, yet passive, stance on the part of the librarian. The librarian orients toward the user by turning around, moving physically toward him/her, giving eye contact, or signaling attention to the user but not adding the verbal component. The user expresses a "feeling" that one librarian, more than the other, is open or available to help them. Eye contact and change in body position signaling awareness of the user's approach are important components of availability. Fifty-four out of the 155 responses (35 percent) fit into this category. Some examples follow:

Question: "How did you decide which librarian to ask for help ?"

User N: "She looked at me before he did, you know what I mean?"

User O: "One of them had that look in their eye."

Probe: "One of them looked at you?"

User O: "They all looked at me, but one had that look, you know, you know how you feel that one of them really wants to help you."

Probe: "Could you be more specific? Was there a smile?"

User O: "No, none of them smiled. I just can't describe it, but you know when someone looks at you, you can see it in their eyes that they really want to help you" [gestures with open arms].

User P: "I could tell that the librarian wanted to get off the phone and help me. She appeared frustrated that she couldn't. The person at the end of the phone wouldn't let her get off the phone. I could tell that she wanted to help me, and she did, she helped me immediately."

User P's response is noteworthy because the user had to wait for the librarian to get off the phone yet remembered being helped "immediately."

User Q: "One looked like he was busy doing library work. The other one was just reading a magazine. He looked like he was killing time waiting for someone to walk up. He looked up."

In the case of User Q, both librarians had been engaged in the same activity--reading--but one kept looking up and was able to convey the impression that he was just "killing time." In the next case, a female librarian's availability is more critical in making the decision to approach than the user's familiarity with the male librarian:

User R: "I knew [the male librarian] already, but I didn't interrupt them talking--would have waited for them to notice me. She was facing me. He had his side to me, was doing something with his wallet. Whoever noticed me first."

When the librarians do not signal availability, the user waits, choosing not to interrupt or disturb someone who is reading:

User S: "She was sitting there reading a book. The other one was talking to somebody."

Probe: "So you didn't want to interrupt?"

User S: "Yes."

Proximity

The third category is "proximity." Seventeen (11 percent) of the users based their decisions on their perceptions of physical distance:

Question: "How did you decide which librarian to ask for help?"

User T: "She was closer to where I was standing."

User U: "The one nearest to me. A couple were further back from the desk."

User V: "I just picked the person who was closest to me."

The comment of User V is interesting because observation revealed that the librarians were, in fact, equidistant from the user. This was merely the perception of closeness as the librarian chosen was observed to have been exhibiting immediacy behaviors (e.g., eye contact, turning toward user) when compared to the other librarian.

Familiarity

A fourth category, mentioned by ten (6 percent) of the users, is "familiarity." "Familiarity" is evidenced when the user describes a previous interaction with a librarian. For example:

Question: "How did you decide which librarian to ask for help?"

User W: "He gave a lecture to our class. I'm doing a Master's thesis so I guess he was familiar to me."

User X: "I know him. He's helped me before. I did a presentation in class. and he did a computer search for me. I do a lot of work here."

User Y: "She helped me yesterday."

Probe: "So you felt more comfortable asking her?"

User Y: "Yes" [smile, eye contact, nod].

"Familiarity" seems to be powerful enough to encourage the user to risk an encounter even when presented with nonverbal behavior that signals preoccupation:

User Z: "He had helped me before so I walked up and asked him. They were both reading, I didn't want to bother either of them."

Note the indication that the user did not want to be a "bother" (see also Swope and Katzer, 1972; Liu and Redfern, 1977, who had similar findings). The previous interaction seemed to have allowed the user to feel more comfortable "interrupting" the librarian.

This next example indicates the importance of moving out from behind the reference desk to give assistance. The librarian had come away from the reference desk to help a user at a computer terminal which was about twenty feet away. User AA observed the librarian's interaction with a second user and felt comfortable enough to ask a question too. Later, when approaching the reference desk, the user had confidence in approaching the same librarian, having "broken the ice" at the computer station:

User AA: "She was helping someone at the computer before and I asked her a question. So when I saw her at the desk I asked her again. She helped me find some really good books."

Gender

A fifth category, mentioned by three (2 percent) of the users, is "gender." These users reported that they made a decision to approach based on gender:

Question: "How did you decide which librarian to ask for help?"

User BB: "I don't know. I thought of that question as I approached the desk. I guess I felt more comfortable approaching the female than the male."

Probe: "Do you know why?"

User BB: "I did a lot of research at my hometown library where the librarians were women. I guess it was what I was used to."

User CC: "Usually females know a bit more about the library. Usually that who you go to. I dated a woman who worked at the library and she knew a lot."

These users found it easier to approach the female librarian. Their comfort seems to derive from their familiarity with female librarians and, in the case of User CC, a generalization from one woman he dated who "knew a lot" to all female librarians. It is also possible that these users have internalized media stereotypes of librarians (see Radford & Radford, 1997) .

In observation of approaches to librarians, gender variables were noted. In those cases (N=80) where the user had a choice between a male or female librarian, the user (male or female) selected the female in forty-six (57 percent) of the cases, while the male was selected thirty-four times (43 percent). Both male and female users chose female librarians with greater frequency than males. Kazlauskas (1976) also found that females were selected more frequently than males.

Other

There were thirteen additional responses that did not fall definitively into any of the above categories. These included users who could not decide why they made a choice and those who did not realize that there was a choice. Two interactions in the "other" category were referrals:

User DD: "I just went to someone a teacher had told me to go to me knows more about everything--he knows the library inside and out better than most other people I've dealt with."

User EE: "Last night I spoke with one of the librarians. He recommended that I speak to this librarian about getting financial ratios."

Another user spoke about being physically attracted to one librarian over another. In this case, a female user had a choice between two male librarians. One had a full beard, the other a Van Dyke. The user became flustered when answering the questions and had difficulty expressing herself, perhaps because she was embarrassed to admit she was physically attracted to the librarian(see also Radford [1993, 1998] who reports a case in which a male librarian is physically attracted to the female user):

User FF: "I just asked the one that was closest to me."

Probe: "Was there anything else?"

User FF: "I do like facial hair."

Probe: "The beard?"

User FF: "[The] one that was more attractive [laugh]."

In one case, a user approached a desk at which one of the librarians was wearing a breathing apparatus:

User GG: "One was busy, he also was encumbered. He was handicapped somehow. I wasn't sure if he was a librarian."

Here, the oxygen apparatus seems to have formed a barrier for this user. What model does the user have of a "librarian?" Does a person with a physical disability somehow fall outside of the image of a librarian? This also suggests that librarians with physical disabilities may need to pay greater attention to their other nonverbal behaviors, such as eye contact, to signal availability.

NONVERBAL BEHAVIORS DESCRIBED BY USERS THAT INDICATE APPROACHABILITY

The following behaviors were identified by users as influencing their decision to approach one librarian rather than another. The number of users who mentioned each behavior is given in parentheses along with examples of their descriptions. The behaviors are listed in descending order.

Eye Contact (37)

"She gave me eye contact." "He looked at me." "The other one looked at me and caught my eye. She looked inviting.'

Proximity (perceived or actual physical closeness) (17)

"The lady that was up front. Was just the first one that I ran into "I asked the one that was closest to me."

Motion Toward (12)

"He approached me, he just walked up." "Actually the one with glasses seemed to be the one in charge. She noticed me and approached me." "She walked toward me."

Orienting Body Toward (5)

"She turned around." "One of them got up and helped." "I think it was the one facing me." "The person in the group turned and spoke to me." "I just figured she was moving, the other was stationary, I just figured she was the one to go to."

Smile (2)

"Because she smiled at me and was very helpful." "The lady that smiled at me. I thought she wasn't doing anything. I thought she could tell me where to go."

Sitting (2)

"He was sitting, she was standing. I guess that had something to do with it. He looked ready to help." "Guy was sitting, he wasn't doing anything. She was standing, busy."

Standing (1)

"I just decided the one that was standing up was the one to talk to."

NONVERBAL BEHAVIORS DESCRIBED BY USERS THAT IMPEDE APPROACHABILITY

The following behaviors were identified by users as negatively influencing their decision to approach one librarian rather than another. The number of users who mentioned each behavior is given in parentheses along with examples of their descriptions. The behaviors are listed in descending order.

Talking on the phone (10)

"One was on the phone, the other one wasn't." "One was on the phone, the other was just standing there."

Interacting/Conversing with Another User or Librarian (9)

"One was available, the other wasn't. He was helping another person. "She [the librarian chosen] wasn't in conversation either." "They were both just talking." "Two librarians were having a conversation. The person who helped me said `May I help you?' so I kinda slid down to where she was sitting."

Using the Computer (4)

"He was the only one not working on the computer. He wasn't busy." "She was closest to me; the other librarian was on the computer."

Leaving/Preparing to Leave (3)

"Actually he's the one who came to me. The other just left, I guess they weren't on duty" [note they didn't leave until after user was in interaction but one librarian was getting ready to leave, exhibiting nonverbal leave taking behaviors].

"The other one just walked away."

"Well, one left."

Reading (3)

"I was going to ask the Asian man...but he was reading something" "She was sitting there reading a book."

Negative Facial Expression (1)

"Lady looked at us like we were stupid."

DISCUSSION

The results support the hypothesis that nonverbal information is an important factor in the user's decision to approach or not to approach the librarian. Four of the five categories of responses relate directly to the nonverbal communication behaviors of the librarians. This is of note since users were not asked to comment on the nonverbal behaviors of the librarians but did so spontaneously when asked how they decided which librarian to approach. This suggests that their decisions were not arbitrary.

Of the four categories, only the "familiarity" category was based on past experiences with the librarian rather than the perceived nonverbal approachability. This category emphasizes the importance of creating a good first impression on users. If a user has had a previous positive experience, he/she testifies to feeling more comfortable in making another approach. This finding also emphasizes the fact that every interaction with a user is important, even if the request is just the repetitive "Where's the bathroom?" If a user receives a pleasant response to a directional question, then when the user has a substantive question, they will feel less hesitant.

The data suggest that nonverbal immediacy (Gothberg, 1976; Mehrabian, 1967, 1971) plays a role in a user's perception of librarians and in their decision to approach or not to approach the reference desk with a question. One hundred and twelve (72 percent) of the approaches were made to librarians exhibiting availability or initiation behaviors, providing support for Kazlauskas's model and for the immediacy metaphor.

Eye contact, noted as a positive behavior by Kazlauskas (1976), was the most frequently mentioned nonverbal component, reported by thirty-seven users from the "initiation" and "availability" categories (see also Argyle & Cook, 1976). Eye contact sends a strong signal that the "communication channel is open. In some instances, eye gaze almost establishes an obligation to interact" (Knapp & Hall, 1992, p. 298). This finding implies that librarians, even if busy with paperwork or computer searches, could give an impression of approachability through use of eye contact alone.

Proximity was also found to be an important factor as was moving toward the user who approaches the reference desk. This finding directly relates to Mehrabian's (1967) immediacy metaphor. Librarians can signal to the user that they are eager to interact with them by moving closer or turning toward the user, even if it is a subtle motion (see Hall [1966] on the subject of proximity).

The three behaviors that users most often reported to be barriers to approachability included talking on the phone, conversing with another person, and using the computer. Users described librarians involved in these activities as "busy" and not to be "interrupted." These findings indicate that librarians can mitigate approachability barriers while at the reference desk by using nonverbal hand gestures or eye contact even while engaged in phone conversations or computer use.

It is to be noted that, although results were reported here for discrete nonverbal behaviors (e.g., eye contact or smiling), these nonverbal "cues" generally do not appear alone:

Most often nonverbal behaviors that are meaningful come in groups or at

least in pairs. Nonverbal researchers say that nonverbal communication is

multichannelled because it comes in packages. This means that we send

and receive messages through groups of cues. ... In fact it would be

misleading to rely on a single nonverbal cue under the assumption that

each action has one, clear meaning. Relying on single cues can result in

stereotyping. (DeVito & Hecht, 1990, p. 8)

Gender stereotyping is one such example. When given a choice, more male and female users chose to approach female librarians, supporting Kazlauskas's (1976) findings that users prefer to approach a female when given a choice. This suggests implications for future research on staffing patterns and the study of gender as an approachability factor. Also it may indicate that male librarians wanting to appear approachable need to attend more carefully to their nonverbal behaviors than females.

At the theoretical level, these results precede the proposition that the interaction has a dimension which deals with the relationships formed between librarian and user (see Watzlawick et al., 1967). The reference encounter is not exclusively task oriented, focusing exclusively on the exchange of information, as often portrayed in the library literature (see Lancaster, 1993, for a review of this research). However, Radford (1993) found evidence that "library users in academic settings place a high degree of significance on the attitude and personal qualities of the librarian giving reference assistance" (p. 195). Burgoon et al. (1984) assert that these relational messages are frequently communicated through nonverbal cues. Thus, future research on the librarian-user interaction needs to stress the relationship of nonverbal behavior and the relational dimension of interpersonal communication.

LIMITATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

There are a number of limitations to this exploratory study. Researcher bias may have been a factor in data gathering interviews and observation and in establishing reliability of findings. Future studies could minimize this bias by employing multiple observers or by videotaping the behaviors to be analyzed. The analysis of nonverbal communication is a difficult task, as there are a number of variables with multiple cues transpiring within moments. Videotape could help to capture the subtle cues that may otherwise be missed in such a rich context and could serve to resolve contradictions between what the observer noted and what the user reported.

Future study should broaden the research design to include a larger random sample of observation. It would also be advisable to conduct the study at multiple settings in a variety of types of libraries and with a wider variety of librarians. Collecting verbal data from librarians as well as from users would enable analysis of librarians' perceptions of self and of the user's nonverbal behaviors.

Results of this research suggest inclusion of additional variables in future investigations: gender variables, ethnicity, physical variations (such as physical appearance, disability, or facial hair), positional variables (such as motion, stance, proximity to reference desk), specific behaviors (such as eye contact), and modes of dress (casual versus professional) (see Gorham et al. [1997] who did a study of style of dress in the college classroom and its effect on students). Research in these areas could provide practical applications for the library profession and for similar professional interactions.

Traditional education of reference librarians is often task oriented, primarily focused on learning the information sources and systems. Results suggest that education in the interpersonal dimensions of the reference interaction (see Dewdney, 1986), including study of nonverbal communication behavior, must also be included in the curriculum (see Glogoff, 1983).

Clearly the role of nonverbal communication in this complex encounter needs more study. The findings reported here need to be refined, and the suggested variables explored. Understanding of the interpersonal dynamics of these interactions is becoming increasingly important, especially to academicians, because of the amount of information available and the increasing sophistication of reference sources and electronic systems used to access this information. Users, some overwhelmed by the swift and radical changes continually taking place in libraries, will be looking toward librarians for those signals that say "May I help you?" instead of "Do not disturb."

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Marie L. Radford, School of Information and Library Science, Pratt Institute, 200 Willoughby Avenue, Brooklyn, NY 11205-3897