Anatomizing the Past: Physicians and History in Renaissance Culture [*].

In many different ways Renaissance physicians concerned themselves with the reading and writing of history. This article examines the role of historical interests in learned medical culture and the participation of physicians in the broader historical culture of the period.

Among Bodin's more optimistic assertions about history was that reading it could "cure all illnesses of the body and the mind." [1] He buttressed the claim with royal examples, alleging that both Alfonso and Ferdinand of Aragon, when afflicted by serious illnesses for which doctors could do nothing, recovered as a result of reading, respectively, Livy and Quintus Curtius. The claim and the anecdote still appealed to Meric Casaubon a century after Bodin wrote. [2] The idea of the healing power of history -- however implausible it may look at the end of the twentieth century -- evidently accorded with early modern expectations of history, reading, and medicine of body and soul. But whatever the perceived therapeutic uses of history for patients, numerous actual connections linked physicians and the reading and writing of history. In my view, these connections -- which exemplify the ancient affinity of medicine, rhetoric, and history noted by Arnaldo Momigliano (1985) -- illuminate both medical culture and the p lace of medicine in the intellectual world. I hope to justify this contention with the following preliminary sketch of some interactions of medical with historical learning in the formation and writings of fifteenth- to early-seventeenth-century physicians.

Renaissance theorists of history also perceived affinities between medicine and history, drawing direct parallels between the two disciplines. In Machiavelli's eyes, medicine and history resembled one another in that both stored up past experience for present practical purposes. In the preface to the Discourses, he noted that the basis of medicine was "nothing other than the experiments made by the ancient physicians, on which present physicians base their judgements," and deplored the failure of princes and republics to use ancient experience of government in the same way. [3] For Bodin, bad writers about history shared a characteristic of bad physicians: both prescribed from a randomly assembled collection of remedies without bothering to inquire into the causes of their effects. [4] As Marie-Dominique Couzinet has noted, these are rather different views of medicine. [5] One perceives it as collection of empirical particulars, the other as an inquiry into causes. Yet both reflect, accurately enough, aspect s of the discipline as understood and practiced in the sixteenth century.

Machiavelli and Bodin thus each in his different way saw in medicine a useful analogy to the task of the historian of human affairs. But what were the uses of history for physicians? For to a striking extent, Renaissance physicians both read and wrote human history. They studied theoretical treatises on historical method -- Girolamo Mercuriale introduced his commentary on case histories in the Hippocratic Epidemics with a direct echo of Bodin's famous threefold classification of history into human, natural, and divine. [6] They read historians, ancient, medieval, and modern. They deployed history in the service of professional rhetoric in their orations. They wrote historical works of their own in genres ranging from short prolegomena to medical treatises to at least one massive universal chronicle. For some, their medical or astrological expertise shaped ideas about history. Mercuriale, for example, drew the boundary between human and natural history in such a way as to include in the former psychology and anatomy as well as past events. For him, human history related "either the actions of people, or the nature of the human soul, ... or the entire structure of the human body." [7] Some of them shared the conventional ideas of their age regarding the exemplary value of history. One -- Girolamo Cardano -- challenged exemplary history by writing an Encomium of Nero. [8] In short, physicians addressed human history in a remarkable variety of ways and contexts. In what follows, I shall explore some of the ways in which medical doctors used or practiced this discipline central to Renaissance culture. In particular, I shall try to suggest some answers to three questions. What aspects of Renaissance medicine resonared with the contemporary understanding of history or historical method? What kinds of history did medical doctors write? And what kinds of doctors wrote history?

Of course, in the historically oriented culture of late humanism, cognitio historica played a role in many disciplinary and professional contexts. Physicians read and wrote history primarily because, far from being isolated in a specialist, academic, or craft ghetto, they were full participants in a culture in which history had come to be valued. In addition, in one sense medicine and historia enjoyed a special relation. For Renaissance readers, the titles of Herodotus's Histories and Aristotle's History of Animals exemplified respectively two varieties, human and natural, of historia defined as vera narratio embodying the results of an inquiry. [9] Strong ties bound medicine to historia naturalis. Thanks to the recent studies of Paula Findlen, Harold Cook, and others, the contributions of physicians to the emerging discipline of natural history are well known. Indeed, in the process of transformation and reclassification of disciplines that began in the sixteenth century, medicine provided the point of depa rture for expanding interests in several areas of the life sciences -- notably botany and anatomy as well as natural history in general. Long securely established in the traditional university curriculum, medicine was at the same time a fertile source of a variety of new types of scientific knowledge and activity as well as the training ground for many individuals who migrated toward them. [10] But in addition to these more general considerations, I would further suggest that aspects of Renaissance medical training both fostered interest in human history and involved the acquisition of habits of mind that did indeed have much in common with contemporary historical theories and practice.

As the numerous thirteenth- to fifteenth-century scholastic physicians who addressed themselves to the standard quaestio of whether medicine was scientia or ars well knew, Galenic medicine always included both the analysis of causes and the recollection of particulars. Despite strong intellectual and professional incentives to claim medicine as a scientia in the Aristotelian sense (i.e., leading to universal truths via syllogistic reasoning based on accepted axioms), they usually admitted that this definition fitted only the theoretical part of medicine. Its practical part had to be defined as ars because so much of it was inherently and irreducibly about particulars -- the particulars of individual patients, illnesses, medicinal ingredients, and remedies, and of the recipes and rules that went by the name of "experience" or "experimenta." [11] Indeed, even the systematizing and "rational" aspects of Galenic medicine were constructed in such a way as to allow for endless individual variation. The theory of t emperament itself -- that great catchall explanatory system -- assumed both that in human beings temperament was peculiar to each individual and that the action of certain remedies was the result not of temperament but of an idiosyncratic "specific form." [12]

Yet, prior to the mid fifteenth century there is little evidence to suggest that either the particularistic or the analytic aspect of medicine encouraged any noteworthy historical interests among medical men. As Chiara Crisciani has shown, medical authors seem mostly to have remained content briefly to invoke a formulaic past for their own discipline, reiterating such themes as medicine as a divine gift, names of traditional founders, and a chronologically unspecific story of medicine's crude beginnings, perfection in remote antiquity, and subsequent loss and recovery. The few exceptions to this generalization occurred primarily in writings on surgery. For example, Guy de Chauliac used Walter Burle's DC vita et moribus philosophroum and his own medical reading to construct a capsule history of surgery from Hippocrates to his own day that is relatively rich in chronology and detail. [13] For the most part, however, the attitude to history of Pietro d'Abano was probably fairly typical of fourteenth-century sch olastic medicine. Despite some interest in the history of philosophy and an exceptionally broad range of learned reference, Pietro's innocence of, or indifference to, chronology was such that he repeated without comment Celsus's remark that the Roman physician Themison had died "recently." [14] As for general human history, he dismissed it as disordered, incapable of producing true knowledge, and, by implication, interesting only to schoolboys. [15]

Signs of the spread of interest in history among medical men -- and of a striking parallel development in the sister discipline of astrology [16] -- become marked in the second half of the fifteenth century. The earliest stimuli for this development may have come not from anything internal to medicine or its history, but from exposure to contacts -- with either a vigorous local chronicle tradition or humanist circles, or both -- that spread the habit of reading history. Thus, even as early as the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century professors of medicine at Padua took part when the academic community twice formally endorsed works of local and recent history. [17] The local climate of production of and interest in history obviously failed to impress Pietro d'Abano, but perhaps it encouraged the mid-fourteenth-century medical professor Jacopo Dondi, author of both a massive compilation of remedies and a brief Paduan chronicle (in which he patriotically claimed that Paduans had founded Venice, to the ob fuscation of subsequent writers). [18] Moreover, some Italian physicians began to acquire humanistic and historical tastes in their private reading long before humanism penetrated medicine itself. In the mid fifteenth century, the wealthy medical bibliophile Giovanni di Marco da Rimini, owned -- alongside his impeccably scholastic medical and philosophical books -- a respectable collection of ancient history, including works or parts of works of Livy, Josephus, Diogenes Laertius, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. [19]

But from about the late fifteenth century humanist attention to an expanded ancient medical literature, the enhanced status of particulars and personal observation, and new forms of analysis began to transform, without yet overthrowing, Galenic medicine. Among their many other and better known effects, these developments may all have helped to predispose recipients of medical training to greater historical awareness. For my present theme, one of the most significant changes appears to be the increasing role of narrative in medicine. This, in turn, is probably related to the increased appreciation of the particular manifest in so many areas of Renaissance culture. All kinds of knowledge based on particulars not only fascinated, but acquired a new respectability; as the enormous expansion of descriptive sciences, the multiplication of personal writings, and the production of treatises on the ars historica all in different ways testify. Particulars provide the ground for narrative -- that is, in medicine for st ories of specific patients, cures, outbreaks of disease, and so on. In the medical writings of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries narrative occurs very infrequently and is mostly confined to a few anecdotes embedded in surgical texts. [20] But in the fifteenth century the role of narrative began to expand. Among genres of medical writing, consilia for individual patients gained a new prominence. By the second half of the fifteenth century, some leading physicians left hundreds of these productions to be collected, arranged, and edited by their pupils or heirs. Consilia are, as the word suggests, recommendations for treatment, not case histories. Moreover, the advice they contain, although nominally tailored to the individual, is usually drawn from standard medical authors. [21] Nevertheless, in some instances a verbal portrait of the patient mingles with a description of his or her disease. For example, here is a characterization of a patient from the first half of the fifteenth century:

The noble gentleman Giovanni di Barzinona, who is about thirty, has already for several years been much more worried, fearful, timid, and disturbed in his mind than he used to be, because of the great fear he suffered, his heavy involvement in important business affairs, and the sadness brought about by the condemnations he underwent some years ago. He is especially worried about the state of his body and health... he gets panic attacks and sweats and is terrified of staying alone at night and sometimes reaches the point of talking to himself and weeping. [22]

More significant than consilia, from the standpoint of the present topic, may be the appearance of collections of physicians' narratives of their own cases. Interest in marvelous or hidden powers of nature appears to have provided the impetus -- or pretext -- for some early anthologies of this type, such as Antonio Benivieni's collection of cases -- most of them his own -- of diseases and cures that he considered to have "hidden and wonderful" causes. [23] A few years later the publication of more or less the complete Hippocratic corpus in Latin (1525) and Greek (1526) made some of the most important examples of ancient medical narrative, namely the case histories in the complete Epidemics, readily available for the first time. [24] Similarly, Renaissance editions of works of Galen made clearer than ever before the extent to which he had introduced analyses of his own cases into The Method of Healing and other treatises. By about mid-century; to varying degrees in different authors and works, accounts of ind ividual cases reflect the continuing strength of the consilia tradition, the weight of Galen's triumphalist accounts of his own successes, and the emerging influence of the neutral Hippocratic narrative that may end in fatal outcome. At the same time, as noted above, interest in the Aristotelian works on animals, in Pliny, and in Herodotus disseminated the usage of the term historia to encompass both natural description and past events. The evolution of the case history in medicine is too complex an issue to be pursued here. Nevertheless, it is evident that in the course of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the propriety and the practice of narratio and historia in medical writing were strengthened in several ways. Furthermore, as is well known, Renaissance physicians extended causal reasoning in medicine into new areas of physical investigation. Especially when the new anatomy was employed in the already established practice of autopsy, the explanation of appearances in the dissected cadaver could involv e a chain of reasoning backward about past events in the body, and life history, of the deceased. Thus, the Paracelsian royal physician to the early Stuarts, Theodore Turquet de Mayerne, accompanied his account of the dissection of Isaac Casaubon with an admiring biographical portrait and narrative of the last illness of the Calvinist scholar. In it, Mayerne not only related the progressive development during the last months of Casaubon's life of the symptoms of the bladder tumor that caused his death, but connected the illness to his scholarly practices (and thus made it exemplify his moral character). Incidentally, for all Mayerne's accurate anatomical description and posthumous diagnosis, his assertion that Casaubon's dedication to study was so complete that he forgot to urinate repeated a topos about men of letters that goes back to the thirteenth century. [25]

The frequency with which astrology was associated with medicine also ensured that many physicians were intimately familiar with another discipline that, like medicine itself, regularly made use of retroactive analysis and historical or biographical narrative as well as prediction. Astrology of this type focused attention on selected historical particulars. Cardano's horoscopes of his own deceased acquaintances and of historical figures -- Julius II, Luther, Erasmus, and, notoriously Christ -- belong to his work as an astrologer rather than a physician, two occupations that he kept relatively separate. [26] Probably more characteristic of truly medical astrology is the practice of Thomas Bodier of Rouen. This physician erected an astrological figure at the time of the onset of illness for each of his patients and subsequently carefully compiled a history of the case until recovery or death. The collection of such figures and narratives that he published in 1555, apparently with the objective of testing or ill ustrating the working of the medical theory of critical days of illness, documents histories of more than fifty patients, a number of them in humble rural occupations. [27]

But medicine not only employed narrative and analysis in ways that can be described as historical or consonant with some kinds of historical methodology. It was also in quite important respects a discipline about history. Of course, there is a sense in which the same could be said of any Renaissance discipline that looked backward to ancient texts. But substantial parts of the heritage of medicine that were much prized between the fifteenth and the seventeenth centuries were historic not simply in the sense of being of ancient origin but because of specifically historical content. The rich collection of Hippocratic pseudepigrapha, most of which was first translated into Latin in the fifteenth century, was repeatedly printed in the sixteenth. [28] It was received as totally authentic documentation of the career and personality of Hippocrates, including not only episodes from his biography but his personal correspondence. Celsus's De medicina, seldom read in the Middle Ages but much prized in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries as an example of medical literature in good Latin style, opened with a history of the medical sects.

Above all, the writings of Galen, the dominant authority in medicine throughout the sixteenth century, both contained history and provided a model for historical writing in several senses. One of these was the history of Galen himself, since parts of the Galenic corpus are strongly autobiographical. In On Prognosis and The Method of Healing, Galen framed his teaching in accounts of his own clinical successes; he wrote treatises on his own bibliography; and he scattered anecdotes about his travels, his public demonstrations, and his triumphs over doubters and rivals throughout his vast oeuvre. But Galen's output is also replete with a broader medical history. Much of what is known of the earlier history of Alexandrian medicine, for example, comes from passages in his works. [29] Most importantly, Galen was a pioneer of historical scholarship on Hippocrates. Indeed, as Wesley Smith has shown in derail, Galen essentially recreated the figure of Hippocrates in his own image. [30] Of course, autobiographical and historical material was present in the large body of Galenic treatises available in Latin since the twelfth century. But the Renaissance recovery of important treatises, new translations, and the dissemination of Galen's entire output in print, made these aspects of Galen's work more extensive, more prominent, and more readily accessible. In the sixteenth century, Galen's medical historical scholarship was as highly prized as any other aspect of his teaching -- so much so that a diligent Renaissance editor went to the trouble of forging one of his missing Hippocratic commentaries. [31]

Let us turn now to the uses medical men made of their historical formation and knowledge. Probably most of the Renaissance writing about medicine's past was the work of physicians engaged in editing, translating, or explicating ancient texts and took the form of prefaces to or passages in these types of medical literature. Galen's own interest in the history of medicine, expressed in frequent comments on and judgements of his predecessors, provided a strong model for the appropriateness of historical evaluation, not just in ceremonial oratory about medicine, but as an integral aspect of medical exposition itself. The survival in Renaissance medical commentaries of a modified form of the accessus ad auctores of medieval tradition (a form of preface ultimately derived from the standard introductory schemes used by late ancient commentators on Aristotle) also helped to ensure the inclusion of biographical, bibliographical, and historical information about commented authors. [32] No doubt, too, the strong compet itive or performative element in academic life encouraged a display of historical learning in prefaces and opening lectures. But historical excurses could also crop up in connection with all kinds of medical topics. Thus, for example, Cardano's medical writings include speculations about the way in which the history of human disease may be embedded in a cyclical structure of the cosmos as well as a brief account the history of past epidemics, including the so-called plague of Justinian and the fourteenth-century pandemic. [33]

The philological and editorial endeavors of Renaissance medical scholars resulted in real and significant additions to historical knowledge about authors and texts, but also in exemplary history cast in terms of the standards, needs, and debates of their own age. A few instances relating to the portrayal of the two great figures of medicine's past will serve to make the point. Vivian Nutton has recently drawn attention to a series of short biographies of Galen published between 1530 and 1570 (in prefaces or reference works). These biographies discarded medieval traditions and drew for the first time on biographical information from the full range of Galen's works in Greek editions, and thus supplied by Galen himself. But in line with the general development of medical moralizing in that period -- also evident in anatomical writing, for example -- their authors were primarily concerned to portray Galen the model physician, an exemplar of medical morality. [34]

In the case of Hippocrates, Girolamo Mercuriale and others made pioneering efforts to distinguish "authentic" from "inauthentic" works (even though they drew most of their judgements from Galen). [35] But in commenting on Hippocratic treatises, physicians drew selectively on the Hippocratic pseudepigrapha and the doxographical literature to construct a historical portrait of Hippocrates that corresponded to the medical desiderata of their own day. Thus, a number of authors emphasized Hippocrates' philosophical studies which they viewed, like those of medical students in a sixteenth-century university, as propadeutic to medicine. In his commentary on the Oath, Dr. Peter Memm of Rostock supplied the adolescent Hippocrates with a whole curriculum -- natural and moral philosophy, mathematics, liberal disciplines, and all the arts - remarking as he did so "even if there is no evidence in his writings about this, the conjecture is easy from very certain evidences." [36] Hippocrates' noble descent was also importan t. Drawing on the biography attributed to Soranus, some authors worked up the genealogy of Hippocrates into an elaborate family tree. [37] Hippocrates, like so many Renaissance physicians, was also an astrologer (an entirely undeserved reputation owed to the medieval treatise known as the Astronomia or Astrologia Ypocratis and a few statements about the stars in the Hippocratic corpus). Opinions differed only regarding the character and extent of the astrology he had advocated. [38] And given the rise of Renaissance anatomy, it was inconceivable that the father of medicine could not have been a good anatomist, notwithstanding the paucity of anatomical material in the Hippocratic corpus. As Maurice La Corde, also a professor at Paris, remarked severely: "it is extremely wicked even to think that Hippocrates had not very beautifully studied all the parts of the body, with their uses and connections, and to say it is most unworthy in a man, but especially in a philosopher, let alone a physician." [39]

For Renaissance readers, Hippocrates was a historian as well as a figure in the history of medicine. In commenting on the Hippocratic Epidemics, the prolific Spanish medical and philosophical author Francisco Valles noted that "here the author is a historian, not a preceptor" [historicus est, non preceptor]. [40] Girolamo Mercuriale, who elected to devote his commentary on the Epidemics exclusively to the individual case histories in Book 1, was much more explicit in classifying the kind of history written by Hippocrates. After explaining the distinction between the three kinds of history -- divine (narrated in the Bible), natural (as found in Aristotle's books on animals, Theophrastus, and Pliny), and human -- he went on to assert that although the "cases" of ordinary practitioners could not be considered histories, Hippocrates' histories constituted yet a fourth historical genre. The distinctive characteristic of this fourth genre was that it related only essentials, omitting contingent factors. [41] That Mercuriale considered the Hippocratic case histories important as a record of human as well as biological events emerges from his practice of attempting to identify some of the patients and places named with persons and places mentioned by ancient geographers and historians. [42]

By far the most important treatise from the standpoint of Renaissance approaches to Hippocrates as a source of historical information was Airs Waters Places, a key text, along with Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos, in the long history of climatic and environmental theories about ethnography and history. [43] In addition to providing a general theory of environmental influence on human development, Airs Waters Places characterized the differences, physical, moral, and political, of Europeans and Asiatics and supplied some unforgettable descriptions of Scythians (an infertile people, many of whom were eunuchs), Amazons, and headbinders. Along with much effort to explicate the geographical material in the text, the sixteenth-century commentators on this treatise habitually collated statements about different peoples with the writings of ancient historians and other ancient witnesses. In addition, some of them tested Hippocrates' assertions about the influences of various types of environment on the character of the popula tions inhabiting them against the record of historical events both in antiquity and up to their own day.

Thus, for example, medical commentators devoted considerable attention to the Hippocratic account of the Amazons, which they invariably supplemented with citations of Herodotus. [44] Cardano, as I have noted in more detail elsewhere, supplied in addition a philosophical disquisition on whether or not women could, or should, fight, accompanied with references to Plato's guardians, a scientific discussion of Amazon mastectomy in the light of Vesalian anatomy, mention of women warriors encountered by European explorers in the New World, and an allusion to heroic female defenders of the patria "in our time" in Turin. [45] Lodovico Settala of Milan introduced a note of historical criticism by announcing that he would first provide a historical account of the Amazons; since many almost fabulous things are written about them by historians and poets which perhaps will arouse suspicion of falsity about even the more truthful writers, I am led to believe it is a valuable work to bring out what is said about the Amazon s by various and indeed renowned authors, so that when they have been collated we will finally be able to decide what ought to be said from among such a variety of ancient sources.

But he signaled the limits of his critique by adding "especially since the author I am expounding was never accustomed to lie." [46] Nonetheless, he quoted the entire passage about the Amazons from Herodotus and diligently compared it with statements by Diodorus Siculus, Pompeius Trogus, Greek scholiasts on Homer, Strabo, Plutarch, and more, in an endeavor to locate the Amazons both chronologically and geographically. Settala came to the conclusion that those of the ancient Amazons described as living toward the west, "unless they are fabulous," were perhaps to be identified with those encountered "in our time" in the New World -- where their habitation might be identified with Plato's Atlantis, and perhaps that was where Solomon's ships sailed every four years. [47] Thus, almost at the end of the sixteenth century, an attempted critical evaluation of Hippocrates as historian still combined easily with a perception of the New World entirely through the secular and religious myths of the Old.

Among general maxims in the Hippocratic text, two related precepts, one environmental and the other political, especially inspired the commentators to evaluation against the record of events. The first stated that the peoples of Asia were less warlike than the peoples of Europe; the second that peoples ruled by kings or lords were less willing to fight than those fighting for themselves under their own laws. [48] Although one commentator simply treated these statements as rules of human history, as true as Hippocratic maxims about health, and quoted Caesar's account of the free and warlike Germans as supporting evidence, [49] others introduced both modern comparisons and elements of historical critique of the Hippocratic text. They noted that modern soldiers seemed to have no objection to fighting for kings, or ex-plained that Hippocrates was referring to tyrants, not kings, or raised the possibility that the character of peoples had changed since antiquity (had the formerly mild inhabitants of Asia become f ierce under the rule of the Turks?), or pointed out that history provided plenty of examples of warlike peoples, both eastern and European, who had been ruled by kings. [50] Settala explained that in the time of Hippocrates the Greeks, "conspired as one for liberty against tyrants, just like the Swiss in our own age," [51] a remarkable observation to come from Spanish Milan in the last years of the sixteenth century. [52]

The portrait of Hippocrates as philosopher, astrologer, anatomist, and historian that emerges from these commentaries was incidental to the main purpose of these works, which was to interpret the medical teaching of Hippocrates the physician. But physicians also produced programmatic histories of their discipline as a whole. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries a few humanists and polymaths outside medicine interested themselves in medicine's past. They included Pope Nicholas V's librarian Giovanni Tortelli, Polydore Vergil, and Trithemius, all of whom included substantial treatments of medicine or medical writers in encyclopedic works. One of them, Tortelli, subsequently expanded his account into an independent treatise, possibly the first such treatment of medical history. [53] In addition, authors who wrote in the genre of collected brief lives of the illustrious men (and occasionally women) of a particular city fairly often included physicians. [54] But most writing about the history of medicine was the work of humanist physicians themselves. Apparently the earliest of them to attempt a general history of medicine was Gian Giacomo Bartolotti, who lectured in the medical faculty at Pisa and Ferrara in the 1490s. [55]

Bartolotti's De antiquitate medicinae, which extended from the remotest ancient and mythic origins of medicine to "my teachers Antonio Cittadini and Sebastiano dell'Aquila," originated as an oration given at the beginning of his course on Avicenna's therapeutics. [56] The custom of giving orations at various academic ceremonies in fact provided one of the major occasions for physicians -- as for astronomers -- to reflect on the history of their discipline. To be sure, few authors of medical orations treated historical topics at such length or in such detail as Bartolotti or, a hundred and thirty years later, Gabriel Naud[acute{e}] in his On the Antiquity and Dignity of the Paris Medical School. But summaries of or commonplaces about medical history are a standard feature, found in numerous examples of the genre. In this context, the value of history for physicians clearly depended upon the ancient and medieval union of history and rhetoric, enhanced by the Renaissance revival of epideictic rhetoric. [57]

Innumerable discussions about the origins of medicine testify that physicians shared to the full the endless humanist fascination with remote antiquity. But they, like intellectuals in other fields, were also well aware that ancient historians themselves had written the history of their own or recent times, not just that of the remote past. Bartolotti was at least partly inspired to his historical endeavors by reading some of Plutarch's Lives. [58] The emergence of a new genre, the biography of a celebrated modern physician, provided the context for yet another kind of history writing, at once rhetorical, exemplary, and responsive to contemporary interest in personal lives and characters. One of the earliest examples of this genre is the Ferrarese humanist Sozzino Benzi's Life of his father Ugo, professor of medicine at the University of Siena and elsewhere, and a philosopher of, according to Sozzino, great contemporary renown. [59] (In the more jaundiced view of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, it was difficult to get Ugo to stop talking, which perhaps amounts to the same thing. [60]) Sozzino's biography, written about 1440, was intended to preface a collection of his father's works, although it was never in fact included in any of the subsequent printed editions of Ugo's Opera. [61] Indeed, the multiplication of such biographies evidently also depended at least partly on the rise of printing. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries they appear, sometimes accompanied by an engraved portrait, as part of the front matter of editions of the collected works of distinguished physicians. Unlike Sozzino Benzi, who was not a medical man but a court humanist, the authors of these later biographies were physicians. Some of them combined close personal knowledge of their subjects with broad scholarly interests and distinction in their own right. Guillaume Plancy the biographer of Jean Fernel, had been Fernel's live-in assistant for ten years. [62] But Plancy had also been a pupil of Bud[acute{e}] and was the editor of Bud[a cute{e}]'s Greek letters, as well as the translator of works of Chrysostom, Synesius, and Plutarch. [63] Laurent Joubert, professor and chancellor of the University of Montpellier, is probably best remembered today for his vernacular treatises on popular errors and on laughter. [64] His vivid life of his predecessor as university chancellor, the physician and naturalist Guillaume Rondelet, may have been too frank for inclusion with Rondelet's works. Instead, Joubert published it in the volume of his own Latin opera, dedicated to the future Henri IV. [65]

Joubert's life of Rondelet is strikingly personal, self-expressive, and -- one must say -- gossipy. Joubert celebrated Rondelet's achievements -- especially, and deservedly, his important work on the natural history of fish --but compared with, for example, Sozzino Benzi's encomium to Ugo, he held conventional rhetoric to a minimum. Moreover, from Joubert we also learn about the scandal caused by Rondelet's dissection of the dead body of his own infant son, about his belief that he had been given poison by a prostitute in Rome (he escaped unscathed because he had eaten butter beforehand), about his interest in reformed religion and cautious prudential suppression of it, and about his emotional and financial dependence on his sister-in-law. [66] Even more striking is Joubert's psychological analysis of what he believed -- or hoped -- were Rondelet's feelings for himself. Early in his career Joubert had lived in Rondelet's house for three years as pupil or assistant. After Rondelet had tried without success to arrange a marriage between Joubert and first one and then another of the Rondelet daughters, his initial affection for the younger man turned to "hatred and suspicion." But later, when Joubert continued to treat him with filial respect, Rondelet "could neither [continue] to hate ... nor openly express affection." [67]

Yet the most complex and historically ambitious of these biographies of "modern" physicians was not a tribute from a pupil or associate, but a meditation on a figure of the previous century. Gabriel Naud[acute{e}]'s life of Girolamo Cardano deserves much fuller notice than space permits here. In it, Naud[acute{e}] combined vivid evocation of his subject's personal deficiencies with appreciation of his intellectual attainments and with a rationalist but not unsympathetic critique of the occultist enthusiasms of the sixteenth century. [68]

But physicians did not only write history of medicine, biographies of medical figures, or historical passages embedded in medical works. Some of them tackled broad general historical topics. As one might expect, those who did so were as a rule men whose careers, experience, and associations took them beyond the sometimes narrow world of academic medical faculties into courtly or urban environments or humanistic circles. One of the best known physician-historians of this type is also among the earliest and the most impressive. Hartman Schedel, author of the Nuremberg Chronicle, managed to combine an active and long lasting medical career in his native city with history writing on a truly massive scale. Hartman and his older cousin Herman were two of many fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Germans who traveled south to obtain the MD from Padua. Subsequently, both returned to Nuremberg to spend the rest of their careers there as medical practitioners, book collectors, and leading members of the small local humani st circle. The production of the Chronicle, at once universal history and expression of local civic pride, was a complicated and expensive collaborative project involving merchant patrons, printer, artists, and Dr. Schedel the author, or rather compiler, of the text. Schedel's participation is testimony not only to his own historical interests but to the esteem in which his historical learning as well as his medical knowledge was held among Nuremberg's civic and intellectual elite. If one may judge from Schedel's practice of inserting religious, political, portentous, and medical broadsheets into his own copy of the printed work, his conception of history embraced divine action, past and current human actions, and medical and natural phenomena and bridged what are now taken to be high and low realms of culture. [69]

If few practicing physicians managed history writing on Schedel's scale, others certainly combined historical work with a fully engaged and life-long commitment to medical teaching, practice, and authorship. Michele Savonarola, who wrote on the illustrious citizens of Padua and engaged in correspondence about the origins of Venice with Sicco Polenton, was a highly esteemed professor of practical medicine at the University of Padua and subsequently physician at the Estensi court in Ferrara. [70] His medical works included a many times reprinted practica, a pioneering treatise on the regimen of pregnant women and infants, and a vernacular diet book for his patron Borso d'Este.

Giovanna Ferrari's recent study of Alessandro Benedetti, appropriately entitled L'esperienza del passato, traces the career and activities of a physician who strikingly exemplifies medical interest in historia in all its senses. Benedetti is probably best remembered today for his Anatomice, a treatise on the new investigative anatomy that does indeed embody the results of an inquiry. [71] But he also wrote contemporary political history about events in which he had himself participated (Diaria de bello carolino), in the shape of a vigorously pro-Venetian account of Charles VIII's invasion of Italy (during which Benedetti had served as physician to the Venetian forces). [72] In natural history he produced an edition of Pliny, in which he tried to defend Pliny against his critics. And Benedetti had antiquarian interests. He endeavored to prove that Pliny was of Veronese origin by the use -- or rather misuse -- of epigraphic evidence and assertions that Pliny's Latin included terms resembling words in Veronese d ialect.[73]

For some medically trained historical writers, the pull of their historical interests limited their interest in medicine or drew them away from it entirely. Giovanni Garzoni professed and practiced medicine at Bologna for almost forty years. But he seems to have regarded these activities as a tiresome interruption to his preferred occupations of humanistic correspondence, hagiography, and the production of classicizing historical works on subjects ranging from the biography of the father of his patron and patient Giovanni Bentivoglio, despot of Bologna, to the history of medieval Saxony. Baccio Baldini, the author of an enthusiastic, not to say sycophantic, biography of Cosimo I, as well as of a commentary on the Hippocratic Airs Waters Places in which he drew attention to Cosimo's projects for limiting flooding on the plain of the Arno, held the position of protomedico of Tuscany. But his main occupations were clearly courtly rather than medical.75 And, as we learn from T. C. Price Zimmerman's fine study of Paolo Giovio, the most celebrated and copious of the sixteenth-century's medically trained historians readily (and perhaps thankfully) abandoned medicine altogether in favor of history writing and ecclesiastical careerism (14-19).

As the examples already mentioned show, fifteenth- and sixteenth-century physicians who who wrote general (in the sense of non-medical) history wrote in all the genres commonly available in their day, ranging from universal history, through biography, through "commentaries" (in the sense of Caesar's Commentaries, as Benedetti described his account of the Caroline war), to collective accounts of particular categories of illustrious men -- and across periods from antiquity to their own time. It would thus be difficult to associate medical training with the production of any particular type of history. As suggested earlier, the circumstances that qualified physicians to write history and interested them in doing so were the general humanistic background that they shared with contemporaries in other fields; the presence of historical content within medicine; and those developments in Renaissance medicine and life sciences that increased emphasis on the recording of particulars, the construction of narrative, and the analysis of past events. None of these factors need influence the choice of genre, period, or topic. But there seem to be some cases in which an author's medical training or views clearly interacted with his broader historical understanding and interpretation. Two examples follow.

Cardano's Encomium of Nero can be read in various ways. The conventional sixteenth-century judgement of Nero, freely adopted by Cardano himself in his analysis of that emperor's horoscope, was, of course, that he was a monster of villainy. Accordingly, some possible ways of understanding the Encomium are as satire, paradox, or a rhetorical exercise in assigning praise. Cardano wrote at least one Lucianic satire, an encomium of gout, and enjoyed ingenious paradoxes, as when he remarked that commentaries often tell us more about the commentator than the commented author. [76] Nevertheless, the Encomium of Nero also evidently contains elements of genuine historical analysis. As Ingegno has noted, central elements are a critique of Tacitus and Suetonius, the two principal sources for Nero's reign and character, and insistence on the arbitrariness, absurdity, and relativity of human judgement (186-88, 199-206). Cardano claimed that the Tacitean account of Nero (together with that of Suetonius) was motivated by th e author's political associations and agenda. Furthermore, comparison of Nero's conduct with that of other rulers, ancient and modern, revealed him as at least no worse than many others who were not held up as historic examples of tyranny. However the treatise is interpreted, its most salient feature is surely the reversal of conventional judgement -- not only of Nero, but also of Tacitus. At the time Cardano wrote, in some learned circles, Tacitus was just beginning to replace Livy as the most esteemed Roman historian and guide to prudent life. Andrea Alciato, whom Cardano knew and admired, was among the scholars who early devoted attention and appreciation to Tacitus. But Cardano reduced Tacitus to "a most ambitious man, attached to the faction of the optimati" (that is, senatorial opponents of imperial power) and "a priest of idols and a man of the highest ambition and improbity, if you want to put together his life from his own words." [77]

Cardano's treatments of major figures in the history of medicine involve similar reversals -- praising, or at any rate excusing, what was customarily blamed and blaming what was customarily praised. The most obvious, but also the most ambiguous, example is his handling of Galen. Writing in an age in which Galen was the dominant authority in medicine and the full and accurate recovery of Galen's teaching still counted as a salient recent achievement, Cardano frequently presented himself as Galen's critic on various specific counts, but especially as an interpreter of Hippocrates. At the same time, Cardano's medical scholarship -- indeed his entire medical outlook -- remained profoundly Galenist. Furthermore, Galen was an announced model for his accounts of his own cures, and his autobibliographies, as well as, implicitly, for his, Cardano's, ambitious program of Hippocratic commentary. [78]

Cardano scattered favorable and unfavorable comments on Galen through many works. But he included an extended general evaluation of the Greek physician in a short treatise specifically devoted to the ambiguous and varying nature of historical reputation. "On the judgement of men of antiquity" analyzes the careers and achievements of nine poets, scientific writers, philosophers, and theologians. [79] The entire discussion is framed in such a way as to emphasize the contingency of fame on historical context and to emphasize the complexity and ambivalence of the character and achievements of famous individuals. The opening words run: "I have seen that many people were justly ambiguous in their judgement of famous men, whether these were celebrated for arms or for letters." [80] Cardano went on to explain that men achieved fame for one of three different reasons: exceptional ability (peritia) in an activity valued in the society in which they lived; possession of great power; or outstanding piety. The passage le ads up to the declaration that famous men were of three kinds: those with exceptional ability in one area; the lucky; and the wise -- although in any given individual these categories could be combined and subdivided in various ways and change over time. A concluding evaluation of some medieval authors re-emphasizes yet further the impact of historical contingency on reputation. Although Cardano expressed the standard humanist judgement that men who lived in a barbarous age could not be eloquent, his remarks had a relativist thrust not characteristic of such comments. He asserted that the writings of scholastic exegeres, theologians, and philosophers were useful and solid, but had become undervalued because they did not write in the style favored "in our age when the study of elegant expression flourishes." As a result, "we laugh at our ancestors; they if they could see us would weep at our calamities." [81] Thus, according to Cardano, famous historical personages are a complex and shifting mix of good and ba d qualities, and historical reputations change with changing intellectual fashions. The effect of arguments of this kind is evidently not only to reverse conventional judgements but also to bring into doubt the very idea of exemplary history.

The evaluation of Galen in the light of these considerations occupies fully a third of the brief text. No quick summary can do full justice to the flavor of the resulting diatribe. Galen had more luck than erudition. His vices were more numerous than his virtues and his words more numerous than his deeds. It was indeed fortunate that many of his writings had perished, and would have been better for the development of medicine and for Galen's reputation if they had all done so. His philosophy was erroneous. He boasted of his knowledge of geometry, astrology, and arithmetic, but really did not even grasp the rudiments. As for his knowledge of anatomy, it was much inferior to that of the earlier anatomists whose written works were lost. He made a habit of harshly denouncing all other medical authors, except Hippocrates. But even his praise of Hippocrates was insincere: really, he always twisted Hippocrates' words for the worse. Driven by ambition to write a vast number of books, he had only three or four friend s to dedicate them to. [82]

Much about this account suggests that it was constructed as a rhetorical exercise in assigning blame, just as one way of looking at the (much longer) Encomium of Nero is as an exercise in assigning praise. In reality, Cardano neither excluded the possibility of ancient exemplary models of medical conduct (since he clearly regarded Hippocrates as an exemplary physician) nor invariably rejected Galen as a model (since he overtly modeled himself on Galen in some respects). But also like the Encomium of Nero, there is more to the iudicium of Galen than first meets the eye. With the exception of the remarks on anatomy, Cardano does not direct blame at any specific aspect of Galen's medical teaching or practice. Rather, he attacks his moral character and philosophical views. In other words, Cardano's evaluation (which appears to have been written in 1569 [83]) does exactly the contrary of the Renaissance biographies of Galen to which Vivian Nutton has drawn attention. It shows that statements drawn from Galen's ow n works can just as well be used to portray a thoroughly despicable character as a model of medical morality. Taken in the context of the recent outpourings of praise of Galen the model physician, Cardano's iudicium not only reverses a conventional judgement but reveals the fragility of its evidential basis.

Cardano was neither the first nor the only sixteenth-century writer to call attention to the ambiguities of exemplary history. Machiavelli can be read in the same way, as Victoria Kahn has pointed out (18-33). Guicciardini's dismissal of the usefulness of ancient example, in his posthumously published Ricordi, is well known. [84] Indeed, some scholars have recently postulated a Renaissance "crisis of exemplarity." [85] The perceptions, techniques, and range of reading that informed Cardano's evaluations of Nero and Galen are part of the broader historical movement of his age. But at the same time, it also seems possible to me that his heightened awareness of the insecurity of all conventional historical judgements and examples may have been stimulated by, or even derived from, contemporary critiques of specific aspects of ancient medical science. It is by no means irrelevant in this context that Cardano was both admirer and critic of Vesalius. [86]

For the second example, I return briefly to Gabriel Naud[acute{e}]. Although Naud[acute{e}] seems never to have practiced medicine, he was physician by training and the author of medical works. [87] As noted earlier, he wrote in some well-established Renaissance genres of medical history -- physician biography and rhetorical oration about the history of medicine and medical institutions. But Naud[acute{e}] also participated in new developments, different in important respects from the practices of history writing in or outside of medicine over the previous two centuries.

Naud[acute{}e] is probably best remembered today as librarian, bibliographer, editor, and cultural organizer. But Momigliano long ago remarked on the striking convergence of medical training, libertine views, and the growing antiquarian interest in the material history of culture in members of the circle of [acute{e}]rudits in which he moved. [88] And as both Kristeller and, more recently, Paul Nelles have pointed out, Naud[acute{e}]'s own enterprise was fundamentally one of historical criticism. Both in the famous Advis pour dresser une biblioth[grave{e}]que and in his specifically historical works, he put encyclopedism and skepticism to the service of a new cultural history to be based on critical historical evaluation of the learned tradition. Thus, his Apologie pour tous les grands personnages qui ont est[acute{e}] faussement soupconn[acute{e}] de magie submits to critical analysis and rejects the supposed evidence for the practice of demonic magic by learned men of the past and adduces historically cond itioned reasons why such accusations might arise. [89] The Addition [grave{a}] l'histoire de Louis XI explicitly characterizes political narrative -- even the much admired work of Commines -- as only a partial account of the past because it omits cultural history, and sets out to supply the lack. [90]

In Naud[acute{e}]'s case, too, I would suggest both that his approach to general history bears the marks of his medical formation and that his medical views were tempered by his historical ideas -- in this instance a commitment to a comprehensive and critical assessment of the history of learning. Thus, he had an orthodox academic Galenist dislike of alchemists and Paracelsians, evident in his insistence that Arnald of Villanova was not "a miserable and vagabond chemist" but "the most learned physician of his time." [91] Yet the works of Paracelsus and others like him belonged in the ideal library. [92] Moreover, Paracelsus, too, deserved defense against the unfounded accusation that he had practiced demonic magic, even if only in the shape of a remark to the effect that Paracelsus's self-invented language was so peculiar that one could not tell whether he was talking of a piece of bread, a stone, the devil, or nature, so that it was no wonder that he had been accused of being a magician. [93] More important ly, the history of the arts and sciences, proposed in different ways both in the general historical works and in the Advis, incorporates and gives a fairly prominent place to medical history.

How then are we to read medical participation in two centuries of hu-manistic historical culture in all its varieties? I would suggest that it needs to be recognized that the Renaissance discipline of medicine included elements that have sometimes seemed extraneous to historians concerned with either the scientific or the social history of medicine. The scientific content of Hippocratic-Galenic medicine and of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century innovations in anatomy, physiology, and botany has long been well studied. Over the last generation, new approaches have transformed -- and improved -- the social and cultural history of pre-modern medicine out of recognition. But the historical and philosophical interests, the importance attached to commentary as a medical genre, the classicizing impulse, of Renaissance medicine have, on the whole, attracted less scholarly attention and certainly less sympathy. Yet these are aspects integral to medicine as a branch of Renaisance learning -- a humanistic discipline am ong others. But perhaps, too, it might be useful to broaden the understanding of Renaissance intellectual history, so as to follow Naud[acute{e}]'s example by incorporating medical learning in all its varieties fully therein.

(*.) I am grateful to Anthony Grafton for helpful comments on an earlier draft of this essay.

(1.) Bodin, 1945, preamble, 12.

(2.) Casaubon, 24-25. Casaubon's allusion to the story is noted in Johns, 430.

(3.) Machiavelli, 1989 (trans. Gilbert), 1:191; 1954, book 1, proem, 90: "N[acute{e}] ancora la medicina [grave{e}] altro che esperienzia fatta dagli antiqui medici, sopra la quale fondano e medici presenti e loro iudizii. Nondimeno nello ordinare le republiche, nel mantenere li stati, nel governare e regni, nello ordinare la milizia ed amministrare la guerra, nel iudicare e sudditi, nello accrescere l'imperio, non si truova principe n[acute{e}] republica che agli esempli delli antiqui ricorra."

(4.) Bodin, 1566, 8; 1945 (trans. Reynolds), 12.

(5.) Couzinet points out that Bodin's thought considers the influence of natural, environmental factors on human history, thus extending the medical analogy from the empirical discovery of remedies -- as in Machiavelli -- to the reasoning about natural causes carried out by the rational and philosophically oriented physician, and notes parallels with Fernel and the Renaissance use of Galen's Methodus medendi (123-30).

(6.) Mercuriale, 1597, 2: "Etenim historiac nomen etsi simpliciter narrationem apud Graecos significet, verum tamen historiarum tria genera repereri certum est divinum naturale et humanum. Divinum est in quo res sacrae narrantur, ut sunt libri sacri seu biblia. Naturale, ut libri Aristotelis de historia animalium, libri Theophrasti de historia plantarum, Plinii historia, naturalis. Humanum, ut sunt libri, qui vel actiones hominum narrant, vel animi humani naturam, ut appellat Arisroteles libros suos de Anima historiam, vel corporis universam compaginem." Compare Bodin, 1566, chap. 1, 9: "Historiae, id est verae narrationis, tria sunt genera: humanum, naturale, divinum. Primum ad hominem pertinet, alterum ad naturam, tertium ad naturae parentem. Unum actiones hominis in societate vitam agentis explicat: alterum causas in natura positas eamque progressus ab ultimo principio deducat." Resemblance does not, of course, necessarily imply dependence. On Mercuriale, see Paoletti.

(7.) See n. 6. All translations are my own unless otherwise specified.

(8.) The most important discussion of the philosophical content of the Encomium Neronis is Ingegno, 184-208. For an interpretation that stresses the immediate political and biographical context see Eberl's introduction in Cardano, 1994, 11-17. Encomium Neronis, first published in Basel, 1562, along with Cardano's Somniorum Syneiorum ... libri IV and other works, is also available in Cardano's Opera, 1:179-220.

(9.) Seifert, 36-62.

(10.) Examples include Georgius Agricola (1494-1555), author of De re metallica, and William Gilbert (1540-1603), author of De magnete.

(11.) See Ottosson, 65-98; Siraisi, 1990a.

(12.) These aspects of scholastic medicine are discussed in Siraisi, 1990b, 102-04, 136-52.

(13.) Capitulum singulare, 1:5-8. The work was completed in 1363.

(14.) For Pietro d'Abano's (d. 1315) interest in the history of philosophy, see his Conciliator, differentia 124, fol. 181, and Piaia, 17-19. For the remark about Themison, Conciliator, differentia 1, 3r: "Ex cuius sucessoribus Themison nuper in senectute quaedam deflexit." The passage is noted in Heischkel, 36. In the early fourteenth century use of Celsus was highly unusual.

(15.) Pietro d'Abano, 1475, 30.2 and 18.9.

(16.) For a notable example, see Simon de Phares. I have not yet seen the critical edition, edited by Jean-Patrice Boudet (Paris, 1997).

(17.) In 1262, the chronicle of Rolandino of Padua was read in the presence of and approved by the doctors and masters of the studium of Padua, including three doctors of phisica; see Rolandino, 173-74. In 1314 or 1315, the College of Arts [and Medicine] of the studium of Padua crowned with laurel the poet and historian Albertino Mussato, who commemorated the occasion in a poem entitled "Ad collegium artistarum" (printed in Graevius, 6:2.33-36; Italian translation in Dazzi, 184-87). See also Siraise, 1973, 22, 47.

(18.) See Lazzarini, 99-116. The collection of remedies by jacopo Dondi (d. 1359) is Liber aggregationis....

(19.) For some of the history books owned by Giovanni di Marco (d. 1474), see Manfron, 155-61, inventario A, nos. 4, 19, 52, 71, 72, 78, 80, 100; inventario B, nos. 6, 9, 11, 12, 16, 17, 34, 53, 54, 104, 115, 117. Another physician who owned literary and historical works was Giovanni Dondi (d. 1389), son of Jacopo; see Lazzarini, 265-68.

(20.) For some examples, see Siraisi, 1994, 100-03.

(21.) See Agrimi and Crisciani,

(22.) Ugo Benzi quoted in Lockwood, 319.

(23.) Benivieni. Another example is the work of Ugolino da Montecatini, on which see Daston and Park, 139-44.

(24.) For a summary and bibliography of these developments in Renaissance Hippocratism, see Siraisi, 1997, 119, and sources there cited.

(25.) See Turquet de Mayerne, 144-54: "Incrementi autem seu dilationis ipsius [sc. Vesicae] primordia turn coepisse verisimile est cum vir pius penso gravissimo nimium intentus dies noctesque libris assidens per multos menses transegit, tunc siquid lotii reddendi immemorem quotidie imo quavis hora reddebat, animi a naturalibus ad sublimi avocato, ita ut a corpore veluti abstracta mens, nec incommoda sentiret, neque muneribus necessariis vacare, vel ad corporis vilia officia se demittere dignaretur" (149). Compare Arnald of Villanova, 174: "Notariis quidem publicis, qui sub immoderata luce iugiter chartas albas, vel scribendo vel legendo inspiciunt, per se dat eius officium incurrere visus debilitatem intempestivam, sed quod nephrenesin aut vesicae passiones incurrant, ut calculum, stranguriam vel dissuriam immoderata facit hoc retentio urinae, et etiam faecum aut quia solicitudine distracti expellere negligunt, aut quis remoti a diversoriis retinere coguntur." I owe the latter reference to Chiara Crisciani. On Mayerne's casebooks, compiled in the years 1605-1640, see Nance. On Casaubon's illness and death see further Pattison, 412-17, and bibliography there cited.

(26.) See Grafton and Siraisi.

(27.) Bodier, 17v-51v. On Bodier, see Thorndike, 5:301-03.

(28.) See Kibre, 158-62; Smith, 1990; Pinault; R[ddot{u}]tten.

(29.) See, for example, many of the texts edited in Von Staden.

(30.) Smith, 1979, 61-176.

(31.) Ibid., 172-75, with reference to the forged Galenic commentary on Humors. This was not the only such forgery.

(32.) On the ancient practice of prefacing exegesis of texts with biographical information about their authors and, in particular, the importance of Galen's example and influence, see Mansfeld, especially 1-11, and 117-76.

(33.) "See Cardano, Paralipomenon 1.10, 10:437-49 and De venenis libri iii 1.9, 7:275-355 (originally published in Basel, 1564, with his Commentarii in Aphorismos Hippocratis). I have treated Cardano's views on history of medicine and use of history in medical works in slightly more detail in Siraisi, 1999. For ease of reference, all works of Cardano's, unless otherwise specified, are cited from the Opera Omnia of 1663, edited by C. Spon. Titles of works are given in the form that they appear in the table of contents of this edition. Passages quoted from works originally published during the author's lifetime have also been checked in the respective sixteenth-century editions.

(34.) See Nutton.

(35.) Mercuriale, 1584; see also Lonie.

(36.) "In philosophia eousque progressus est, ut quinque certaminum athleta dici possit: Naturalia, moralia, mathematica, liberales disciplinas, artiumque omnium peritiam callebat. Plurimum sub ipsis praeceptoribus profecisse adolescentem, natura ad omnem prudentiam et doctrinam ediscendam proclivem, ad hoc singularibus ingenii dotibus adiutum, etiamsi eius scripta non testarentur, facilis est ex rebus certissimis coniectura" (B4v). My thanks to Dr. Thomas R[ddot{u}]tten for kindly providing photocopies both of this commentary and of that cited in the next note.

(37.) Meibom, 4-7. Meibom acknowledged his dependence on and amalgamated trees previously constructed by Reinerus Reineccius and Hieronymus Henninges. Hippocrates' family tree appears in Reinerus Reineccius, at 416-19. Henninges (1563-1597) was the author of a number of genealogical works; that referred to is most likely his Theatrum genealogicum ostentans omnes omnium aetatum familias, monarcharum, regum, ducum, marchionum, principum, comitum, atque illustrium herorum et heroinarum, item philosophorum, oratorum, historicorum ... (Magdeburg, 1598). I have not seen this source.

(38.) Baldini, 1586: "Caetaerum considerate oportet an Hyppocrates cum hic dicit Astronomiam magno adiumento esse medicinae intelligat astronomiam illam quam naturalem appellant quae coelestium orbium numerum, situm et motum syderum ortum et occasum, eclypses et varias stellarum et astrorum magnitudines et apparentias tractar, vet earn quam iudiciariam dicunt quae hominum inclinationes, mores, vitam, mortem et fortunas praedicere profitetur, Crediderim ego Hyppocrates hoc in loco intelligere naturalem astronomiam, quoniam ipse dicit medicum novisse debere ortum et occasum syderum ut inde cognoscat mutationes horarum anni quibus mutatio ventrium comitatur, a quibus infert astronomiam medicae arti multum conferre, at omnia haec ad naturalem astronomiam pertinent, an veto astronomia judiciaria medico utilis sit non est praesentis disputationis considerare...attamen unicuique de hac re ut lubet iudicium facere permitto" (57)

(39.) De la Corde: "Namque opinari omnes corporis partes, usum earum et connexiones non percalluisse Hippocratem perpulchre, nefas permagnum cogitatu, et dictu indignissimum homini praesertim philosopho, nedum medico" (3).

(40.) Valles: "Itaque hic autor historicus est, non praeceptor" (1r).

(41.) Mercuriale, 1597: "Verum neque sic praecise appellamus historias quas vulgus medicorum vocat etiamnum casus, quorum copia magna praeter Hippocratem est quoque apud Galenum. Atque huiusmodi Hippocratis narratio diversa est a narratione aliorum historicorum, quod omnia contingentia narrent, Hippocrates autem, ut ait Galenus, nequaquam omnia: qui libro secundo de difficultate respirantis capite septimo, comparans historiam Thucididis, qui descripsit libro secundo Atheniensem pestem, et Hippocratis qui de eadem locutus est in lib. Epidem. ait eum cuncta etiam idiotis perspecta enarrasse, Hippocratem vera pauca ex eis quae ad totam affectionem pertinent circa quam egrotus est periclitarus, scripsisse, multa vulgaria praetetmisse, multaque ab aliis praetermissa et neglecta recitasse, quod ad usum artis valde conducerent" (2).

(42.) For example, ibid.: "Philiscus enim hic ille idem fuit cuius meminit secunda constitutione, secundo, in primum Epid. et textus 62. Plinius lib. 11 cap. 9 mentionem facit cuiusdam cuiusdam Philisci Thasii, qui maximo amore captus fuit erga apes, de quibus etiam scripsit; unde existimo in Thaso hoc nomen fuisse usitatum. Fuerunt etiam alii Philisci ut auditor Diogenis, qui ad eum audiendum peregrinatus est, fuerat etiam quidam tragicus..."(6). Similarly, of other individuals, see 30, 55, [1]52 (where it is explained that a patient named Pericles is not the famous Athenian).

(43.) See Glacken, 82-88, and Tooley.

(44.) See for example L'Alemant, 188v-89v. Hippocrates' account of the Amazons occurs in Airs, Waters, Places 17 in Hippocrates, 1:116-18. Regarding the ancient sources of the Amazon myth, see Blok. The Amazons had an extensive Renaissance fortuna in both literature and supposed history; on this see, for example, Kleinbaum, 5-137.

(45.) Siraisi, 1997, 143-44.

(46.) "Cum vero hic constet, de Amazonibus sermonem haberi, et prius quidem historicum, cum multa videam, et pene fabulosa apud historicos, et poetas de iis scribi, quae fortasse etiam verioribus falsitatis suspicionem iniiciunt, operaepretium esse duxi, ea in medium proponere, quae a variis, et magni quidem nominis scriptoribus dicunt de Amazonibus, ur ex iis invicem collatis, tandem quid in tanta rerum varietate, maxime ab antiquitate rei permanante dicendum sit, possimus statuere; maxime cum scriptorem exponamus mentiri nunquam solitum" (440). The discussion of ancient historians continues until 445.

(47.) Ibid., 445.

(48.) "Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, Places 16, 1:114-16.

(49.) L'Alemant, 164r-66v, 183v-184r. "Rem signo demonstrat, libertatem reddere bellicosiores homines: quod confirmat Iulius Caesar de Germanis loquens ... (184r)."

(50.) For example, Baldini, 1586: "Sed huic sententiae Hyppocratis multa repugnare videntur, nam Persae sub Cyro rege bellicosissimi fuere, Aegyptii sub Sesostre, Macedones sub Philippo Aminrae et sub Alexandro. Romani quoque sub regibus strenui ac bellatores fuere, Galli sub Brenno eorum regem Romam coepere, Unni, Gothi, er Longobardi qui totam Italiam devastarunt ac sibi subiecerunt sub regibus vixere, attamen bellicosi, fortes et strenui fuerunt. An hi populi omnes et si sub regibus vixerint, consilia, magistratus et collegia habebant, adeo ut ipsorum regimen reipublicae potius quam regni vel principatus speciem praeseferret, praedaeque spe et quietis ducebantur quae inter milites dividebantur, agros, villas domosque incolarum regionum quas vincebant loco praemii laborum suorum accipiebant, ubi deinde quietam vitam degebant, at Hyppocrates in hoc loco de his regibus ac populis non loquitur, sed de iis qui vulgo reges appellantur quibus cuncta redduntur, populi vero qui ipsis parent nullum honorem vel util e in regno habent, et cum in militiam proficiscuntur praemium nullum sperant, ut multi reges et populi huius generis tempore Hyppocratis in Asia erant, hos itaque populos timidos et imbelles necessario esse Hyppocrates dicit" (205-06).

(51.) Settala: "Homeri quidem tempore Graeciam sub regibus fuisse, at non Hippocratis aetate tunc enim omnes ferma Graeciae populi sine regibus atque tyrannis erant: quoniam quamvis inter se de principatu, et finibus certarent, pro libertate tamen in unum conspirabant adversus tyrannos, non secus, quam nostro tempore Helvetii consentiunt inter se" (437).

(52.) A comparison with some of the political undercurrents recently identified in the writings of academicians in Spanish Lombardy maybe relevant; see Pissavino, especially 105: "Se, infatti, a una prima lettura le scritture politiche prodotte nelle accademie sembrano restringersi solamente alla giustificazione-esaltazione del governo esistente, tuttavia non si pu[acute{o}] negare che da esse venivano rese esplicite le ragioni che dovevano muovere i sudditi all'obbedienza verso i superiori, e tale era il carattere del dibattito dottrinale contemporaneo." On political thought in the Spanish world, see also the studies collected in Pagden.

(53.) Heischkel, 39-74; Lockwood, 13-14; Copenhaver.

(54.) See Siraisi, 1987.

(55.) Bartolotti's text is translated on 93-142; for his career, see xx-xxv.

(56.) Ibid., 137, 142.

(57.) 0n the renaissance of classical forms of rhetoric, see Monfasani; O'Malley, 36-76; McManamon. By contrast with fifteenth- to seventeenth-century medical orations, the fourteenth-century medical graduation speeches of Gentile da Foligno (d. 1348) are marked by absence of historical reference, as well as by scholastic treatment and parellels with the structure of medieval sermons. See the examples edited in Schlam.

(58.) Bartolotti, 93 and 95.

(59.) See Lockwood, 149-56.

(60.) Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, Europae descriptio, chapter 52, gives an account of Ugo's banquet for the learned Greeks who attended the Council of Ferrara at which he engaged the guests in argument about the relative merits of Aristotle and Plato, so that "protracta est ad multas horas disputatio." The passage is edited in Lockwood, 157.

(61.) Ibid., 15.

(62.) Plancy's Vita Fernelii, written probably some time in the 1560s or 1570s, was first published as part of the front matter of Jean Fernel, Universa medicina (Frankfurt, 1607); see Sherrington, 149. The work is translated in ibid., 150-70, with the remark about Plancy's ten-year residence with Fernel on 170.

(63.) Ibid., 147-48.

(64.) For a brief account of Joubert's career and writings, and bibliography, see the introductory material to Joubert, 1989.

(65.) Joubert, 1599, 150-62, with Greek and Latin verse epitaphs of Rondelet following to 174. The preface to Henri (as King of Navarre) is dated 1578.

(66.) Ibid., 151-52, 154.

(67.) Ibid., 152, for the marriage negotiations: "Me vero Ioubertum, non amavit tantum, sed arsit, quandiu apud illum habitavi, et spes aliqua fuit affinitatis mutue contrahendae. Postea refrixit illius amor, saepe in odium ex suspicione conversus. Postremo noc odisse posset, qui se colebat et unice venerebatur, studioseque omni officio ac potius pietate prosequebatur, nec palam amorem explicaret ..." (155).

(68.) Naud[acute{e}]'s work was first published with his edition of Girolamo Cardano's autobiography, De vita propria liber (Paris, 1643). For discussion, see Bianchi, 48-54.

(69.) See Zahn's introduction in Wilson et al., 21-28; and Wilson, 207-24. The Chronicle was published in both Latin and German versions in 1493.

(70.) Savonarola. The work was written ca. 1445. For Savonarola's correspondence with Sicco Polenton, see Lazzarini, 108. For his career and writings, see Pesenti, 187-96.

(71.) Benedetti, 1998. The work was first published Venice, 1502; English translation is available in Lind, 81-137.

(72.) First published in 1496.

(73.) Ferrari, 175-250.

(74.) A brief account of Garzoni and bibliography of his writings is found in Garzoni, 1992, iv-xxvi, 576-79. Besides an extensive collection of humanistic letters, his works (a number of which remain in manuscript) include lives of St. Dominic, St. Thomas Aquinas, and other saints, lives of Frederic the Undaunted, Margrave of Thuringia (1257-1324), and of Giovanni di Bentivoglio the elder, and a work entitled De rebus Saxoniae, Thuringiae, Libonotriae, Misnae et Lusatiac libri duo. Garzoni's works on medieval history are interspersed with classicizing orations attributed to the historical actors; see, for example, his De bellis Friderici Magni..., 28. His letters are much more concerned with humanistic and historical than with medical themes.

(75.) For Baldini's career, see Fabroni, 2:261-62; for his life of Cosimo, see Vita di Cosimo Medici. Evidence of his courtly activities appears in Baldini, 1565. The remarks on Cosimo's flood control projects are to be found in Baldini, 1586, 244-45.

(76.) See Cardano, Encomium podagrae, 1:221-25 and Commentarii in Aphorismos Hippocratis 1.17, 8:251 (originally published Basel, 1564).

(77.) Cardano, Encomium Neronis, 1:217 and 179. Tacitus's account of Nero appears in Book 13 of the Annals. It was not until after about 1530 that Tacitus began to be considered mote important than Livy. Interest became widespread only after the publication of Justus Lipsius's influential edition in 1574. Both Bud[acute{e}] and Bodin also criticized Tacitus on moral grounds. On the development of the reputation of Tacitus, see Momigliano, "The First Political Commentary on Tacitus," where the judgements of Guicciardini (who remarked that Tacirus was instructive reading both for tyrants and for those who had to live under them), Bud[acute{e}], and Bodin are cited at 91.

(78.) Many specific instances of these attitudes scattered through Cardano's medical works are noted in Siraisi, 1997. For Cardano's critique of Galen, see especially 138-42.

(79.) "Cardano, Paralipomenon 16.1-5, 10:562-70.

(80.) Ibid.: "Multos vidi nec immerito ambiguos fuisse, inferendo iudicium de claris viris, seu lireris seu armis inclaruerint, adeo ut Plutarchus, cum disertissime Ciceronis vitam, tum etiam Demosthenis scripsisset, non solum inferendo iudicium de comparatione illorum mutaverit, sed etiam ipse tum alii admirentur; vel cur tam clarus evaserit, cum esset natura adeo ineptus, vel cur cum tam clarus esset, tot admiserit errores" (562).

(81.) Ibid., 570.

(82.) Ibid., 563-66.

(83.) Ibid., 570: "Anno Christi MCLXXII, qui ab hinc CCCIIIC habetur. ..."

(84.) According to Guicciardini, "Quanta si ingannono coloro che a ogni parola allegano e Romani! Bisognerebbe avere una citt[grave{a}] condizionata come era loro, e pai gavernarsi secondo quello essemplo: el quale a chi ha le qualit[grave{a}] disproporzionate [grave{e}]tanto disproporizionato, quanta sarebbe valere che una asina facessi el corso di uno cavallo" (136).

(85.) See essays by Rigolot, Jenneret, Sterle, Hampton, and Cornilliat in "The Crisis of Exemplarity."

(86.) See Siraisi, 1997, chapter 5.

(87.) A brief account of Naud[acute{e}]'s life and bibliography of his writings are found in Rice, 9-46 and 125-27.

(88.) Momigliano, 1950, 300.

(89.) First edition, Paris, 1625; subsequent editions, with slight variations of tide.

(90.) Naud[acute{e}], 1630, a5v-a6r, preface. The heading of the first chapter is: "Quelles sciences sont necessaires [acute{a}] ceux qui doivent reigner."

(91.) Naud[acute{e}], 1972: "... Arnauld de Vile neusve, qui n'a pas est[[acute{e}]...quelque miserable et vagabond chymiste come on nous le represente. Car il est vray tout au contraire, qu'il estoit le plus docte Medecin de son temps" (376).

(92.) See Nells, 49.

(93.) Naud[acute{e}], 1972: "Finalement pource qui est de ce grand Heresiarque en la Philosophie, Medecine et Religion, Theophraste Paracelse, qui est aujour d'huy le Zenith et Soleil levant de tous les Alchymistes, il me semble que ceux qui le veulent delivrer du crime de Magie, sans preiudice toutesfois des autres dont il est accuse, peuvent dire avec beaucoup de raison pour sa defence, que la nouveaut[acute{e}] de ses conceptions, la difficult[acute{e}] de son style, et l'obscurit[acute{e}] d'un grand nombre de mots qui vienne le plus souvents [grave{a}] la rencontre de ceux qui feuillettet [sic] ces livres ... rendent tellement le lecteur douteux et incertain de ce qu'il veut dire, quil ne marche qu'en tastonnant parmy de tels Meandres, et ne scauroit discerner quand il parle d'une crote ou d'une pilule, d'une pierre ou d'un pain, du Diable ou de la Nature..." (391-92).

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