Affiliation, flirting, and fun: mock aggressive behavior in college students.Mock aggression, behavior that resembles aggression but lacks intent to harm, is usually considered within the realm of childhood and has not been examined beyond adolescence in humans. We asked emerging adults (Arnett, 2000) about their mock aggressive interactions and the social and emotional outcomes of these interactions. Examining mock aggression into adulthood is important to our understanding of its developmental course, sequela sequela /se·que·la/ (se-kwel´ah) pl. seque´lae [L.] a morbid condition following or occurring as a consequence of another condition or event. se·quel·a n. pl. , and functions, and of the similarities and differences in serious and mock aggression. Aggression is behavior aimed at harming other living beings, physically or emotionally (Baron & Richardson, 1994; Berkowitz, 1998; Geen, 1998). Mock aggression has a dual nature, in that it resembles serious aggression structurally, but lacks intent to harm, and is friendly or playful. The emotional contexts and outcomes of mock aggression and aggression are antithetical an·ti·thet·i·cal also an·ti·thet·ic adj. 1. Of, relating to, or marked by antithesis. 2. Being in diametrical opposition. See Synonyms at opposite. . Aggression is usually accompanied by negative emotions outcomes (Anderson & Dill, 2000; Berkowitz, 1998). Mock aggression is typically accompanied by positive emotions and almost always has positive outcomes (Ballard, 1998; Boulton, 1991 a; Fry, 1990; Humphreys & Smith, 1987; Smith & Boulton, 1990). Mock aggression occurs in nearly all species of fauna fauna All the species of animals found in a particular region, period, or special environment. Five faunal realms, based on terrestrial animal species, are generally recognized: Holarctic, including Nearactic (North America) and Paleartic (Eurasia and northern Africa); (Aldis, 1975; Fagen, 1981) and includes behaviors such as play-fighting, tickling, chasing, wrestling, and biting. Among humans, mock aggression is also used as a nonverbal non·ver·bal adj. 1. Being other than verbal; not involving words: nonverbal communication. 2. Involving little use of language: a nonverbal intelligence test. means of celebration (e.g., hand slaps, head butts), greeting (e.g., giving the finger), and flirting (e.g., bumping, biting). Across species, play faces and signals are used to elicit mock aggression and moderate the intensity and duration of a bout (Fagen, 1981; Pellis, 1988). Children as young as 4 years of age discriminate between mock and serious aggression using cues such as positive vocalizations and facial expressions, pretending, play face, role-reversal, restraint, and self-handicapping (Boulton, 1991 a; Fry, 1987; Smith & Boulton, 1990; Smith, Hunter, Carvalho, & Costabile, 1992). Other distinguishing features include outcome of bout (e.g., continuing to interact), posture, and targets (Boulton, 1991a; Fry, 1990; Pellis, 1988; Smith & Boulton, 1990; Smith et al., 1992). Mock aggressive behaviors have the potential to cause harm, but rarely result in injury or distress because when mock aggression becomes too intense, the partner is signaled and stimulation lessens (Boulton, 1991a; Fry, 1990; Pellegrini & Smith, 1998; Pellis, 1988). Variables such as developmental status, gender, and context affect mock aggression. It first appears between parents and infants and is common among peers during the juvenile years before decreasing as adolescence or adulthood approaches (Enomoto, 1990; Fry, 1987; McDonald & Parke, 1986; Pellegrini & Smith, 1998; Pellis & Pellis, 1997). Among humans, mock aggression peaks around the age of 8 (Boulton, 1996; Pellegrini & Smith, 1998). Little is known about mock aggression in adult humans. Findings regarding gender and mock aggression vary depending on developmental status and species (Enomoto, 1990; McDonald & Park, 1986; Pellis & McKenna, 1992; Weiner & Crick Crick , Francis Henry Compton 1916-2004. British biologist who with James D. Watson proposed a spiral model, the double helix, for the molecular structure of DNA. He shared a 1962 Nobel Prize for advances in the study of genetics. , 1999). Among children, boys displayed more total mock aggression than girls, but girls were just as likely to chase and wrestle as boys (Boulton, 1996; Smith et al., 1992). Among adults competing in sports, women showed slightly higher levels of mock aggression than men (Ballard, 1998; Smith, Willis, & Gier, 1980; Sugiyama, 1990). Contexual factors also affect mock aggression. It is more common among familiar and similar partners (Boulton, 1991b; Fry, 1990; Humphreys & Smith, 1987; Pellis & McKenna, 1992; Thor & Holloway, 1984). Aggressive models and toys (e.g., bobo dolls, weapons, video games See video game console. ) increase the probability of mock aggression (Bandura ban`dur´a n. 1. A traditional Ukrainian stringed musical instrument shaped like a lute, having many strings. , Ross, & Ross, 1997; Fry, 1990; Hellendoorn & Harinck, 1997; Schutte, Malouff, Post-Gordon, & Rodasta, 1988). Mock aggression is particularly common in "playful" settings, such as sports, swimming pools, and playgrounds (Aldis, 1975; Ballard, 1998; Boulton, 1991b; Humphreys & Smith, 1987). Unlike aggression, which is related to poor developmental outcomes, mock aggression is related to positive development outcomes. In terms of its hypothesized functions, mock aggression is affiliative and may enhance social skills (Boulton, 1990, 1991b; Humphreys & Smith, 1987; Pellegrini, 1992; Schafer & Smith, 1996). Pellegrini (1989, 1992) found mock aggression to be related to social problem-solving among boys. He posited that mock aggression builds social skills by aiding in interpreting social cues (Pellegrini & Smith, 1998). Mock aggression also serves to develop motor skills, but there is controversy as to whether it serves as practice for practical self-defense (Boulton & Smith, 1992; Croft CROFT, obsolete. A little close adjoining to a dwelling-house, and enclosed for pasture or arable, or any particular use. Jacob's Law Dict. & Snaith, 1991; Fry, 1990; Pellis, 1988; Pellis & Pellis, 1997). Statement of Problem and Hypotheses Whereas aggression has been examined extensively, mock aggression has been examined primarily among children in the context of rough-and-tumble play on the playground. Our goal was to extend research on mock aggression into adulthood and across a wider array of contexts than has been examined among children. We also strived to identify contextual characteristics that differentiate mock from serious aggression. We performed two descriptive studies (a survey and an interview) to examine mock aggression among college students. We used self-report methodology so that a wider array of interpersonal contexts, including intimate interactions not available for observation, could be examined. The survey study was aimed at obtaining base rate information on types and frequencies of mock aggression during emerging adulthood Emerging adulthood is a phase of the life span between adolescence and full-fledged adulthood, proposed by Jeffrey Arnett in a 2000 article in the American Psychologist (summary of article). The concept of Emerging Adulthood is closely related to the idea of a "Twixter. and the common contexts and targets of this behavior. The interview study was more extensive, also examining common outcomes, differentiation of aggression and mock aggression, and the potential bene fits of mock aggression. We expected mock aggression to be more common among emerging adults than has been indicated by the literature. We expected that the mock aggression among adults would be both similar to and different from mock aggression among children. That is, we expected that mock aggression would be similar in structure (e.g., behaviors and some contexts), targets (friends, family), function (affiliation), and gender differences (males are somewhat more likely to engage in mock aggression than females) to mock aggression in childhood. However, we expected mock aggression to play an important role in the work and romantic relationships and sexual behavior sexual behavior A person's sexual practices–ie, whether he/she engages in heterosexual or homosexual activity. See Sex life, Sexual life. of emerging adults, roles that are not salient among children. We also expected to find that mock aggression, unlike serious aggression, occurs primarily in the context of positive emotion and affection and has positive outcomes. Subsequently, we expected that those reporting high levels of mock aggression would report lower levels of serious aggression. Survey Study Method Participants Participants were 56 (34 female; 22 male) middle to upper-middle class students (M age = 20.00). Most (N = 52) were white, the remainder were African-American (N= 2) and Hispanic-American (N= 1). All of the participants were heterosexual and single. They received extra credit for participating. Materials and Procedure Participants individually completed a consent form, a demographic questionnaire, and a survey used to gather data on 31 mock aggressive behaviors (see Table 1). These close-ended items were generated from a review of the literature and the experiences of psychology research assistants--peers of the sample. Participants reported the following about each mock aggressive behavior: frequency (almost daily, 3-5 times/week, weekly, monthly, never); target (friend, romantic partner, coworker co·work·er or co-work·er n. One who works with another; a fellow worker. , family member); and context (sports, social, romantic, work). Participants were debriefed following the survey. Results As expected, mock aggression was common among the participants (see Table 1). Participants reported engaging in all of the mock aggressive behaviors, often several times per week. Friends and romantic partners were the most common targets of mock aggression. General social settings and romantic settings were the most common contexts for mock aggression. Many behaviors (e.g., play fighting In humans, play fighting (sometimes called roughhousing) is an activity in which two or more people act as though they are in combat, but without actually meaning to harm their partners, nor dealing sufficient bodily harm to make the game unenjoyable. , wresting, chasing) were reported to occur across social contexts. Romantic situations were the most common context for tickling, butt slaps, pinning, biting, spanking spanking Pediatrics Corporal punishment, usually of children, in which the buttocks, are pummeled, swatted, or otherwise struck. See Corporal punishment Sexology Slapping, usually of the buttocks as a part of sexuoerotic activity. Cf Sadomasochism. , growling, and pretending to tear clothing. Several behaviors (e.g., bumping chests, bumping forearms, head/helmet slaps, and dumping liquids) occurred almost exclusively in sports settings. Males and females displayed similar levels of most types of mock aggression (t tests were used to assess gender; p was set at .01 for these analyses to help control for family-wise error). Males reported higher levels of backslap back·slap v. back·slapped, back·slap·ping, back·slaps v.intr. To demonstrate effusive goodwill. v.tr. To demonstrate effusive goodwill toward (another or others). , head/helmet slap, bump chests, knuckle knuckle /knuck·le/ (nuk´'l) the dorsal aspect of any phalangeal joint, or any similarly bent structure. knuck·le n. 1. hit, and firm handshake handshake - handshaking than females (see Table 2). Several of the behaviors displayed more often by men were more likely in sports contexts. Interview Study Method Participants Measures Participants included 109 (79 female: 30 male) undergraduates, ages 18 to 39; most (62%) were juniors or seniors. The upper-middle class sample was representative of liberal arts liberal arts, term originally used to designate the arts or studies suited to freemen. It was applied in the Middle Ages to seven branches of learning, the trivium of grammar, logic, and rhetoric, and the quadrivium of arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. students on campus: 90.8% White (N=99); 4.6% African-American (N=5); Native American (N=3); 0.9% Hispanic (N = 1); and 0.9% Asian-American (N = 1). Most participants were heterosexual (98%) and in a romantic relationship (78%). Participants earned extra credit for their participation. A structured interview (see Appendix) was developed using the results of the survey study. Participants were asked to recall each type of mock aggression they had displayed over the past month. Next they were given a list of 30 mock aggressive behaviors, to cue recall, and were asked to describe any other mock aggressive behaviors they had displayed over the past month. Participants reported the frequency, target(s), context(s), and outcomes of each behavior. Other items assessed the relation between mock aggression and aggression, behavioral traits, skills, benefits, and negative effects related to mock aggression. Coding schemes were created for each variable after data collection. A proportion (N = 60) of the cases were reviewed and the coding system Noun 1. coding system - a system of signals used to represent letters or numbers in transmitting messages code - a coding system used for transmitting messages requiring brevity or secrecy was refined to include the discrete responses for each of the categorical That which is unqualified or unconditional. A categorical imperative is a rule, command, or moral obligation that is absolutely and universally binding. Categorical is also used to describe programs limited to or designed for certain classes of people. variables (e.g., target or skills). Three mock aggressive behaviors not on the cue list (tripping, pileup, and shaking) were added to the coding scheme. The authors and a research assist ant coded the data. Because of the structure of the interview and the flexible coding system there were few questionable responses, but these were discussed and agreed upon Adj. 1. agreed upon - constituted or contracted by stipulation or agreement; "stipulatory obligations" stipulatory noncontroversial, uncontroversial - not likely to arouse controversy . Detailed responses for each variable (e.g., mother, father, sister) were encoded and then, to increase power, collapsed into catchall categories (e.g., family members) for analysis (see Appendix). The Interpersonal Behavior Survey Short Form (IBS IBS Irritable bowel syndrome, see there , Mauger & Adkinson, 1993) was used to assess participants' aggressiveness, assertiveness assertiveness /as·ser·tive·ness/ (ah-ser´tiv-nes) the quality or state of bold or confident self-expression, neither aggressive nor submissive. , and denial of socially undesirable traits. The aggressiveness scale measures day-to-day aggression (e.g., "Some people think I have a violent temper."). The assertiveness scale measures assertiveness versus nonassertiveness (e.g., "I say what I want to say in most situations."). The denial scale measures participants' willingness to admit socially undesirable behaviors and minor flaws (e.g., "I never make fun of people who do things I feel are stupid."). The IBS subscales have adequate validity (see Mauger & Adkinson, 1993 for a review). Test-retest reliability for the subscales is excellent and 10-week test-retest coefficients range from r = .81 to r = .93 (Mauger & Adkinson, 1993). Procedure Participants signed a consent form and completed a demographic questionnaire and the IBS-S. One of four well-trained female research assistants interviewed each participant individually about their mock aggression over the past month. Each session lasted 45-60 min. Participants were debriefed and given a participation slip. Results The data were analyzed descriptively. Participants had engaged in a wide variety (X = 7.6 types; range = 1-22; SD = 3.9) of mock aggressive behaviors and had done so often (X = 80.6 events; range 1-621; SD = 96.6; see Table 3). Familiar and proximal proximal /prox·i·mal/ (-mil) nearest to a point of reference, as to a center or median line or to the point of attachment or origin. prox·i·mal adj. targets--friends, romantic partners, and family members--were the most common targets of mock aggression (see Table 4). Less familiar targets, such as acquaintances and classmates Classmates can refer to either:
Common targets for mock aggression were linked with typical contexts. That is, mock aggression was most often reported to occur in social situations, at home, and in romantic contexts, the contexts in which one is most likely to interact with those partners. Positive emotions (e.g., smiling, play face, laughing, and teasing teasing the act of parading a male before a female to see if she displays estrus, and is therefore in a state where mating is likely to be fertile. ) were more common in conjunction with mock aggressive bouts than were negative emotions (e.g., anger, frown, annoyance; see Table 5). Mock aggression was also typically related to positive outcomes. Most partners stayed together after a bout of mock aggression (96%; mock aggression was also used to say goodbye), experienced positive effect (91%), and continued with the previous activity (92%). Some participants (2%) reported that sex resulted from a bout of mock aggression, but we did not specifically assess this outcome in the interview, so the proportion of bouts ending in sex may be higher. In other species mock aggression is clearly related to sexual behavior (Pellis & McKenna, 1995; P ellis & Pellis, 1992). Skill Development, Benefits, and Negative Effects When asked what kinds of skills children and adults develop as a result of engaging in mock aggressive behavior, these participants cited social skills (49%), social cues (12%), fighting skills (12%), stress relief (10%), motor skills (9%), communication skills (7%), and flirting skills (1%). In considering the benefits of mock aggression, participants cited two primary categories, social contact and emotional control. Perceived social benefits of mock aggression included affiliation (22%), icebreaker icebreaker, ship of special hull design and wide beam, with relatively flat bottom, designed to force its way through ice. When the icebreaker charges into the ice at full speed, its sharply inclined bow, meeting the edge of the ice, rises upon it, and the weight of (10%), social skills (3%), dominance (2%), and sex (1%) and accounted for 38% of the total responses. A majority of the responses (60%) cited benefits related to emotional control. Participants viewed mock aggression as a way to induce positive emotional states, such as fun (26%) and positive emotion (8%), and to relieve negative emotions, such as stress (21%) and anger or aggression (7%). Most (83%) participants reported specific positive outcomes (e.g., positive emotion, attention, stress relief) to their mock aggressive interactions (see Table 6). Some participants (17%) experienced negative responses (e.g., negative emotion negative emotion Any adverse emotion–eg, anger, envy, cynicism, sarcasm, etc. Cf Positive emotion. , avoidance, stress relief) to mock aggression. Most participants reported that mock aggression does not usually lead to injury (69%) or serious aggression (84%). When asked about potential negative effects of mock aggression, participants cited negative emotion (26%), injury (24%), increased aggression (8%), being perceived as aggressive (3%), and dislike of touch (1%). Many participants (37%) reported that mock aggression never has negative effects. Gender and Developmental Status In this study, we found no gender differences in terms of total types of mock aggression displayed, frequency of mock aggression, or any of the 33 individual mock aggressive behaviors. However, there was a preponderance pre·pon·der·ance also pre·pon·der·an·cy n. Superiority in weight, force, importance, or influence. Noun 1. preponderance of female participants and all of the research assistants were female, which may have biased these findings. When asked about the developmental path of their mock aggression, 46.8% of participants reported that their rate of mock aggression had increased over the years. These participants viewed increases in mock aggression as related to an interest in flirting, romantic involvement, improved social skills, decreased shyness, and/or an increased number of friends. Many students (40.4%) reported decreases in mock aggression since childhood. These participants viewed decreases in their mock aggressive behavior as related to emotional maturation maturation /mat·u·ra·tion/ (mach-u-ra´shun) 1. the process of becoming mature. 2. attainment of emotional and intellectual maturity. 3. , improved social skills, physical maturation (increases in size/strength in males; increases in breast size in females), and separation from mock aggressive partners (often family members, especially brothers). Some participants (12.8%) reported that they had exhibited a relatively stable rate of mock aggression since childhood. Mock Aggression, Aggression, and Assertiveness IBS scores, adjusted for denial using partial i, were related to mock aggression among males, but not females. For males, the aggression score was negatively correlated (r = -.50, p < .01) with the levels of mock aggression. The assertiveness score was positively correlated with levels of mock aggression (r = .37; p < .05). Thus, the males in our study who reported higher levels of mock aggression also reported lower levels of serious aggression and higher levels of assertiveness. Discussion Each of our hypotheses was supported. Briefly, mock aggression was more common among emerging adults than has been indicated by the literature and many students reported that their level of mock aggression had increased since childhood. Mock aggression among adults was similar in structure (i.e., behaviors), targets (i.e., friends and family), function (e.g., affiliation), and gender differences (i.e., males displayed slightly more mock aggression) to mock aggression in childhood. However, among adults mock aggression was important in contexts (work and romantic relationships and sexual behavior) that are not relevant among children. We also found that mock aggression, unlike serious aggression, occurs primarily in the context of positive emotion and affection and has positive outcomes. More specifically, while the literature has indicated a decrease in mock aggression in late childhood (Aldis, 1975, Fagen, 1981, Pellegrini & Smith, 1998), we found that mock aggression was frequent among college students. While some students reported decreases in mock aggression since childhood, a majority reported that their rate of mock aggression had remained stable or increased over the years. Participants who reported decreases in mock aggression cited that those decreases resulted from improved social skills, separation from mock aggressive partners, and physical maturation. Participants who reported increases in mock aggression cited improved social skills, increased romantic interest, and an increased number of friends as related to increases in mock aggression. Thus, there appear to be at least two developmental paths for mock aggression into adulthood. These findings warrant more developmental research on mock aggression from childhood into adulthood. As anticipated, mock aggression in adulthood was both similar to and different from mock aggression during childhood. Across both samples, tickling, arm punches, bear hugs, finger jabs, pretend fighting, back slaps, wrestling, and chasing were reported most frequently. These behaviors are structurally similar to those common among children on the playground (Humphreys & Smith, 1987; Pellegrini & Smith, 1998; Smith et al., 1992). Our participants reported similar functions (i.e., development of social, motor, and cognitive skills; affiliation) of mock aggression as have been reported for children (Boulton, 1991a; Fry, 1990; Humphreys & Smith, 1987). And, as with children, our participants reported that mock aggression was related to positive social interactions and outcomes (stayed together after bout, experienced positive affect, and continued with the previous activity). However, our emerging adult sample reported outcomes (e.g., sex, stress relief, emotional control) that have not been noted among children. The possibility that mock aggression is related to stress relief and emotional control among children should be examined. While sex is an adult behavior, mock aggression is related to sexual behavior in other species and should be examined more directly in humans (Pellis & McKenna, 1995; Pellis & Pellis, 1992). We also supported our hypothesis that, although structurally similar, mock aggression would be clearly distinguished from, and in some ways antithetical to, serious aggression. Several findings are relevant to this argument. First, as among children, emerging adults reported that they differentiated mock from serious aggression via behavioral cues such as facial expressions and vocalizations (Boulton, 1990; Humphreys & Smith, 1987; Pellegrini, 1992; Pellegrini & Smith, 1998; Schafer & Smith, 1996; Smith et al., 1992). Second, in considering the benefits of mock aggression, participants cited two primary categories, social contact and emotional control. Thus, although aggression is typically related with decreased social contact and poor social skills (Boulton, 1991a; Fry, 1990; Humphreys & Smith, 1987; Pellis, 1988; Smith & Boulton, 1990), young adults viewed mock aggression as related to affiliation and as important to the development of social cognition Social cognition is the study of how people process social information, especially its encoding, storage, retrieval, and application to social situations. Social cognition’s focus on information processing has many affinities with its sister discipline, cognitive psychology. , such as learning social skills, social cues, and developing communication skills (Pellegrini, 1992; Pellegrini & Smith, 1998). Further, whereas aggression is usually tied to negative emotions and arousal arousal /arous·al/ (ah-rou´z'l) 1. a state of responsiveness to sensory stimulation or excitability. 2. the act or state of waking from or as if from sleep. 3. (e.g., Anderson & Dill, 2000; Berkowitz, 1998), participants viewed mock aggression as a way to induce positive emotional states, such as fun and positive emotion, and to relieve negative emotions, such as stress and anger or aggression. Participants, however, did not view mock aggression as closely related to the development of motor skills (Boulton, 1990; Fry, 1990; Hu mphreys & Smith, 1987; Pellegrini & Smith, 1998; Smith et al., 1992). Third, positive emotions and outcomes were more common in conjunction with mock aggressive interactions than were the type of negative emotions and outcomes typically associated with aggression (Aldis, 1975; Anderson & Dill, 2000; Boulton, 1991a; Fry, 1987; Smith et al., 1992). Participants reported that others most commonly responded to their mock aggressive overtures o·ver·ture n. 1. Music a. An instrumental composition intended especially as an introduction to an extended work, such as an opera or oratorio. b. with smiling and laughing and that the outcome of the interaction was typically positive. Further, although aggression often results in injury, anger, and other negative outcomes, most participants reported that mock aggression rarely leads to injury, serious aggression, or other negative outcomes. Finally, we found that mock aggression was positively correlated with assertiveness and negatively correlated with trait aggression among males, but not females. Females displayed less variability in mock and serious aggression than males, which may contribute to the low correlations among females between the two. However, the males in our study who reported higher levels of mock aggression also reported lower levels of serious aggression and higher levels of assertiveness. Given that mock and serious aggression differ as discussed above, several theses should be explored to explain why males who are prone to engage in high rates of mock aggression may be less likely to engage in aggression. First, social cognitive skills should be examined in relation to mock and serious aggression, because those with better social cognitive skills may be both more likely to engage in mock aggression and less likely to engage in serious aggression. Second, personality traits, such as trait hostility, quality of mood, and so forth, should be examined, as it seems likely that dispositional differences might account for individual differences in mock and serious aggression. Third, contextual features of the individual's environment, which might affect mood or related factors in a systematic fashion, should be considered. Theoretically, social-cognitive models suggest that aggression results when a combination of factors, including negative effect, arousal, aggressive cognitive scripts, aggressive environmental priming, and specific environmental stimuli are present (Anderson & Dill, 2000; Berkowitz, 1998; Canary, Spitzberg, & Semic, 1998; Huesmann, 1998). We suggest that a similar model can be used to explain the display of mock aggression. That is, we suggest that mock aggression is likely to occur when participants who have developed scripts for mock aggressive behavior experience a combination of positive effect, excitement, or arousal, and mock aggressive priming (e.g., wrestling on TV) or stimuli (sports context, a playmate). This theoretical model must be tested more directly, but it is consistent with the literature and our findings. A few weaknesses of the study must be addressed. We specifically used retrospective, self-report measures so that a broad array of descriptive data could be gathered. However, there are inherent weaknesses in such measures. Participants may have overestimated or underestimated their levels of mock aggression or misremembered how this behavior has changed over time. For this reason, observational studies of mock aggression should be extended beyond adolescence and into adulthood, particularly in sports and social settings, including work. However, given our findings, some important uses of mock aggression, such as that used by couples in the home to increase intimacy or initiate sex, may primarily be tapped via the use of self-report measures. Thus, multiple methods should be used to gather information about the developmental and contextual factors related to the use of mock aggression among adults. Although we examined mock aggression among a neglected demographic, a second limitation of the study is tied to the limited age range and context of the sample. Mock aggression among college students may differ from that of other emerging adults, such as those who are employed and/or have become parents. Further, the development of mock aggression beyond early adulthood has yet to be examined. Our results indicate that mock aggression is worthy of study throughout the life span. Whereas an inverted-U-shaped pattern of the development of mock aggression was suggested by the literature (Aldis, 1975; Fagen, 1981; Pellegrini & Smith, 1998), the preponderance of this literature is based on the behavior of juveniles. Our participants often reported increasing mock aggression during emerging adulthood. Thus, it is premature to assume that development of mock aggression ceases following adolescence among humans. Rather, mock aggression may fluctuate across developmental contexts throughout the life span. Given our fi ndings, contexts such as a new romance, sports involvement, a move away from home, and parenthood are likely to be related to changes in levels of mock aggression (Aldis, 1975; Ballard, 1998, 1999; Boulton, 1991b; Enomoto, 1990). Future research should aim at explaining these factors. Appendix Mock Aggression Interview (The coding scheme for each variable is noted in bold-italics below the question.) (Read aloud) Mock aggression can also be referred to as play aggression or rough and tumble The first use of the term Rough and Tumble for fighting dates back to the early 1700s in the North American frontier. Rough and Tumble fighting was the original American No Holds Barred underground hybrid "sport" that had but one rule - you win by knocking the man out or making him play. Mock aggression is a distinctive form of social behavior In biology, psychology and sociology social behavior is behavior directed towards, or taking place between, members of the same species. Behavior such as predation which involves members of different species is not social. that appears similar to aggression or fighting, but its intent is playful and it lacks intent to harm. Mock aggression, in the form of behavior like back slaps, tickling, and playful punches, is a common form of social interaction. We are interested in finding out more about how, when, and with whom adults display mock aggressive behavior. 1. (Read Aloud) First, I'd like for you to recall all of the mock aggressive behaviors you've participated in over the past month. Here is a calendar to help you recall what events have taken place over the past month. Please try to recall all of the mock aggressive behaviors you've engaged in with others. For each behavior generated, ask the participant the following questions: a. How many times did you engage in this behavior over the last month? number b. Did you initiate or were you the recipient of this mock aggressive behavior? self, other, both c. With whom did you engage in this behavior? (target) friend, partner, family member, coworker, roommate, teammate, acquaintance, child, classmate, pet, professor, stranger d. In what context(s) did you display this behavior? social, home, romantic, sports, work, friend's home, outside, party, class, bar, car, church, hospital e. What happened following the incident of mock aggressive behavior (i.e., the outcome)? Obtain a general description and specific outcome information. Outcome 1 -- stay together or separate Outcome 2 -- positive, neutral, or negative affect Outcome 3 -- continue activity, change activity 2. (Read aloud) I have a list of mock aggressive behaviors that you did not mention. You may have engaged in some of these behaviors, but forgotten to mention them. Read the attached list and circle any mock aggressive behaviors the participant engaged in. Repeat follow-up questions as above. 3. Since what age have you used mock aggressive behavior as a way of interacting with others? age listed 4. Have you noticed changes (increases/decreases) in your mock aggressive behavior over time? increases, decreases, no change 5. Who usually initiates mock aggression behavior, you or someone else? self, other, both 6. What kinds of facial expressions usually accompany displays of mock aggressive behavior? smile, play face, frown, angry, annoyed 7. What kinds of vocalizations usually accompany displays of mock aggressive behavior? laughing, growling, playful talking/teasing, requests to stop, screaming, squealing squeal v. squealed, squeal·ing, squeals v.intr. 1. To give forth a loud shrill cry or sound. 2. Slang To turn informer; betray an accomplice or secret. v.tr. , grunting grunting a forced expiration against a closed glottis. It is characteristic of painful and labored breathing and of expiratory effort due to any cause, e.g. emphysema. grunting , flirting 8. What kinds of skills do you think children and adults develop as a result of engaging in mock aggressive behavior. general motor skills, wrestling/fighting skills/strategy, strength, general social skills, flirting skills, problem-solving skills, communication skills, learn social cues, learn to relieve stress/tension, nothing/none 9. How do you benefit from engaging in mock aggressive behavior? sex, dominance, affiliation/intimacy, positive emotions, exercise, fun/entertainment, stress tension release, rechannel aggression (catharsis catharsis Purging or purification of emotions through art. The term is derived from the Greek katharsis (“purgation,” “cleansing”), a medical term used by Aristotle as a metaphor to describe the effects of dramatic tragedy on the spectator: by ), icebreaker, general social skills 10. Does engaging in mock aggressive behavior have any negative effects on you? none, injury, negative emotions, increase serious aggression, perceived as aggressive, increased arousal, don't like being touched 11. What effect does mock aggression have on your target? positive emotions, positive vocalizations, negative emotions, negative vocalizations, reciprocate re·cip·ro·cate v. re·cip·ro·cat·ed, re·cip·ro·cat·ing, re·cip·ro·cates v.tr. 1. To give or take mutually; interchange. 2. To show, feel, or give in response or return. v. , move away, requests stop, increase serious aggression, perceived as aggressive, increased arousal, don't like being touched, stress/tension relief, attention 12. How often does someone accidentally get hurt during mock aggressive behavior? 0 - never 1 - rarely 2 - sometimes 3 - often 4 - always 13. How often does mock aggressive behavior escalate es·ca·late v. es·ca·lat·ed, es·ca·lat·ing, es·ca·lates v.tr. To increase, enlarge, or intensify: escalated the hostilities in the Persian Gulf. v.intr. into physically aggressive behavior? 0 - never 1 - rarely 2 - sometimes 3 - often 4 - always 14-18. Using the following scale, how would you rate the level of importance mock aggressive behavior plays for each of the types of relationships listed? (13 - friendships, 14 - family, 15 - work, 16 -teammates, 17 - romantic partner) 0 - not at all important 1 - somewhat unimportant un·im·por·tant adj. Not important; petty. un im·por tance n.
2 - neither unimportant or important 3 - somewhat important 4 - very important
Table 1
Survey Study: Number and Percentage of Participants Reporting Engaging
in Mock Aggressive Behaviors and Common Targets and Contexts for Mock
Aggressive Behavior
Behavior Number Percent Target
Tickling 52 92.8 Romantic Partner (57.7%)
Arm Punch 51 91.1 Friend (58.8%)
Bear Hug 51 91.1 Friend (49.0%)
Finger Jab 46 82.1 Friend (38.2%)
Pretend Fighting 44 78.6 Friend (60.0%)
Back Slap 43 76.8 Friend (76.7%)
Wrestling 38 67.9 Friend (52.6%)
Chasing 36 64.3 Romantic Partner (44.4%)
Butt Slap 35 62.5 Romantic Partner (45.7%)
Body Flex 31 55.4 Friend (58.1%)
Giving the Finger 30 53.6 Friend (80.0%)
Firm Handshake 30 53.6 Friend (70.0%)
Pin Down 28 50.0 Romantic Partner (67.9%)
"Throw" Object 26 46.4 Friend (73.1%)
Pillow Fighting 26 46.4 Romantic Partner (53.8%)
Biting 23 41.1 Romantic Partner (78.3%)
Tackle/Sweep 23 41.1 Friend (52.2%)
Fist into Palm 21 37.5 Friend (71.4%)
Pretend Slap 19 33.9 Friend (52.6%)
Bump Chests 18 32.1 Friend (83.3%)
Knuckle Hit 17 30.4 Friend (94.1%)
Spanking 17 30.4 Romantic Partner (82.3%)
Bumping Forearms 16 28.6 Friend (81.3%)
Head/Helmet Slap 16 28.6 Friend (81.3%)
Dump Liquids 15 26.8 Friend (80.0%)
Growling 13 23.2 Romantic Partner (38.5%)
Body Slam 13 23.2 Friend (69.2%)
"Tear" Clothing 11 19.6 Romantic Partner (81.8%)
Pretend to Shake 10 17.9 Friend (70.0%)
Scratching 10 17.9 Friend (50.0%)
Head-butt 3 05.3 Friend (66.6%)
Behavior Context
Tickling Romantic (50.0%)
Arm Punch Social (62.8%)
Bear Hug Social (50.5%)
Finger Jab social (50.1%)
Pretend Fighting Social (71.1%)
Back Slap Social (65.1%)
Wrestling Social (52.6%)
Chasing Social (50.0%)
Butt Slap Romantic (40.0%)
Body Flex Social (51.6%)
Giving the Finger Social (86.6%)
Firm Handshake Social (66.7%)
Pin Down Romantic (53.6%)
"Throw" Object Social (61.5%)
Pillow Fighting Social (50.0%)
Biting Romantic (65.2%)
Tackle/Sweep Social (43.5%)
First into Palm Social (74.1%)
Pretend Slap Social (52.6%)
Bump Chests Sports (77.7%)
Knuckle Hit Social (64.7%)
Spanking Romantic (70.6%)
Bumping Forearms Sports (43.8%)
Head/Helmet Slap Sports (62.5%)
Dump Liquids Sports (60.0%)
Growling Romantic (30.8%)
Body Slam Social (69.2%)
"Tear" Clothing Romantic (63.6%)
Pretend to Shake Social (80.0%)
Scratching Social (60%)
Head-butt Social (66.6%)
Note: Percentages for targets and contexts were derived by dividing the
number of participants choosing each target or context by the number of
participants who reported engaging in each behavior at least once
monthly.
Table 2
Means, Standard Deviations, and t Scores for Sex Differences in Mock
Aggression
Mock Aggressive Men Women t score
Behavior Mean Std Mean Std
Backslap 2.05 (1.13) 3.24 (1.60) 3.26
Head/Helmet Slap 3.91 (1.23) 4.88 (0.33) 3.63
Bump Chests 3.68 (1.21) 4.85 (0.44) 4.36
Knuckle Hit 3.73 (1.35) 4.65 (1.01) 2.73
Firm Handshake 2.90 (1.44) 4.41 (0.96) 4.31
Note. Lower scores indicate higher levels of mock aggression; all
ps <.01.
Table 3
Interview Study: Number and Percentage of Participants Reporting
Displays of Mock Aggressive Behaviors and Number of Events for Each Mock
Aggressive Behavior
Number of Percent of Number
Behavior Participants Participants of Events
Tickle 79 73% 910
Pretend Fight 77 71 1004
Bear Hug 58 53 698
Wrestle 52 48 442
Arm Punch 48 44 580
Giving the Finger 41 38 543
Finger Jabs/Poking 41 38 519
Butt Slap 33 30 726
Chase 30 28 150
Back Slap 29 27 211
Pillow Fight 29 27 83
Body Flex 23 21 119
Pretend Slap 20 18 146
Body Slam 20 18 70
Throw Object 15 14 112
Splashing 13 12 36
Growling 12 11 197
Biting 12 11 158
Pinning 12 11 66
Overly Firm Handshake 11 10 45
Knuckle-to-Knuckle Hit 10 9 90
Scratching 8 7 73
Spanking 8 7 38
Tackle/Sweep 7 6 59
Bump Chests 7 6 18
Head Lock 5 5 35
Fist into Palm 5 5 30
Head Butt 4 4 7
Tripping 2 2 5
Pile-Up 2 2 2
Pretend to Tear Clothing 1 1 12
Shaking 1 1 5
Dunking 0 0 0
Table 4
Percentage of Participants Reporting Mock Aggressive Behaviors Toward
Particular Contexts and Targets
Percent of Percent of
Target Participants Context Participants
Friend 40% Social 50%
Partner 31 Home 17
Family 10 Romantic 11
Coworker 5 Sports 8
Teammate 4 Work 5
Roommate 4 Friend's home 4
Acquaintance 2 Outside 2
Child 1 Party 1
Classmate 1 Class 1
Pet 0.5 Bar 1
Professor 0.2 Car 0.5
Stranger 0.2 Church 0.3
Table 5
Percentage of Participants Reporting Particular Facial Expressions and
Vocalizations Following Mock Aggressive Behaviors
Facial Percent of Percent of
Expression Participants Vocalization Participants
Smile 54% Laughing 39%
Play Face 34 Teasing 31
Anger 6 Screaming 12
Frown 3 Grunting 7
Annoyance 3 Says "Stop." 6
Growling 4
Squealing 2
Table 6
Percentage of Participants Reporting Particular Outcomes Following Mock
Aggressive Behaviors
Outcome (Effect on Target) Percent of Participants
Positive Emotion 58%
Negative Emotion 13
Attention 8
Positive Vocalizations 7
Stress Relief 5
Reciprocate Mock Aggression 5
Avoidance 2
Aggression 2
References ALDIS, O. (1975). Play fighting. New York New York, state, United States New York, Middle Atlantic state of the United States. It is bordered by Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and the Atlantic Ocean (E), New Jersey and Pennsylvania (S), Lakes Erie and Ontario and the Canadian province of : Academic Press. ANDERSON, C. A., & DILL, K. E. (2000). Video games and aggressive thoughts, feelings, and behavior in the laboratory and in life. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology The Journal of Personality and Social Psychology (often referred to as JPSP) is a monthly psychology journal of the American Psychological Association. It is considered one of the top journals in the fields of social and personality psychology. , 78, 772-790. ARNETT, J. J. (2000). Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from the late teens through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55, 469-480. BALLARD, M. E. (March, 1998). Mock aggression in NCAA basketball. Presented at the Conference on Human Development, Mobile, AL. BALLARD, M. E. (August, 1999). Mock aggression among adolescents and adults in "pick-up" basketball games. Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Psychological Association, Boston, MA. BARON, R. B., & RICHARDSON, D. (1994). Human aggression. New York: Plenum In a building, the space between the real ceiling and the dropped ceiling, which is often used as an air duct for heating and air conditioning. It is also filled with electrical, telephone and network wires. See plenum cable. . BANDURA, A., ROSS, D., & ROSS, S. A. (1963/1997). Imitation of film-mediated aggressive models. Reprinted in R. Diessner (Ed.), Sources: Notable selections in human development (pp. 171-178). Guilford, CN: Dushkin/McGraw-Hill. BERKOWITZ, L. (1998). Frustration-aggression hypothesis: Examination and reformulation. Psychological Bulletin, 106, 59-73. BOULTON, M. J. (1990). A comparison of structural and contextual features of middle school children's playful and aggressive fighting. Ethology ethology, study of animal behavior based on the systematic observation, recording, and analysis of how animals function, with special attention to physiological, ecological, and evolutionary aspects. and Sociobiology, 12, 213-220. BOULTON, M. J. (1991a). Partner preferences in middle school children's playful fighting and chasing: A test of some competing functional hypotheses. Ethology and Sociobiology, 12, 177-193. BOULTON, M. J. (1991b). A comparison of structural and contextual features of middle school children's playful and aggressive fighting. Ethology and Sociobiology, 12, 119-145. BOULTON, M. J. (1996). A comparison of 8- and 11-year-old girls' and boys' participation in specific types of play and aggressive fighting: Implications for functional hypotheses. Aggressive Behavior, 22, 271-287. BOULTON, M. J., & SMITH, P. K. (1992). The social nature of play fighting and play chasing: Mechanisms and strategies underlying cooperation and compromise. In J. H. Barkow & L. Cosmides (Eds.), The adapted mind: Evolutionary psychology evolutionary psychology n. The study of the psychological adaptations of humans to the changing physical and social environment, especially of changes in brain structure, cognitive mechanisms, and behavioral differences among individuals. and the generation of culture (pp. 429-444). New York: Oxford University Press. CANARY, D. J., SPITZBERG, B. H., & SEMIC, B. A. (1998). The experience and expression of anger in interpersonal settings. In P. A. Anderson & L. K. Guerrero (Eds.), Handbook of communication and emotion: Research, theory, applications, and contexts (pp. 189-213). San Diego San Diego (săn dēā`gō), city (1990 pop. 1,110,549), seat of San Diego co., S Calif., on San Diego Bay; inc. 1850. San Diego includes the unincorporated communities of La Jolla and Spring Valley. Coronado is across the bay. : Academic Press. CROFT, D. B., & SNAITH, F. (1991). Boxing in red kangaroos Kangaroos Slang term for Australian stocks, it refers mostly to the stocks on the All Ordinaries index, which is composed of 280 of the most active Australian companies. Notes: , macropus rufus: Aggression or play? International Journal of Comparative Psychology, 4, 221-236. ENOMOTO, T. (1990). Social play and sexual behavior of the bonobo bonobo, smaller of two species of chimpanzee, genus Pan. Whereas the common chimpanzee, P. troglodytes, lives in forests across most of equatorial Africa, the bonobo, P. (Pan paniscus) with special reference to flexibility. Primates Primates The mammalian order to which humans belong. Primates are generally arboreal mammals with a geographic distribution largely restricted to the Tropics. , 31, 469-480. FAGEN, R. (1981). Animal play behavior. New York: Oxford University Press. FRY, D. P. (1987). Differences between play-fighting and serious fighting among Zapotec children. Ethology and Sociobiology, 8, 285-306. FRY, D. P. (1990). Play aggression among Zapotec children: Implications for the practice hypothesis. Aggressive Behavior, 16, 321-340. GEEN, R. G. (1998). Processes and personal variables in affective affective /af·fec·tive/ (ah-fek´tiv) pertaining to affect. af·fec·tive adj. 1. Concerned with or arousing feelings or emotions; emotional. 2. aggression. In R. G. Geen & E. Donnerstein (Eds.), Human aggression: Theories, research, and implications for social policy (pp. 1-21). San Diego, CA: Academic Press. HELLENDOORN, J., & HARINCK, F. J. H. (1997). War toy play and aggression in Dutch kindergarten children. Social Development, 6, 340-354 HUESMANN, L. R. (1998). The role of social information processing information processing: see data processing. information processing Acquisition, recording, organization, retrieval, display, and dissemination of information. Today the term usually refers to computer-based operations. and cognitive schema in the acquisition and maintainance of habitual Regular or customary; usual. A habitual drunkard, for example, is an individual who regularly becomes intoxicated as opposed to a person who drinks infrequently. aggressive behavior. In R. G. Geen & E. Donnerstein (Eds.), Human aggression: Theories, research, and implications for social policy (pp. 73-109). San Diego: Academic Press. HUMPHREYS, A. P., & SMITH, P. K. (1987). Rough-and-tumble, friendship, and dominance in schoolchildren: Evidence for continuity and change with age. Child Development, 58, 201-212. MACDONALD, K., & PARKE, R. D. (1986). Parent-child physical play: The effects of sex and age of children and parents. Sex Roles, 15, 367-378. MAUGER, P. A., & ADKINSON, D. R. (1993). Interpersonal Behavior Survey. Los Angeles Los Angeles (lôs ăn`jələs, lŏs, ăn`jəlēz'), city (1990 pop. 3,485,398), seat of Los Angeles co., S Calif.; inc. 1850. , CA: Western Psychological Services. PELLEGRINI, A. D. (1989). Elementary school elementary school: see school. children's rough-and-tumble play. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 4, 245-260. PELLEGRINI, A. D. (1992). Rough-and-tumble play and social problem solving problem solving Process involved in finding a solution to a problem. Many animals routinely solve problems of locomotion, food finding, and shelter through trial and error. flexibility. Creativity Research Journal, 5, 13-26. PELLEGRINI, A. D., & SMITH, P. K. (1998). Physical activity play: The nature and function of a neglected aspect of play. Child Development, 69, 577-598. PELLIS, S. M. (1988). Agonistic agonistic /ag·o·nis·tic/ (ag?o-nis´tik) pertaining to a struggle or competition; as an agonistic muscle, counteracted by an antagonistic muscle. versus amicable am·i·ca·ble adj. Characterized by or exhibiting friendliness or goodwill; friendly. [Middle English, from Late Latin am targets of attack and defense: Consequences for the origin, function, and descriptive classification of play-fighting. Aggressive Behavior, 14, 85-104. PELLIS, S. M., & MCKENNA, M. M. (1992). Intrinsic and extrinsic EVIDENCE, EXTRINSIC. External evidence, or that which is not contained in the body of an agreement, contract, and the like. 2. It is a general rule that extrinsic evidence cannot be admitted to contradict, explain, vary or change the terms of a contract or of a influences on play fighting in rats: Effects of dominance, partner's playfulness, temperament and neonatal neonatal /neo·na·tal/ (ne?o-nat´'l) pertaining to the first four weeks after birth. ne·o·na·tal adj. Of or relating to the first 28 days of an infant's life. exposure to testosterone testosterone (tĕstŏs`tərōn), principal androgen, or male sex hormone. One of the group of compounds known as anabolic steroids, testosterone is secreted by the testes (see testis) but is also synthesized in small quantities in the propionate propionate /pro·pi·o·nate/ (pro´pe-o-nat) any salt of propionic acid. pro·pi·o·nate n. A salt or ester of propionic acid. propionate any salt of propionic acid. . Behavioural Adj. 1. behavioural - of or relating to behavior; "behavioral sciences" behavioral Brain Research, 50, 135-145. PELLIS, S. M., & MCKENNA, M. (1995). What do rats find rewarding in play fighting? - an analysis using drug-induced non-playful partners. Behavioral Brain Research, 68, 65-73. PELLIS, S. M., & PELLIS, V. C. (1992). Juvenilized play fighting in subordinate male rats. Aggressive Behavior, 18, 449-457. PELLIS, S. M., & PELLIS, V. C. (1997). The prejuvenile onset of play fighting in laboratory rats (Rattus norvegicus). Developmental Psychobiology psychobiology /psy·cho·bi·ol·o·gy/ (-bi-ol´o-je) 1. biopsychology; a field of study examining the relationship between brain and mind, studying the effect of biological influences on psychological functioning or mental , 31, 193-205. SCHAFER, M., & SMITH, P. K. (1996). Teachers' perceptions of play fighting and real fighting in primary school. Educational Research, 38, 173-181. SCHUTTE, N. S., MALOUFF, J. M., POST-GORDON, J. C., & RODASTA, A. L. (1988). Effects of playing video games on children's aggressive and other behaviors. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 18, 454-460. SMITH, D. E., WILLIS, F. N., & GIER, J. A. (1980). Success and interpersonal touch in a competitive setting. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior, 5, 26-34. SMITH, P. K., & BOULTON, M. (1990). Rough-and-tumble play, aggression and dominance: Perception and behaviour in children's encounters. Human Development, 33, 271-282. SMITH, P. K., HUNTER, T., CARVALHO, A. M. A., & COSTABILE, A. (1992). Children's perceptions of play-fighting, play-chasing, and real fighting: A cross-national interview study. Social Development, 1, 211-229. SUGIYAMA, Y. (1990). A sex difference in hand-to-hand touching behavior in volleyball games: A preliminary study. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 71, 1002. THOR, D. H., & HOLLOWAY, W. R., Jr. (1984). Sex and social play in juvenile rats (Rattus norvegicus). Journal of Comparative Psychology, 98, 276-284. WERNER, N. E., & CRICK, N. R. (1999). Relational aggression Relational aggression is psychological (social/emotional) aggression between people in relationships. Relational aggression is a form of aggression where the group is used as a weapon to assault others and others' relationships. and social-psychological adjustment in a college sample. Journal of Abnormal Psychology Journal of Abnormal Psychology is a scientific journal published by the American Psychological Association. It has previously been entitled Journal of Abnormal & Social Psychology • , 108, 615-623. Reprint reprint An individually bound copy of an article in a journal or science communication requests may be sent to Mary E. Ballard, Department of Psychology, P. 0. Box 32100, Appalachian State University History Appalachian State University began in the summer of 1899 when a group of citizens of Watauga County, NC, under the leadership of D.D. Dougherty and B.B. Dougherty, began a movement to establish a good school in Boone, NC. Land was donated by D.B. , Boone, NC 28608. |
|
||||||||||||||||

im·por
tance n.
Printer friendly
Cite/link
Email
Feedback
Reader Opinion