Affairs of Honor: National Politics in the New Republic.By Joanne B. Freeman. (New Haven New Haven, city (1990 pop. 130,474), New Haven co., S Conn., a port of entry where the Quinnipiac and other small rivers enter Long Island Sound; inc. 1784. Firearms and ammunition, clocks and watches, tools, rubber and paper products, and textiles are among the many and London: Yale University Yale University, at New Haven, Conn.; coeducational. Chartered as a collegiate school for men in 1701 largely as a result of the efforts of James Pierpont, it opened at Killingworth (now Clinton) in 1702, moved (1707) to Saybrook (now Old Saybrook), and in 1716 was Press, c. 2001. Pp. xxiv, 376. $29.95, ISBN ISBN abbr. International Standard Book Number ISBN International Standard Book Number ISBN n abbr (= International Standard Book Number) → ISBN m 0-300-08877-9.) American historians still tend to describe the founding of the United States United States, officially United States of America, republic (2005 est. pop. 295,734,000), 3,539,227 sq mi (9,166,598 sq km), North America. The United States is the world's third largest country in population and the fourth largest country in area. as a battle of ideas, in which quirks of individual character and feeling played little role. To this inclination Joanne B. Freeman's Affairs of Honor gives the lie. As Freeman reminds us, far too much remained unsettled, unknown, and at stake at the founding for pure reason to be determinant. Not only were there almost as many visions of republicanism as republicans, but the absence of models for how a republic should conduct its political business and the extreme localism lo·cal·ism n. 1. a. A local linguistic feature. b. A local custom or peculiarity. 2. Devotion to local interests and customs. of most politicians' styles and allegiances threatened to inflict utter chaos on the national scene. Equally important, the "founders" themselves were not dispassionate dis·pas·sion·ate adj. Devoid of or unaffected by passion, emotion, or bias. See Synonyms at fair1. dis·pas intellectuals but emotive human beings, vulnerable to anxiety, vanity, and even vengeful pettiness. Those feelings were the furnace in which ideas were forged. Holding the center against anarchy, Freeman argues, was little more than a shared code of gentlemanly conduct. Gentlemen were restrained in their behavior, refined in their manners, and deliberately relaxed in their studied self-presentation. Above all, gentlemen honored their word. When everything else failed, gentlemen could count on gentlemen to act like gentlemen. As Freeman demonstrates, however, the code of honor posed a number of troublesome ambiguities as a "grammar" for republican politics (pp. xxii-xxiii). Most seriously, honor resided not in one's own convictions and not even in one's actual behavior, but rather in the eye of the beholder; it was "entirely other-directed, determined before the eyes of the world; it did not exist unless bestowed by others" (p. xvi). Intended meaning mattered little. Audience was everything. The extreme contingency of success in this political culture magnified the sway of emotion in the production of republican discourse. Freeman underscores this point in the individual case studies that organize her chapters, each of which explores a specific mode of performance through which anxious politicians attempted to enact "honor." Here is poor William Maclay
adj. 1. Relating to or caused by temperament: our temperamental differences. 2. Excessively sensitive or irritable; moody. 3. unable to master the moves that would produce an appreciative response. Here is John Adams, wearing his vanity on his sleeve. And here is Aaron Burr, perhaps far more adept at the technicalities of honorable performance than his nemesis Alexander Hamilton, yet unable, finally, to control the response of posterity POSTERITY, descents. All the descendants of a person in a direct line. . This carefully researched and delightfully written book not only makes its own case, but it also invites the reader to speculate beyond the early republic for the wider implications of the analysis. In the evolution of a party system in which each party viewed the other more as predator than loyal opposition, the aggressive insecurities and localism of the code of honor may have helped foster the belligerent regional politics of the antebellum years. The volatile subjectivity of the code may have persisted especially in the political culture of southern white society, where honor remained the idiom of public authority. Two caveats. Because reception is at the heart of Freeman's argument, I wish that she had done more to distinguish the size and contours of the public that influenced political success. The "mass audience" (p. 185) that mattered so much to her actors was in fact quite small--a characteristic that deserves a more careful investigation. Also, I was not convinced that this was, finally, a masculine code. Freeman herself notes the participation of some women and underscores the importance of settings (dinners and receptions, for example) over which women exercised significant control. Women like Abigail Adams, Mercy Otis Warren re> Mercy Otis Warren September 14, 1728 – October 19, 1814) was born in Barnstable, Massachusetts. As a young child, Mercy loved reading, writing, and listening to her brother and father discussing politics. , and Judith Sargent Murray Judith Sargent Murray (1751-1820) was an United States feminist, essayist, playwright, poet, and letter-writer. Life account Murray was one of the first American proponents of the idea of equality of the sexes; that women had the capability for intellectual also embraced the values of restraint, refinement, and reputation--and in ways not altogether dissimilar from their male counterparts. Yet these demurrals serve only to underscore the range and intellectual heft of this wonderfully written and deeply engaging book. I suspect we will be grappling with its implications for a long time to come. JEANNE BOYDSTON University of Wisconsin at Madison |
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