Active aging 101: programming for the older adult audience doesn't have to rely on the typical "more-is-better" philosophy.

Currently, about 12.5 percent of the U.S. population is 65 years old or more (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004). By 2030, almost one in five Americans will be in this age group. While older adults currently use a significant proportion of community, private and institutional recreation and park services, the number of such consumers is likely to skyrocket during the next 25 years.

Understanding the needs and wishes of older adults is therefore becoming increasingly critical for recreation and park providers. Since the early 1980s, leisure service providers have largely believed that older adults who have more social relationships and leisure pursuits fare better than those who do not. While this "more-is-better" philosophy, known as activity theory, pervades our thinking, it is weakly supported by scientific evidence.

Two more recent and robust theories--the selection, optimization and compensation theory (SOC) and socio-emotional selectivity theory--appear to provide a more accurate description of why and how older adults make decisions, including those pertaining to recreation.

In short, these theories suggest that more of some things can be better. While they are leading models of aging, the park and recreation profession has not yet embraced them. To better meet the current and future leisure needs and demands of older adults, it is recommended that these theories be used as frameworks for service delivery rather than activity theory.

Activity Theory

Activity theory suggests that "the greater the activity, the greater one's life satisfaction" (Lemon, Bengtson, & Peterson, 1972, p. 515; Longino & Kart, 1982). The theory is based upon the idea that people need positive affirmation from others to maintain emotional well-being, and opportunities for this affirmation are tied to various roles in life. Changes in old age due to personal loss such as widowhood and societal influences like retirement, limit contact with others, resulting in diminished life satisfaction.

By engaging in activities that promote relationships, older adults are more likely to receive the affirmation needed for emotional well-being. In addition to frequency, activity theory suggests that certain activities are associated with emotional well-being.

Informal activities (e.g. relationships with family, friends, or neighbors) are most likely to provide opportunities for meaningful affirmation and result in higher life satisfaction than formal activities; (e.g. volunteering) and solitary activities (e.g. reading) that provide moderate and minimal feedback.

While activity theory is expressly evident in most park and recreation services today, it has been strongly criticized. First, the authors who developed the theory acknowledge a lack of empirical evidence to support it and suggest that it is imprecise (Lemon et al., 1972; Longino & Kart, 1982). Second, current research conflicts with parts of activity theory. While this theory suggests that older adults' emotional well-being is lower than at earlier points in life, excluding dementia, there is little empirical evidence to support this conclusion (Carstensen, Gross, & Fung, 1998).

The theory is also inconsistent with recent studies that suggest solitary leisure pursuits are beneficial, while large group activities can be less so (Lennartsson & Silverstein, 2001; Menec, 2003). Lastly, while activity theory suggests that participation in activities and social relationships leads to better emotional well-being, this link disappears when physical health is controlled (Lee & Markides, 1,990).

Successful Aging

The theories presented in this article are based upon a notion of "successful aging"--an idealized set of behaviors given the limitations of old age. The theories, however, describe successful aging in different ways. Activity theory suggests that maintaining higher levels of social contact constitutes successful aging (Lemon et al., 1972; Longino & Kart, 1982), while two newer theories derived from lifespan development psychology, SOC and socio-emotional selectivity, define successful aging as lifelong development.

This conception of successful aging is built upon three assumptions (Freund, Li, & Baltes, 1999). First, growth is bound by people's resources (i.e. time, energy, and money) and the demands of their environment. Second, resources are finite and fluctuate. Third, there is a dynamic relationship between gains and losses.

For example, a gardener who wants a raised flowerbed may build it himself or choose to pay someone to build it. If he builds it himself, he will save money but expend time and energy. If he pays someone to do it, he will save time and energy but spend money Moreover, unlike activity theory, which only addresses losses in later life, lifespan development psychology takes growth and decline into account at all ages, and thus provides a more accurate description of aging. Intellect, for example, has been firmly established as a multi-dimensional domain in which some skills decline early in life while others develop in mature adulthood and remain intact into later life (Schaie, 1996).

Selection, Optimization and Compensation Theory (S0C)

SOC was developed by Paul and Margret Baltes (1990). Although it and socio-emotional selectivity are complementary, the scope of SOC is broader --it applies to many aspects of life, including all domains of health. The theories also describe different strategies that lead to successful aging. SOC describes it as goal selection and pursuit under limiting conditions.

SOC suggests that individuals who age successfully use three strategies: selection, optimization and compensation to achieve desired goals (Freund & Baltes, 1999). Selection includes identifying goals, prioritizing them, establishing criteria and conditions, and determining the degree of commitment. For example, a retired special education teacher who wants to apply her skills may consider various forms of volunteer work before choosing one that is especially meaningful to her.

Optimization refers to maximizing performance to facilitate success. It involves the degree of focus, the timing and tenacity of goal pursuit, learning new skills, modeling others who are successful, developing resources and increasing the amount of time dedicated to goals. For example, a man who wants to efficiently write his memoirs of World War II may do so by learning how to use a computer.

Compensation refers to adapting to limitations that interfere with goals. It includes the use of assistive technology, obtaining help from others, developing new skills and resources, employing previously discarded skills and resources, devoting more energy or time and modeling others who compensate well. For example, a tennis player may switch from singles to doubles to accommodate for a declining ability to run. SOC theory tends to be thought of as a single intervention in which the elements work in concert with one another, but one or two of the strategies may be favored or used exclusively. The theory appears to hold true across ethnic/cultural and age groups.

S0C Theory in Recreation and Leisure

Despite a large and rigorous body of literature, SOC has been applied to recreation in only a few instances. In a study of reading among older adults with visual impairments, SOC was used to analyze participants' coping strategies (Ryan, Anas, Beamer, & Bajorek, 2003). For example, participants demonstrated selection by discontinuing some types of reading, optimization by learning how to use talking book players, and compensation by using numerous assistive devices including powerful lights and magnifiers. In another study, SOC was used as a theoretical framework to examine continuity and changes of older adults' everyday functioning, including social interaction and leisure activities (Lang, Rieckmann, & Baltes, 2002).

Results suggest that people who were resource-rich (had stronger physical, intellectual, emotional and social skills) demonstrate higher rates of selection (they focused their time or energy on a few social relationships and leisure pursuits that were especially meaningful) and optimization. People who were resource-poor demonstrated lower rates of selection (a lack of leisure specialization) and optimization but increased rates of compensation.

In addition to its application in recreation, SOC neatly fits with key concepts in programming and, in particular, therapeutic recreation (TR). Goal pursuit under limiting conditions is the expressly stated or implied objective of TR services (Dattilo, Kleiber, & Williams, 1998; Van Andel, 1998). Furthermore, programmers readily acknowledge that an activity may be used to pursue a wide range of goals. Consequently, they (especially in TR) typically focus on participants' goals, while the type and frequency of activities people use to achieve them is secondary (Stumbo & Peterson, 2003).

Socio-emotional Selectivity Theory

Socio-emotional selectivity theory was developed by Laura Carstensen (1991). It describes motivational forces that shape social network size and composition, and how these change throughout life. It is of particular interest to park and recreation professionals because, while many activities are solitary, most occur within the social realm (Mannell & Kleiber, 1997).

The theory suggests that social interaction is shaped by perceived time left. In later life, when it is short, more meaningful relationships are given priority over less important ones. This shapes the size and quality of social networks. The overall number of social contacts declines but not uniformly; peripheral relationships are discarded while important ones are retained (Carstensen et al., 1998). Despite this change, older adults report similar or higher rates of emotional closeness/ compatibility than younger people.

Given the dominant notion that more is better in the activity theory, how can smaller social networks be advantageous? Friendship selection among older adults appears to be qualitatively different than it is at other points in life (Carstensen et al., 1998). Early in life, friendships serve primarily as a vehicle for obtaining information. In later life, people select relationships based upon their contributions to emotional well-being. Through a "selective pruning of the social network," older adults tend to eliminate unimportant and harmful relationships while retaining important relationships such as those with close family and friends (Carstensen et al., 1998, p. 326).

This process frees up the time and energy that would have been spent on fruitless relationships and it can be applied to important aspects of life. Acquiring smaller and more meaningful social circles, therefore, appears to be an effective adaptive measure leading to optimal emotional well-being. A large number of rigorous studies were conducted to substantiate this theory. It appears it can be applied regardless of personality type, family composition, ethnicity/culture, and generation.

Socio-emotional Selectivity Theory in Recreation and Leisure

While socio-emotional selectivity is a leading model of older adults' social interaction, it is largely absent from the recreation and parks profession. A rare exception is its inclusion in a recent textbook (McGuire, Boyd, & Tedrick, 2004). It also served as a conceptual framework for a study on volunteerism, with mixed results (Okun & Schultz, 2003). Despite inattention by the field or a convincing application in this one study, socio-emotional selectivity theory is congruent with several important hallmarks of the profession--the idea that familiar, rather than novel, relationships are more desirable in later life (Iso-Ahola, Jackson, & Dunn, 1994). The purposeful and adaptive narrowing of social networks described by socio-emotional selectivity is also congruent with leisure specialization (Bryant, 1979; Stebbins, 1992). The prominence of socio-emotional selectivity theory in inter-disciplinary research and its relevance to established concepts in leisure suggest that it is likely to be a useful framework for providing recreation and park services.

References

Baltes, P. B., & Baltes, M. M. (1990). Psychological perspectives on successful aging: The model of Selective Optimization with Compensation. In P. B. Baltes and M. M. Baltes (Eds.), Successful aging: Perspectives from the behavioral sciences (pp. 1-34). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Bryant, H. (1979). Conflict in the great outdoors. University, AL: The University of Alabama.

Carstensen, L. L. (1991). Selectivity Theory: Social activity in life-span context. In M. P. Lawton (Series Ed.) & K. W. Schaie (Vol. Ed.), Annual review of gerontology and geriatrics: Vol. 11 (pp. 195-214). New York, NY: Springer Publishing.

Carstensen, L. L., Gross, J. J., & Fung, H. H. (1998). The social context of emotional experience. In M. P Lawton (Series Ed., Vol. Ed.) & K. W. Schaie & (Vol. Ed.), Annual review of gerontology and geriatrics: Vol. 17 Focus on emotion and adult development (pp. 325-352). New York, NY: Springer Publishing.

Dattilo, J., Kleiber, D., & Williams, R. (1998). Self-determination and enjoyment enhancement: A psychologically based service delivery model for therapeutic recreation. Therapeutic Recreation Journal, 32, 258-271.

Freund, A. M., & Baltes, P. B. (1999). Selection, Optimization, and Compensation as strategies of life management: Correction to Freund and Baltes (1998), Psychology and Aging, 14, 700-702.

Freund, A. M, Li, K. Z. H., & Baltes, P. B. (1999). Successful development and aging: The role of Selection, Optimization, and Compensation. In J. Brandtstadter & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Action & self-development: Theory and research through the lifespan (pp. 401-434). Thousand Oakes, CA: Sage Publications.

Iso-Ahola, S. E., Jackson, E., & Dunn, E. (1994). Starting, ceasing and replacing leisure activities over the life-span. Journal of Leisure Research, 26, 227-249.

Lang, F. R., Rieckmann, N., & Baltes, M. M. (2002). Adapting to aging losses: Do resources facilitate strategies of Selection, Compensation, and Optimization in everyday functioning? The Journals of Gerontology, 57B, P501-P509.

Lee, D. J., & Markides, K. S. (1990). Activity and mortality among aged persons over an eight-year period. Journal of Gerontology.- Social Sciences, 45, S39-S42.

Lemon, B. W., Bengtson, V. L., & Peterson, J. A. (1972). An exploration of the activity theory of aging: Activity types and life satisfaction among movers to a retirement community. Journal of Gerontology, 27, 511-523.

Lennartsson, C., & Silverstein, M. (2001). Does engagement with life enhance survival of elderly people in Sweden? The role of social and leisure activities. The Journals of Gerontology Series B: Psychological sciences and social sciences, 56B, S335-S343.

Longino, C. F., & Kart, C. S. (1982). Explicating activity theory: A formal replication. Journal of Gerontology, 37, 713-722.

Mannell, R. C. & Kleiber, D. A. (1997). A social psychology of leisure. State College, PA: Venture Publishing.

McGuire, F. A., Boyd, R. K., & Tedrick, B. E. (2004). Leisure and aging: Ulyssean living in later life (3rd ed.). Champaign, IL: Sagamore Publishing.

Menec, V. H. (2003). The relation between everyday activities and successful aging: A 6-year longitudinal study. The Journals of Gerontology: Series B: Psychological sciences and social sciences, 58B, S74-S82.

Okun, M. A., & Schultz, A. (2003). Age and motives for volunteering: Testing hypotheses derived from Socio-emotional Selectivity Theory. Psychology and Aging, 18, 231-239.

Ryan, E. B., Anas, A. P., Beamer, M., & Bajorek, S. (2003). Coping with age-related vision loss in everyday reading activities. Educational Gerontology, 29, 37-54.

Schaie, K. W. (1996). Intellectual development in adulthood: The Seattle longitudinal study. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.

Stebbins, R. (1992). Amateurs, professionals and serious leisure. Montreal, Canada: McGill-Queens University Press.

Stumbo, N. J., & Peterson, C. A. (2003). Therapeutic recreation program design. Principles and procedures (3rd ed.). San Francisco, CA: Benjamin Cummings.

U.S. Census Bureau. (2004). Projected population of the United States, by age and sex: 2000 to 2005. Retrieved November 29, 2004, from http://www.census.gov/ipc/ www/usinterimproj/natprojtab02a.pdf

Van Andel, G. E. (1998). TR service delivery and TR outcome models. Therapeutic Recreation Journal, 32, 180-193.

RELATED ARTICLE: Research into action: growth in later life.

Activity Theory implies that growth stops in young adulthood. This, however, does not appear to be accurate. While later life includes decline, it also includes growth. In particular, older adults have a high capacity for intellectual and emotional development. Recreation and park providers who recognize and foster older adults' strengths are more likely to meet their needs as well as attract and retain customers to programs.

Activity Specialization

Often recreation providers offer and market programs based upon a presumed desire for larger social networks or leisure repertoires (Activity Theory). Older adults, however, have limited resources and invest them judiciously. To meet their needs and achieve economic success, providers must recognize and cater to this specialization within leisure. For example, senior center participants who have completed a beginner computer class may have specific questions about developing web pages or attaching photos to e-mail.

Rather than participating in an advanced class, which is likely to include superfluous topics, a drop-in time during which people can receive individualized assistance may be more efficient and, therefore, attractive to participants. Increasing the precision with which older adults' needs are met is likely to increase program success.

Specialization within Social Networks

Create separate events for promoting new and old relationships and plan accordingly. If developing new relationships is the goal, the program is more likely to succeed if important family members and old close friends (intimates) are used as a bridge to larger social circles. Socio-emotional Selectivity Theory, however, suggests that the most popular social events among older adults are likely to be ones that focus primarily on intimate relationships. In this case, facilitate the division of larger groups into previously established sets of intimates and allow them to interact in a semi-private fashion.

For example, when conducting a nature walk, prepare directions or mark the trail such that, using a staggered start, small groups can carry out the walk semi-privately. When conducting a small group event, such as dancing, cards or tennis, try to retain established partnerships. Even activities that tend to be solitary may be structured to include a group of intimates. For example, rather than recruiting individual volunteers, solicit groups of close friends.

For older adults, the recreation activity in question may be less important than being with or sharing the experience with someone in their central social network. The meaning of many leisure activities must spring from the issue of whether or not it enhances emotional relations with a small select circle of family and friends. It is often not the activity in question which is important, but how participating in that activity will strengthen or weaken existing ties with a small number of close friends and family members. Recreation and park services must be planned, marketed, conducted and evaluated with this in mind. Those that do not address this social dynamic are more likely to fail.

Accurately Target Older Adults' Needs

Some research on S0C suggests that healthy older adults are most likely to benefit from programs that emphasize goal selection and optimization. For example, encourage healthier older adults to select a favorite activity, such as painting, and suggest "homework" so they can refine their skills to a high degree. In contrast, older adults who have significant disabilities are most likely to benefit from facilitation techniques that compensate for losses.

For example, hunters who can not walk long distances may need paths in the woods that accommodate four-wheeled vehicles. Recreation and park providers who recognize and accurately respond to variability within the 65+ age group are more likely to succeed.

Assess Quality Not Just Quantity

When assessing programs, place less emphasis on the type and frequency of activities. While this information contributes to determining program effectiveness and satisfaction, participants' goals and the degree to which they are achieved are paramount. In particular, measures of interpersonal closeness or compatibility are important indicators of affiliation and, as previously stated, of utmost importance to most older adults.

Sarah Burnett-Wolle, MS, CTRS, is a doctoral candidate in Leisure Studies with a minor in Gerontology at Penn State University. She is also a National Institute for Aging pre-doctoral trainee. This paper was supported in part by grant T32 AG00048 from the National Institute on Aging. Thanks to Sarah Rick and Christine Burnett-Wolle for their contributions to this article.

Geoffrey Godbey, Ph.D, is a professor in the Department of Recreation, Parks and Tourism at Penn State University. His interests include leisure and health, aging, futures research, time use and demographic change. He is the principal investigator of a study on the relation of local park use to health among older adults, funded by Robert Wood Johnson.