Academic achievement among Caribbean immigrant adolescents: the impact of generational status on academic self-concept.

Caribbean American immigrant students, who represent one of the largest subgroups in the Black population in the United States, exhibit low achievement scores and high dropout rates, which are both correlated with lifelong negative employment and psychosocial outcomes. To understand how immigrant status may impact academic achievement in this population, this study had 200 Caribbean immigrant adolescents complete the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale and a demographic questionnaire. The results of an analysis of variance revealed a significant main effect of generational status for academic self-concept, but post hoc analysis revealed no significant differences among the mean academic self-concept scores for first-, second-, and third-generation Caribbean adolescents. Implications for school counselors desiring to facilitate positive academic outcomes for Caribbean American adolescents are considered.

**********

Academic achievement in adolescent populations is extremely important given the correlation between school achievement and positive outcomes over the life span (Marsh, 1990; Santrock, 2002). The achievement gap among student subpopulations (Dworkin & Dworkin, 1999) and the resulting high dropout rates among minority groups have been well documented in the literature (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2002a). Between 1992 and 2002, the average math and reading proficiency scores for White students remained higher than those for Black students in the 12th grade (NCES, 2002b). Results of the 2003 Trial Urban District Assessment indicated that in 9 of the 10 urban school districts assessed (Atlanta, Boston, Charlotte, Chicago, Cleveland, District of Columbia, Houston, Los Angeles, New York City, and San Diego), the percentages of eight-grade students found to possess below basic math skills ranged from 46% to 71%, which is a significantly greater percentage than the national average of 33% of eighth-grade students with below basic math skills (NCES, 2003).

The gap in test scores is not the only area for concern; dropout figures among Black students are equally troubling. In 2000, the high school dropout percentages for Whites and Blacks were 6.9% and 13.1%, respectively (NCES, 2002a). Examination of the statistics for Caribbean students, who are a significant immigrant group found within the Black population in the United States, reveal similar dropout rates. In New York City, the area with the largest numbers of Caribbean immigrants, the Board of Education determined that the high school dropout rate for Caribbean students was 23.53% among males and 19.66% among females (Udeogalanya, 1995). High school dropouts, in comparison to high school graduates, are more than twice as likely to be unemployed or underemployed (Dworkin & Dworkin).

Several authors have attributed the high dropout rate among Caribbean immigrant students to the negative experiences they have within U.S. schools (Elliston, 1985; Gopaul-McNicol, 1993; Irish & Clay, 1995; Nieto, 2000). Among Caribbean American students, the environmental issues associated with achievement difficulties are closely related to those of African American students in general. Caribbean students, like African American students, are typically attending segregated, urban schools with limited resources, characterized by violence problems and teacher as well as school counselor apathy (Brown, 1995; Elliston; Kozol, 1991; Waters, 1999). These factors contribute to reducing Caribbean immigrant students' academic performance and persistence, which is of vital concern given the importance of educational achievement in promoting economic and social well-being over the life span (Santrock, 2002). Minorities and immigrants disproportionately experience economic and occupational problems that are partially rooted in achievement difficulties.

ACADEMIC SELF-CONCEPT

Academic achievement has been strongly linked to academic self-concept (Hattie, 1992; House, 2000; Marsh, 1990; Marsh & Shavelson, 1985), defined as the individual's self-perception of his or her academic ability (internal reference), as well as the individual's assessment of how others in the school setting perceive his or her academic behavior (external reference) (Koller, Daniels, & Baumert, 2000; Strein, 1993). Academic self-concept is a construct that is regularly found in the educational literature (Strein, 1993, 1995), and many models have been developed to help explain and operationalize the construct. More recent models of academic self-concept are based in a domain-specific perspective that supports a multidimensional view of self-concept. That is, the construct of self-concept is really composed of distinct "types" of self-concept that correspond with specific competencies or attributes (Strein, 1995). Examples of the various domains of self-concept include physical self-concept, emotional self-concept, and academic self-concept. All of the models of domain-specific self-concept suggest a hierarchical relationship among the various domains of self-concept with global self-concept at the apex (Marsh; Shavelson, Hubner, & Stanton, 1976; Song & Hattie, 1984). The strong support for this domain-specific approach is demonstrated by the various assessments of self-concept based on this approach.

The Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS; Fitts & Warren, 1996) is an example of an instrument that utilizes a multidimensional model of self-concept as a foundation. The instrument assesses various domains of self-concept, including academic self-concept. A higher academic self-concept is associated with greater academic achievement among students (Marsh, 1990; Marsh & Shavelson, 1985). Given that educational achievement and academic self-concept are linked to occupational, economic, family, and community stability (Brown, 1995; Business-Higher Education Forum, 1990), it is important to understand factors that may affect academic self-concept and achievement among minority immigrant student populations, such as Caribbean Americans, who typically face significant cultural adjustment issues.

ACCULTURATION AND GENERATIONAL STATUS

Cultural adjustment, or acculturation, for immigrant populations is a significant developmental process (Berry, 1984; La Framboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1998; Mena, Padilla, & Maldonado, 1987) that typically occurs when an individual who develops in one cultural context encounters a new cultural context, usually as a result of migration, colonization, or some other intercultural encounter (Berry & Sam, 1997; La Fromboise et al.). Several factors are associated with acculturation; they include language preference and proficiency, length of residence in the United States, nativity, and generational status (Harris-Reid, 1998; Roysircar, 2002; Rueschenberg, 1989). Recently, the impact of generational status on academic achievement has been studied as a means to examine how the cultural adjustment process that immigrants experience impacts their educational outcomes.

In a study of a mixed group of immigrant students in the United States, White (1997) found that first-generation students were more likely to be high school dropouts than were second-generation persons. Conversely, Padilla and Gonzalez (2001) examined achievement differences in 2,167 Mexican high school students and found that first-generation students reported higher grades than did third-generation students. Kaufman, Chavez, and Lauren (1999) found that first- and second-generation Asian eighth-graders had higher academic/career aspirations and desires to attend college than did third-generation Asian students.

Given the varied results of these studies, there is clearly a need for further investigation of how factors of cultural adjustment, such as generational status, inform our understanding of academic self-concept. Additionally, there has been no previous empirical examination of the impact of generational status on academic achievement in a solely Black immigrant population, such as Caribbean immigrants. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine the differences in academic self-concept among first, second-, and third-generation Caribbean adolescents. A limited discussion of the Caribbean immigrant population will help to reinforce the relevance of this study to assisting school counselors improve educational outcomes for Caribbean immigrants.

CARIBBEAN IMMIGRANTS

Data gathered by the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service indicate that between 1992 and 1996, more than half a million Caribbean people

immigrated to the United States (U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, 1997) from the 50 inhabited island countries that stretch in a 2,000-mile-long are between Trinidad (off the coast of northern South America) and western Cuba (Chancy, 1994). This consistent migration from the Caribbean has led to a significant Caribbean American population, estimated at 8.4 million people (Ho, 1991; U.S. Census Bureau, 2001), which is concentrated in urban areas such as Atlanta, Boston, Chicago, Denver, Los Angeles, Miami, New York, Philadelphia, and Washington, DC (Bryce-Laporte, 1994; McKenzie, 1986).

Caribbean Americans currently face a host of issues associated with their immigrant and minority, group status, including economic and occupational problems, familial difficulties, and educational troubles. These issues contribute to life-span problems that result from difficulties with the acculturation process (Christiansen, Thornley-Brown, & Robinson, 1982; Gopaul-McNicol, 1993) and the stress associated with negotiating one's minority status (Duval-Harvey, 1997; Ibrahim, 1997; Sue, 2000; Waters, 1999). Economic statistics indicate a relatively stable picture for Caribbean Americans, with high labor force participation rates and median incomes (Caribbean Research Center, 1995). However, a closer look at the work patterns among Caribbean adults reveals that a high proportion of Caribbean adults maintain multiple jobs or consistently work double shifts in order to maintain economic stability in their households. Gopaul-McNicol indicated that this consistent engagement in shift work and multiple jobs increases Caribbean American children's unsupervised time, which regularly encourages family discord centered on child misbehavior and stunted academic progress (Waters). In 1990, less than 33% of the Caribbean adult population, age 25 and older, indicated that they had completed high school (Caribbean Research Center). Among this group, 35% to 45% had attended college; however, half did not earn a degree. Students who experience a lack of academic success typically have other problems as well, including declining mental and physical health (Muha & Cole, 1991), a tendency to engage in delinquent behavior (Manning & Baruth, 1994), and lowered life aspirations (Irvine, 1990).

Caribbean Americans, in comparison to other ethnic immigrant groups, earn lower incomes, occupy more low-status jobs, and experience less job security even when educational and skill levels are controlled for (Gopaul-McNicol, 1993; Thompson & Bauer, 2000). As a minority immigrant population, Caribbean Americans have experienced some of the difficulties associated with minority status (e.g., economic and occupational disparities) and immigrant status (e.g., family relational issues). These issues negatively impact Caribbean American adolescents, who must develop within a problematic context resulting from the stress associated with the immigration process (Berry, 1998; Gopaul-McNicol) as well as the minority experience in the United States (Ibrahim, 1997; Waters, 1999). Given the risk among Caribbean Americans for experiencing negative life outcomes and the fact that these outcomes often are precipitated by low academic achievement (Marsh, 1990; Santrock, 2002), it is imperative that the effect of acculturative factors, such as generational status, on educational achievement be understood.

METHODOLOGY

The population of interest in this study included English-speaking Caribbean immigrant adolescents enrolled in middle school (grades six through eight). Students at the beginning of the adolescent period were chosen because by this point, adolescents are well socialized to the academic environment and have had time for their academic self-concept to develop (Dornbusch, Herman, & Morley, 1996). Participants were selected from two geographic regions in an attempt to provide variability within the sample. Participants were solicited from a variety of school and community settings and completed the instruments in group settings. Participation was voluntary and encouraged by a drawing to win a $25 U.S. Savings Bond. Prior parental consent was required.

Participants

Participants included first-generation, second-generation, as well as third-generation Caribbean immigrant adolescents who attended public, private, and parochial schools in New York City (84.5%) and an urban area in North Carolina (15.5%). Among the 262 English-speaking Caribbean American adolescents who were invited to participate in this study, 201 actually volunteered, for a response rate of 77%. One participant was removed from the analyses because of missing data, resulting in a final sample size of 200 and a response rate of 76.7%.

Demographic characteristics of the participants are shown in Table 1. As can be seen in the table, 113 participants were female and 87 were male. There were 76 participants age 11, 58 age 12, and 66 age 13. Grade levels also were reported: 82 were in the sixth grade, 71 were in the seventh grade, and 47 were in the eighth grade. Most of the participants (n = 194) reported their race as Black; 5 were biracial indicating a Black and a Caucasian racial identity; and 1 reported a Native or Indian background, which is reflective of an individual who is descended from the Arawak or Carib Indians who originally populated the Caribbean Islands.

Participants noted whether they attended public schools (n = 86), private schools (n = 69), or parochial schools (n = 45). A breakdown of the generational status of the participants indicated that 27 were first-generation Caribbean Americans (i.e., Caribbean Americans who were born in the Caribbean and migrated to the United States as children), 167 were second-generation Caribbean Americans (i.e., Caribbean Americans born in the United States to Caribbean parents), and 6 were third-generation Caribbean Americans (i.e., Caribbean Americans with American-born parents and Caribbean-born grandparents). The breakdown for the mother's highest level of education was as follows: 5 had some high school education, 36 had obtained a high school diploma, 56 had some college education, and 101 had obtained college degrees. For father's highest level of education, 7 had some high school education, 22 had obtained a high school diploma, 61 had some college education, and 95 had obtained college degrees.

Instrumentation

The instrumentation for this study consisted of two measures: the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-Child Form (TSCS:2; Fitts & Warren, 1996) and a demographic questionnaire.

Tennessee Self-Concept Scale-Child Form. The TSCS:2 (Fitts & Warren, 1996) is an 82-item instrument that measures both global self-concept and domain-specific self-concepts, such as academic self-concept. Items include statements such as "I do well at math," to which respondents reply using a 5-point Likert scale with responses ranging from "always false" to "always true." Scales include two summary scores, total self-concept and conflict, and six self-concept scales--physical, moral, personal, family, social, and academic/work. Four validity scores (inconsistent responding, self-criticism, faking good, and response distribution) are reported to indicate response bias. Three supplementary scores (identity, satisfaction, and behavior) are reported. In this study, only the academic self-concept score was used.

Cronbach's alpha coefficients of internal consistency for the two TSCS:2 normative groups, age group 7 to 12 and age group 13 to 14, were .73 and .76, respectively, for the academic self-concept scale (Fitts & Warren, 1996). Construct validity has been assessed through a large number of factor analytic studies that have confirmed the dimension represented by the academic self-concept scale (Bolton, 1976; Walsh, Wilson, & McLellarn, 1989). Concurrent validity studies comparing the TSCS with other self-concept instruments, such as the Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale, revealed strong correlations between related scales of the measures (Piers, 1991; Shavelson & Bolus, 1982).

Demographic questionnaire. A demographic questionnaire was used to gather information to describe the sample and to explore the relationship between academic self-concept and generational status. The demographic questionnaire asked subjects to report their age, current grade in school, gender, race, cultural heritage (family's Caribbean country of origin), age at immigration, generational status, and education level of mother and father.

Data Analyses

Data were analyzed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences, Version 11.5. A one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted to examine the relationship between generational status and academic self-concept.

RESULTS

It was hypothesized that there would be significant differences in the mean academic self-concept scores among the three generational groups of Caribbean immigrant adolescents. The relationship between generational status and academic self-concept was examined via a one-way ANOVA. Three categories of generational status were identified: (a) first generation, (b) second generation, and (c) third generation. The first-generation group included individuals who were born in the Caribbean and immigrated to the United States as children; the second-generation group included participants who were born in the United States of Caribbean-born parents; and the third-generation group were those individuals born in the United States with American-born parents and Caribbean-born grandparents.

The means and standard deviations of the academic self-concept scores by the three generational status groups are as follows: The mean academic self-concept scores of the first-generation group (M = 52.44, SD = 9.6) and the second-generation group (M = 52.58, SD = 8.8) were both higher than that of the third-generation group (M = 43.00, SD = 9.1).

The results of the ANOVA, presented in Table 2, reveal a significant main effect of generational status for academic self-concept (F = 3.36[2, 197], p = .037). According to common conventions regarding relative effect size (Green & Salkind, 2003), the computed effect size for these data was between small and medium ([[eta].sup.2] = .03). It is important to note that ANOVA is based on the assumptions of normality and homogeneity of variance (Howell, 1997). Tests of these assumptions for the data in this study revealed that the normality assumption was violated, whereas the homogeneity of variance assumption was not. Howell indicated that in practice, "the analysis of variance is a very robust statistical procedure, and the assumptions frequently can be violated with relatively minor effects. This is especially true for the normality assumption" (p. 321). Given that an overall main effect of generational status on academic self-concept was revealed, post hoc comparison tests were conducted to examine the specific differences among the mean academic self-concept scores of the first-generation, second-generation, and third-generation groups. Tukey's method revealed significant differences in mean academic self-concept scores between the third-generation group and both the first- and second-generation groups (see Table 3).

However, given the unequal sample sizes of the three generation groups, an additional post hoc comparison was conducted to determine if the significant differences in means would still result. The Games-Howell procedure, which is a post hoc comparison test that takes into account unequal N sizes and heterogeneity of variance, was used and revealed no significant differences among the three generation groups (see Table 4).

DISCUSSION

The purpose of this study was to determine if there were significant differences in academic self-concept among first-, second-, and third-generation Caribbean immigrant adolescents. Two hundred Caribbean adolescents completed the instruments that measured generational status and academic self-concept. The results of an analysis of variance revealed a significant main effect of generational status for academic self-concept. Although the Tukey method of post hoc comparison revealed a significant difference in the mean academic self-concept of both the first-and second-generation groups in comparison to the third-generation group, the Games-Howell procedure (which accounted for the unequal sample sizes among the generation groups) revealed no significant differences in academic self-concept among the generations of Caribbean immigrant students. The results of the ANOVA did not support the hypothesized significant difference among the academic self-concept means of the three generation groups. This finding is contradictory to previous research that indicated academic self-concept and academic achievement decrease as generational status increases (Kaufman et al., 1999; Padilla & Gonzalez, 2001; White, 1997).

It is important to note that in this study, the mean academic self-concept scores for first-and second-generation Caribbean immigrant adolescents in the sample were 52.44 and 52.58, respectively, whereas the mean academic self-concept score for third-generation Caribbean students in the sample was 43.00. On the surface, it appears that there is a substantial difference between the third generation's mean academic self-concept score and both the first and second generation's mean academic sell-concept scores. However, the small sample size found in the third-generation group (n = 6) and the first-generation group (n = 27) severely limits the ability to determine whether academic self-concept is significantly lowered in third-generation Caribbean students when compared to first- and second-generation immigrants. Although this difference in means appears to be noticeably different and is consistent with previous research findings, a statistically significant difference was not found, possibly due to the low within-group sample size. It is quite plausible that greater numbers of first- and third-generation adolescents in this sample would have allowed for the detection of significant differences in mean academic self-concept scores. Although the study hypothesis was not ultimately supported, overall the study findings lend empirical support to the need for further investigation of the effect of generational status and other acculturative factors on academic achievement.

As noted previously, small sample sizes, combined with reduced variability that could exist due to the selection of participants from only two geographic regions, are factors to consider in interpreting the current findings. Limitations of the instruments used, all of which were self-report measures, introduce additional potential sources of error. Additionally, the parents of the study participants were much more highly educated (50.5% of the mothers and 47.5% of the fathers earned a college degree) than the reported norm of 22.5% of Caribbean American adults who earn a college degree (Caribbean Research Center, 1995). Given this fact, study participants may have represented a subsample of Caribbean immigrant adolescents that limits the generalizability of the results. In future studies, both larger and more representative samples, larger age ranges, and the use of additional measures of relevant acculturative factors--such as length of residence in the United States, nativity, and language preference and proficiency (Harris-Reid, 1998; Roysircar, 2002; Rueschenberg, 1989)--could extend the usefulness of the current findings. Because this was the first study to examine the effect of generational status on academic self-concept for Caribbean American students, the results presented can be used to suggest possible directions for future research with Caribbean immigrant adolescents, as well as possible implications for school counselor practice with Caribbean immigrant students.

IMPLICATIONS

The results of the study have several implications for school counseling practice. Although more clarification is needed, the results of this study seem to suggest that for Caribbean immigrants, generational status impacts academic achievement. Given that previous studies have confirmed this relationship, with the majority of those studies indicating that academic achievement decreases as successive generations of immigrants stay in the United States, it begs the question--what is it about settling in the United States and attending school in this country that lessens academic achievement in minority immigrants?

It is possible that as successive generations of immigrant adolescents stay in the United States, they experience acculturative stress in the school environment that negatively impacts achievement. So in some ways, generational status, in addition to being a factor of acculturation, is also an indicator of prolonged time spent in a hostile educational environment that does not effectively educate minority students. Ogbu (1997) indicated that there were differences in performance between recent minority immigrant populations and U.S.-born minority students, with the former group having greater academic success. It is possible that as immigrant adolescents settle in the United States and spend more time in a school cultural environment that is oppositional to their heritage cultural norms, they begin to have negative experiences in schools and exhibit similar achievement behaviors of their American-born minority peers. If this is so, then as counselors and educators, we have to begin to identify what specific negative factors exist in the school environment that, over time, dampen aspirations and academic functioning of minority adolescents, including immigrants.

Educators and researchers have begun to identify some of the factors that negatively impact academic achievement, especially in immigrant students. In addition to the issues of underfunded schools, poor teacher expectations, and ill-prepared educators (Kozol, 1991), school counselor academic planning practices with immigrant students affect educational attainment among this population. It has been stated that school counselors do not provide adequate, culturally competent counseling and academic planning to Caribbean students and their parents (Elliston, 1985), which affects immigrant students' academic outcomes and ultimately limits their life chances. This situation is confounded by the fact that Caribbean American students' parents often are unaware of the need to monitor their child's experience in school closely because teachers in the Caribbean are seen by parents as professionals and trusted to make the best decisions for the child's academic progress (Gopaul-McNicol, 1993; Waters, 1999). Therefore, when students are streamed into vocational programs and other nonacademic classes (Elliston), parents believe that teachers are making the best educational decisions for their child and do not advocate for changes in their child's prescribed academic course.

The need for appropriate school counselor interactions with minority students is further supported by several studies that found school counselors counseled students into academic or vocational programs based on their (the school counselors') assumptions about (a) the ability of the parents to pay for college and (b) the students' socioeconomic status. More often than not, Black students were perceived by counselors to be unrealistically fantasizing about their future goals whereas White students were seen as having realistic expectations (Dworkin & Dworkin, 1999). It has been noted that Black children's aspirations are as high as those of White children (Nieto, 2000), but Blacks often are not provided with equal assistance on ways to achieve their goals, which ultimately lessens their ability to meet high academic standards. Because high academic achievement among minority adolescents is a path to better occupational attainment and positive life outcomes among minority adults (Brown, 1995; Business-Higher Education Forum, 1990; Santrock, 2002), it is imperative that school counselors focus on improving academic functioning among minority immigrant students such as Caribbean students.

School counselors should advocate for the creation of a school environment that actively supports students' development and expression of their heritage culture within the school environment. This type of environment ultimately will be beneficial in allowing Caribbean American adolescents to not experience the school environment as oppositional to their cultural heritage, thereby decreasing acculturative stress and increasing comfort within the school environment. Advocacy activities can take the form of educating other school personnel about the importance of maintaining a culturally supportive environment so that immigrant students can attain personal and academic success. Furthermore, the school counselor in the advocacy role could present information to the appropriate school district resource-granting bodies in an effort to obtain additional resources to support school climate change. These resources should be used to implement school counseling programs that change the cultural climate of schools so that ethnic minority, adolescents, such as Caribbean Americans, can experience academic success in a school that is culturally attentive. For school counselors to create a culturally supportive environment, counselor education programs must prepare counselors to successfully implement culturally supportive school environments. Counselor education programs should make efforts to teach students about the current culture of schools, the process of changing school environments, and effective ways to advocate for school environments that support immigrant cultural adjustment and achievement in the schools.

School counselors also should ensure that they are providing appropriate academic planning to immigrant students. Factors such as foreign language usage, perceived socioeconomic status, or cultural unfamiliarity should not influence the quality or content of academic planning services. Minority immigrant students, like their White peers, are entitled to complete and unbiased information and support from school counselors in regards to their academic and career development. When school counselors come across immigrant students who may have lowered aspirations for achievement, they should seek to determine why those aspirations have been lowered and work to provide students with a complete set of academic options that will translate into a potentially meaningful and economically stable career in the future.

Additionally, school counselors working with immigrant students have an obligation to support and inform families of immigrant students, given that immigrant parents often are misinformed about the educational system and their role in it. School counselors should seek to increase family understanding of the educational system, as well as empower families to become involved in shaping their child's academic experience and the school environment. This information would best be dispersed through parent informational meetings scheduled at times and locations convenient to the work schedules of parents of immigrant students.

While the results of this study provide a general basis for the suggested changes to school counseling practice and counselor training, they also provide a foundation for further inquiry in this area of study. As previously discussed, future replications of this study should be conducted with adequate within-group sample sizes, as well as improved sample variation. Also, even if future studies reveal differences in academic self-concept by generational status, additional acculturative factors such as language preference and proficiency, length of residence in the United States, and nativity (Harris-Reid, 1998; Roysircar, 2002; Rueschenberg, 1989) should be included to determine how they work individually or in tandem to impact academic achievement. Lastly, given the discussion of the possible connection between generational status and school environment, future studies that investigate whether or not generational status is related to immigrant student appraisals of the school environment and academic achievement also would be extremely useful. It would be important to establish, through further investigation, if current school environments actually reinforce negative outcomes among minority immigrant students. If this can be established, then clearly focusing on changing school climates, in conjunction with facilitating the acculturation process among minority immigrant students, would be appropriate and, frankly, well overdue.

CONCLUSION

This was the first study to examine the impact of generational status on academic self-concept in an urban Caribbean immigrant student population. The findings suggest that it is important to consider acculturative factors, such as generational status, in understanding academic achievement among Caribbean immigrant students. Although further investigation of acculturative factors and their impact on achievement in immigrant students is needed, school counselors can begin to utilize what is known about the relationship between these factors to alter current school counselor practice. School counselors who want to improve educational outcomes for minority students, such as Caribbean immigrants, can start by (a) advocating for improved school environments that are culturally attentive, (b) changing biased attitudes toward immigrant students, and (c) working to promote equitable outcomes among immigrant students through improved academic planning and family empowerment.

Table 1. Selected Demographic Characteristics of 200 Participants

                       Females (n = 113)       Males (n = 87)

Demographic          Frequency  Percentage  Frequency  Percentage
Variable                 n          %           n          %

Race
  Black                109        96.5        85         97.7
  Native                 1         0.9         0          0.0
  Biracial               3         2.7         2          2.3
Aqe
  11                    46        40.7        30         34.5
  12                    29        25.7        29         33.3
  13                    38        33.6        28         32.2
Grade in school
  6                     43        38.1        39         44.8
  7                     40        35.4        31         35.6
  8                     30        26.5        17         19.5
Type of school
  Public                50        44.2        36         41.4
  Private               32        28.3        37         42.5
  Parochial             31        27.4        14         16.1
Generational status
  First                 23        20.4         4          4.6
  Second                85        75.2        82         94.3
  Third                  5         4.4         1          1.1
Mother's education
  Some high school       4         3.5         1          1.1
  High school           24        21.2        12         13.8
    graduate
  Some college          33        29.2        23         26.4
  College graduate      50        44.2        51         58.6
  Not stated             2         1.8         0          0.0
Father's education
  Some high school       6         5.3         1          1.1
  High school           16        14.2         6          6.9
    graduate
  Some college          37        32.7        24         27.6
  College graduate      43        38.1        52         59.8
  Not stated            11         9.7         4          4.6

                     Total (n = 200)

Demographic          Frequency  Percentage
Variable                 n          %

Race
  Black                194         97.0
  Native                 1          0.5
  Biracial               5          2.5
Aqe
  11                    76         38.0
  12                    58         29.0
  13                    66         33.0
Grade in school
  6                     82         41.0
  7                     71         35.5
  8                     47         23.5
Type of school
  Public                86         43.0
  Private               69         34.5
  Parochial             45         22.5
Generational status
  First                 27         13.5
  Second               167         83.5
  Third                  6          3.0
Mother's education
  Some high school       5          2.5
  High school           36         18.0
    graduate
  Some college          56         28.0
  College graduate     101         50.5
  Not stated             2          1.0
Father's education
  Some high school       7          3.5
  High school           22         11.0
    graduate
  Some college          61         30.5
  College graduate      95         47.5
  Not stated            15          7.5

Table 2. ANOVA for Academic0
Self-Concept by Generational Status

Variable           df       F       p

Academic           197    3.364   .037
self-concept

Table 3. Tukey's Honestly Significant Difference Post Hoc
Test for Academic Self-Concept and Generational Status

Multiple Comparisons                        p

First generation       Second generation   .10
                       Third generation    .05 *

Second generation      First generation    .10
                       Third generation    .03 *

Third generation       First generation    .05 *
                       Second generation   .03 *

* p < .05

Table 4. Games-Howell Post Hoc Test for Academic
Self-Concept and Generational Status

Multiple Comparisons                        p

First generation       Second generation   1.0
                       Third generation     .12

Second generation      First generation    1.0
                       Third generation     .10

Third generation       First generation     .12
                       Second generation    .10

References

Berry, J. W. (1984). Cultural relations in plural societies: Alternatives to segregation and their sociopsychological implications. In N. Miller & M. Brewer (Eds.), Groups in contact (pp. 11-27). San Diego, CA: Academic.

Berry, J. W. (1998). Acculturative stress. In P. B. Organista, K. M. Chun, & G. Marin (Eds.), Readings in ethnic psychology (pp. 117-122). New York: Routledge.

Berry, J. W., & Sam, D. L. (1997). Acculturation and adaptation. In J .W. Berry, Y. H. Poortinga, J. Pandey, P. R. Dansen, T. S. Saraswathi, M. H. Segall, et al. (Series Eds.) & J. W. Berry, M. H. Segall, & C. Kagitcibasi (Vol. Eds.), Handbook of cross-cultural psychology: Vol. 3. Social behavior and applications (2nd ed., pp. 291-326). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

Bolton, B. (1976). Factorial validity of the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale. Psychological Reports, 39, 947-954.

Brown, M. T. (1995).The career development of African Americans: Theoretical and empirical issues. In F. T. Leong (Ed.), Career development and vocational behavior of racial and ethnic minorities (pp. 7-36). Hillsdale, N J: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Bryce-Laporte, R. S. (1994). New York City and the new Caribbean migration: A contextual statement. In C. R. Sutton & E. M. Chaney (Eds.), Caribbean life in New York City: Sociocultural dimensions (pp. 51-69). New York: Center for Migration Studies.

Business-Higher Education Forum. (1990). Three realities: Minority life in the United States. Washington, DC: Author.

Caribbean Research Center. (1995). Persons of Caribbean ancestry: A basic demographic, social and economic profile based on 1990 census data. New York: Author.

Chaney, E. M. (1994).The context of Caribbean migration. In C. R. Sutton & E. M. Chaney (Eds.), Caribbean life in New York City: Sociocultural dimensions (pp. 3-14). New York: Center for Migration Studies.

Christiansen, J. M., Thornley-Brown, A., & Robinson, J. A. (1982). West Indians in Toronto: Implications for helping professionals. Toronto, Canada: Family Service Association of Metropolitan Toronto. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED257885)

Dornbusch, S. M., Herman, M. R., & Morley, J. A. (1996). Domains of adolescent achievement. In G. R. Adams, R. Montemayor, & T. P. Gullotta (Eds.), Psychosocial development during adolescence (pp. 181-231).Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Duval-Harvey, J. E. (1997). The adjustment of West Indian adolescents in select public high schools in New York City. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The Pennsylvania State University, State College.

Dworkin, A. G., & Dworkin, R. J. (1999). The minority report: An introduction to racial, ethnic, and gender relations (3rd ed.). Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace.

Elliston, I. (1985). Counselling West Indian immigrants: Issues and answers. In R. J. Samuda & A.Wolfgang (Eds.), Intercultural counselling and assessment: Global perspectives (pp. 203-214). Lewiston, NY: Hogrefe. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED306473)

Fitts, W. H., & Warren, W. L. (1996). Tennessee Self-Concept Scale manual (2nd ed.). Los Angeles: Western Psychological Services.

Gopaul-McNicol, S. A. (1993). Working with West Indian families. New York: Guilford.

Green, S. B., & Salkind, N. J. (2003). Using SPSS for Windows and Macintosh: Analyzing and understanding data (3rd ed.). Upper Saddle River, N J: Prentice Hall.

Harris-Reid, M. A. (1998). Coming to America: Immigration, stress, and mental health. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

Hattie, J. (1992). Self-concept. Hillsdale, N J: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Ha, C. (1991). Salt-water Trinnies: Afro-Trinidadian immigrant networks and non-assimilation in Los Angeles. New York: AMS Press.

House, D. J. (2000).The effect of student involvement on the development of academic self-concept. Journal of Social Psychology, 140, 261-263.

Howell, D. C. (1997). Statistical methods for psychology (4th ed.). Belmont, CA: Duxbury.

Ibrahim, F. A. (1997, April). Post-traumatic stress disorder among cultural/racial minorities: Counseling implications. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Counseling Association, Orlando, FL.

Irish, J. A., & Clay, C. (1995). Assessment of Caribbean students: A guide for assessing children from CARICOM nation states and dependent territories. New York: Caribbean Diaspora.

Irvine, J. J. (1990). Black students and school failure: Policies, practices, and prescriptions. New York: Greenwood.

Kaufman, P., Chavez, L., & Lauren, D. (1999). Generational status and educational outcomes among Asian and Hispanic 1988 eighth graders. Retrieved January 2, 2004, from http://nces.ed.gov/pubsearch/pubsinfo.asp? pubid=1999020

Koller, O., Daniels, Z., & Baumert, J. (2000, April). Multiple frames of reference, academic interests, and coursework selection in upper secondary schools in Germany. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Education Researchers Association, New Orleans, LA.

Kozol, J. (1991). Savage inequalities: Children in America's schools. New York: Crown.

La Fromboise, T., Coleman, H. L. K., & Gerton, J. (1998). Psychological impact of biculturalism. In P. B. Organista, K. M. Chun, & G. Marin (Eds.), Readings in ethnic psychology (pp. 123-155). New York: Routledge.

Manning, M. L., & Baruth, L. G. (1994). Students at risk. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

Marsh, H. (1990).The causal order of academic self-concept and academic achievement: A multiwave, longitudinal path analysis. Journal of Educational Psychology, 82, 646-656.

Marsh, H. W., & Shavelson, R. J. (1985). Self-concept: Its multifaceted, hierarchical structure. Educational Psychologist, 20, 107-125.

McKenzie, V. M. (1986). Ethnographic findings on West Indian-American clients. Journal of Counseling and Development, 65, 40-44.

Mena, F. J., Padilla, A. M., & Maldonado, M. (1987). Acculturative stress and specific coping strategies among immigrant and later generation college students. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 9(2), 207-225.

Muha, D. G., & Cole, C. (1991). Dropout prevention and group counseling: A review of the literature. The High School Journal, 74(2), 76-79.

National Center for Education Statistics. (2002a). Dropout rates in the United States: 2000. Retrieved January 2, 2004, from http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2002/droppub_2001/

National Center for Education Statistics. (2002b). NAEP data. Retrieved January 2, 2004, from http://nces.ed.gov/ nationsreportcard/naepdata/getdata.asp

National Center for Education Statistics. (2003). Percentages of students at or above each achievement level in mathematics, grades 4 and 8 public schools: By urban district, 2003. Retrieved January 2, 2004, from http://nces.ed.gov/ nationsreportcard/mathematics/results2003/ districtachieve.asp

Nieto, S. (2000). Affirming diversity: The sociopolitical context of multicultural education (3rd ed.). New York: Longman.

Ogbu, J. (1997). African American education: A cultural-ecological perspective. In H. P. McAdoo (Ed.), Black families (pp. 234-250).Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Padilla, A. M., & Gonzalez, R. (2001). Academic performance of immigrant and U.S.-born Mexican heritage students: Effects of schooling in Mexico and bilingual/English language instruction. American Educational Research Journal, 38, 727-742.

Piers, E.V. (1991). Manual for the Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale: The way I feel about myself. Nashville, TN: Counselor Recordings and Tests.

Roysircar, G. (2002). Assessing acculturation and cultural variables. In K. S. Kuraski & S. Okazaki (Eds.), Asian American mental health: Assessment theories and methods (pp. 77-94). New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum.

Rueschenberg, E. (1989). Mexican American family functioning and acculturation: A family systems perspective. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 11, 232-244.

Santrock, J. W. (2002). Life-span development (8th ed.). Boston: McGraw Hill.

Shavelson, J. R., & Bolus, R. (1982). Self-concept: The interplay of theory and methods. Journal of Educational Psychology, 74, 3-17.

Shavelson, J. R., Hubner, J. J., & Stanton, G. C. (1976).Validation of construct interpretations. Review of Educational Research, 46, 407-441.

Song, I. S., & Hattie, J. A. (1984). Home environment, self-concept, and academic achievement: A causal modeling approach. Journal of Educational Psychology, 76, 1269-1281.

Strein, W. (1993).Advances in research on academic self-concept: Implications for school psychology. School Psychology Review, 22, 273-285.

Strein, W. (1995). Assessment of self-concept. Greensboro, NC: ERIC Clearinghouse on Counseling and Student Services. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED389962)

Sue, D. W. (2000, February). Multicultural competence: Individual, professional, and organizational development. Paper presented at the meeting of the Annual Teachers College Winter Roundtable on Cross-Cultural Psychology and Education, New York.

Thompson, P., & Bauer, E. (2000). Jamaican transnational families: Points of pain and sources of resilience. Wadabagei: A Journal of the Caribbean and its Diaspora, 3(2), 1-36.

Udeogalanya, V. N. (1995). High school dropout rates among Caribbean students and other ethnic groups in New York City. In J. A. G. Irish (Ed.), Caribbean students in New York: Occasional papers: No. 1 (pp. 115-131). Brooklyn, NY: Caribbean Diaspora.

U.S. Census Bureau. (2001). The foreign born population in the United States. Retrieved January 2, 2004, from http://www.census.gov/prod/2000pubs/p20-534.pdf

U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service. (1997). Immigrants admitted by region and selected country of birth. Retrieved January 2, 2004, from http://www.ins. usdoj.gov/stats

Walsh, J. A., Wilson, G. L., & McLellarn, R.W. (1989). A confirmatory factor analysis of the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale. Criminal Justice & Behavior, 16, 465-472.

Waters, M. C. (1999). Black identities: West Indian immigrant dreams and American realities. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University.

White, M. J. (1997). Language usage, social capital, and school completion among immigrants and native-born ethnic groups. Social Science Quarterly, 78, 385-398.

Natasha Mitchell, Ph.D., is an assistant professor with the Department of Counseling and Personnel Services, College of Education, University of Maryland at College Park. E-mail: [e-mail]