ARNOLD'S BROKEN VOWS: A RENDEZVOUS WITH REALITY?

Byline: HARRISON SHEPPARD Sacramento Bureau

SACRAMENTO -- Throughout his tenure as a politician, Arnold Schwarzenegger has made a lot of promises.

From candidate to governor, he has pursued a grand vision with vows to tackle everything from reforming the state pension system and the redistricting process to protecting money for education and increasing the minimum wage.

But in the ensuing three years -- and as he faces a November re-election bid -- many of those promises have been abandoned or ignored.

While there is no dispute that Schwarzenegger has kept some of his vows, others that he has vigorously pursued have been blocked by contentious opposition from the Legislature, rejected by a skeptical public or watered down in the political process.

``I think the public gives him mixed grades,'' said Jack Pitney, government professor at Claremont McKenna College. ``At various times, he talked about bringing revolutionary changes to Sacramento. And we haven't had much of a revolution in the past few years. The empire struck back.

``He put a lot of effort into it. But the past couple years have been a rendezvous with reality.''

Schwarzenegger's biggest promises during the 2003 recall campaign centered around a few key themes: improving the state economy and business climate, fixing the state budget, and sweeping the influence of special interests out of Sacramento.

Most business and economic experts agree that the governor has been a friend to the business community and the economy.

He has helped employers generate some 600,000 new jobs, traveled abroad to drum up trade and tourism dollars, and approved a workers' compensation reform package aimed at reducing business costs.

He has also lowered the state budget deficit -- though not wiped it out completely, as he had promised -- while increasing state spending.

He has resisted most major tax increases and his financial moves have helped boost the state's credit rating. He also passed an on-time budget this year for the first time in five years.

``He has done a lot of positive things,'' said Jack Kyser, chief economist with the Los Angeles County Economic Development Corp. ``Business feels more comfortable that he's up there in the capital. And he's going to keep some of the wilder ideas that come out of the Legislature under wraps.''

H.D. Palmer, spokesman for the governor's Finance Department, noted that when Schwarzenegger took office, the budget deficit was projected to grow to $16.5 billion by 2006-07.

Instead, the budget the governor signed earlier this year had an operating deficit of $3.3 billion.

``Still work to do''

``Looking at where it was projected to be three years ago versus where it is today, I think there's clear progress,'' Palmer said. ``There's still work to do, but we have had a growing economy that is creating significant revenue.''

But many critics say he has failed to significantly reduce the power of special interests in Sacramento or lower the amount of fundraising designed to influence political action.

In fact, Schwarzenegger himself has been a prolific fundraiser, relying heavily on corporate donations for his re-election campaign and ballot measure efforts.

He has raised about $100 million in the past three years, breaking fundraising marks set by his predecessor, Gov. Gray Davis, whom Schwarzenegger had criticized for excessive fundraising.

``The governor's been a complete and utter failure on campaign finance reform,'' said Ned Wigglesworth, policy advocate for California Common Cause. ``Both in not living up to his promise to sweep the special interests out of Sacramento and failing to introduce any meaningful campaign finance reforms in his three years in office.

``To paraphrase the governor: The money continues to come in and the favors continue to go out, on his watch.''

And Schwarzenegger's gubernatorial rival, Treasurer Phil Angelides, has hammered the governor for flip-flops on positions ranging from campaign finance and education to health care for children.

``It's just become more obvious that Californians just can't trust what he's going to do,'' said Angelides campaign adviser Bill Carrick.

``He goes 180 degrees from his previous positions. The conclusion you can reach is he really doesn't believe in anything. It's all about getting elected.''

But a spokeswoman said Schwarzenegger has supported a number of efforts to reform the influence of special interests in Sacramento.

Julie Soderlund, spokeswoman for the governor's re-election campaign, noted that the governor supported a bill in 2004 that would have prohibited lawmakers and statewide officers from raising money during the budget process.

Lack of lobbying

Still, he did not lobby heavily for the bill and it never got far in the Legislature, dying in committee without a single vote taken.

Schwarzenegger also has not voluntarily restricted his own fundraising during the budget and bill-signing periods.

Soderlund defended the fundraising and said contributions that come to the governor's political committees do not influence his policies.

``People contribute because they believe in the governor's vision, not the other way around,'' Soderlund said.

``This governor always makes decisions based upon what he believes is in the best interest of the people of California, and his record reflects that.''

Schwarzenegger also signed a bill that required more immediate disclosure of large donations from political parties close to an election and supported a ballot measure calling for more open government in California.

After that measure passed, and amid media pressure, he began releasing his daily calendar of activities.

Schwarzenegger also supported some measures designed to reduce the influence of unions in Sacramento, most notably a ``paycheck protection'' measure last year that would have limited unions' ability to make political donations without explicit approval from members.

He also sought to shake up the power structure of the Legislature by placing a redistricting measure on the same ballot.

But both measures failed as the governor's own popularity ratings plummeted.

Critics also say the governor failed to fulfill a campaign promise to protect education funding when, in his first year in office, he struck an unlikely alliance with the California Teachers Association to allow for a temporary cut in schools funding.

Schwarzenegger vowed to restore the money quickly when the state's budget improved. But when revenues rose the next year, the teachers union accused the governor of breaking his promise.

Administration officials disputed details of the promise but the CTA hammered Schwarzenegger on the issue and vigorously campaigned against his own pet project of special- election government reform measures last November.

Amid the battering, the governor's job-approval ratings plunged to their lowest ever among voters and his special-election measures failed at the polls.

Lessons not lost

The lessons have not been lost on the governor, who publicly acknowledged he pushed his own agenda and promises too hard.

In recent months, conscious of the pending election, he has taken a more conciliatory tone. Earlier this year, he moved to restore education funding in the state budget -- keeping his promise, albeit later than expected.

For voters at the polls this November, experts said two promises the governor fulfilled early on in his tenure may be key: the repeal of Davis' tripling of the car tax and the repeal of a law granting driver's licenses to illegal immigrants.

``What Californians cared about, the car tax, still probably is the most important promise kept,'' said political analyst Sherry Bebitch Jeffe of the University of Southern California.

``And his (conservative) base cared about the driver's license bill. And that's still an important promise that's been kept.''

``They are the first ones made, the first ones kept and, for most average voters, I think probably among the most important.''

Ultimately in his bid to fulfill his promises, Schwarzenegger has learned to walk a fine line in negotiating compromises with legislative Democrats.

While earlier this year, he proposed an ambitious $68 billion, 10-year infrastructure plan, he struck a deal with the Legislature for a $37 billion infrastructure bond package.

``I think what you have seen is the education of Arnold,'' said Barbara O'Connor, director of the Institute for the Study of Politics and the Media at California State University, Sacramento.

``He initially delivered on the car tax and some other things. Then he ran headlong into partisan politics in the Legislature. Which took him down to the primrose path to the special election. And that I think was a real epiphany for him.

``You saw someone who came here and realized it wasn't quite as easy as he thought.''

harrison.sheppard(at)dailynews.com

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Photo:

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Source: Daily News research

Gregg Miller/Staff Artist