ABORIGINAL COLLABORATION.

Since the 1980s, the global economy has undergone dramatic structural changes. Faced with new economic realities, many communities particularly rural, resource-based communities -- have looked to other industries to diversify and reinvigorate their waning economies. The opportunities for developing resource-based tourism -- tourism activities and experiences dependant on the attributes associated with natural and relatively undeveloped settings ... [that] involve small groups of tourists and often include learning opportunities related to the local culture and/or natural environment (Ewert & Shultis, 1997) -- have received particular scrutiny by communities throughout the world.

While the overall tourism industry is growing by approximately 3 percent to 5 percent every year, resource-based tourism may be growing by as much as 15 percent to 25 percent (Wild, 1994). Indigenous tourism, a form of resource-based tourism in which indigenous people are directly involved through control or having their culture serve as the primary attraction (Hinch and Butler, 1996), is an important component of these high growth rates in resource-based tourism.

There are many reasons for the seemingly ubiquitous call from communities to embrace all forms of tourism development. Most important, perhaps, is that the majority of communities already have some degree of tourism infrastructure, primarily for domestic tourists, so it is a reasonably familiar type of development. Many communities simply jump on the "ecotourism bandwagon," aware of success stories in neighboring regions -- and unaware of or unable to provide other alternatives.

In addition, it is often assumed that, unlike traditional resource-based or industrial businesses, tourism is a relatively environmentally and socially benign form of economic development (Smith & Krannich, 1998). Community officials and residents, intent on creating revenues and a growing tax base, are often unaware or unconcerned that their communities risk severe environmental, social, or cultural impacts from ad hoc tourism development, whether from traditional mass or resource-based tourism development (Cogswell, 1996).

Pearce, Moscardo, and Ross (1996) noted that socioeconomic impacts are significantly more likely to be presented by researchers as positive or neutral than are sociocultural or environmental impacts. The growth of resource-based tourism is also perceived as particularly attractive by many communities, a reflection of the burgeoning market for resource-based tourism created by the recent "greening" of both consumers and the tourism industry.

Development in Aboriginal Communities

Aboriginal communities, simply defined here as communities with a majority of aboriginal people, have not been immune to the increased allure of tourism development. Indeed the prospect of tourist development in aboriginal communities throughout the world has significantly increased as indigenous people achieve greater serf-sufficiency through new land claims, treaty processes, shifting social attitudes, and more supportive government policies (Norris Nicholson, 1997). These culturally rich communities are often located in remote, relatively unmodified natural environments, which create an exceptionally rich supply of tourism-development opportunities.

Resource-based tourism in general, and indigenous tourism in particular, have received the majority of attention, but all forms of tourism development are possible in aboriginal communities. For example, in the United States, the creation of casino-based resorts is increasingly common in indigenous communities (Stansfield, 1996).

While all communities face a number of common tourism-development issues -- controlling growth, maximizing benefits while minimizing negatives, and ensuring community acceptance -- tourism planners and managers must be aware of certain pressures and concerns when angling to work with aboriginal communities. Without a sense of the unique challenges and opportunities that

exist within indigenous communities, successful tourism development (as defined by the communities themselves) will be elusive, if not impossible.

Perhaps the greatest influence on economic development in aboriginal communities is the shared colonial past of aboriginal people. The need for community control of tourism development and the necessity for outsiders to create effective relationships with the community are crucial. The world's aboriginal people confront many distinct challenges and opportunities as they begin to control the provision of indigenous and resource-based tourism in their traditional territories.

The Lingering Impacts of Colonialism

Aboriginal communities throughout the world are extremely diverse in terms of cultural, social, and economic status (Bridzinksi, 1993). Despite this diversity, particular historical events have affected many of the approximately 300 million indigenous people of the world in remarkably similar ways. The effect of colonialism on endemic people -- the forced establishment of political and legal domination over an extended period of time by an alien people -- continues to have profound repercussions on surviving citizens and communities.

The most significant effects of colonialism include displacement from traditional territories, loss of territorial fights (hunting, fishing, gathering), extinction of existing treaty rights, and loss of self-determination. Each of these effects has created enormous social upheaval and a decline of cultural identity (language and spirituality), traditional subsistence skills, traditional ecological knowledge, and customary leadership patterns (United Nations, 1992). Outsiders must be aware that the "residues of the past" resulting from colonization continue to have significant ramifications for many aboriginal people and communities.

Only recently have governments been responsive to long-standing requests for self-determination, the re-establishment of aboriginal control over lands, and the required structural changes to help stimulate economic and social development. These three critical issues are highly interdependent and should be viewed as central to any community-development initiative, including tourism.

The historical legacy of colonization has, until recently, prevented aboriginal communities from participating in economic initiatives that affect them (Fleras & Elliot, 1992). Typically, economic- and community-development initiatives were devised and implemented by nonaboriginal planners and imposed without the meaningful participation of community members (Brandon, 1993). As a result, indigenous communities may view outsiders with some skepticism, which is understandable given the decades-long battle over past appropriations of aboriginal rights, lands, and resources.

An overriding issue in aboriginal communities is control over all developmental initiatives, including tourism. While community control certainly does not guarantee tourism success, it is a critical prerequisite, for "whoever has control can generally determine such critical factors as the scale, speed, and nature of development" (Hinch & Butler, 1996).

With community support and control, tourism has the potential to stimulate economic and social development and provide a mechanism for re-establishing aboriginal approaches to land use and resource management. Planning and implementing community-led tourism operations will also rebuild capacity within communities. Furthermore, indigenous tourism that reflects aboriginal identity and uses a community's traditional lands appropriately can potentially validate and affirm cultural values and traditions, empower and strengthen community pride, create employment, generate revenue, provide training and educational opportunities, and facilitate cultural exchange (Brandon, 1993; Butler & Hinch, 1996).

In other words, tourism development could contribute to overall community healing (Warry, 1998) by addressing three issues: advancement of serf-determination, control over lands and resources, and economic and social development. If tourism projects do not directly relate to these goals, they are unlikely to be embraced by the community.

There are numerous examples of tourism development's potential negative impacts on aboriginal people. While all communities are susceptible to the negative impacts of tourism, sociocultural impacts may be especially severe in aboriginal communities, thanks to the exaggerated socioeconomic and cultural differences between the host and guest populations (Smith, 1977).

Apart from the obvious cultural differences, there are often significant differences between aboriginal and nonaboriginal communities in terms of housing conditions, education, income, health, and employment status (Fleras & Elliot, 1992; UNDP, 1992).

Moreover, tourism as a service industry places high demands upon industry participants; the many past and present barriers obstructing aboriginal integration with the mainstream economy complicate these demands (Altman & Finlayson, 1993). For example, in addition to working on economic development initiatives that will influence the difficult socioeconomic circumstances facing most aboriginal communities, there is often an urgent need to settle outstanding land claims and create self-government agreements.

Indeed because the three aforementioned issues are so interrelated, communities will typically work simultaneously on several major issues. Thus, a community's resources -- both human and economic -- are stretched. The need to expend emotional and physical energy on tourism development may not be a priority in relation to creating a safe sewage system, new schools, or educational opportunities. Competing priorities and demands and limited economic and human resources may stymie or, at the very least, delay potential tourism development.

The recognized negative impacts of tourism include social changes (increased crime, higher prices, cultural homogenization); community congestion and overcrowding; an unequal distribution of wealth and power; uncontrollable growth; conflicting community attitudes toward tourism and tourists; and various environmental impacts (Turner & Ash, 1975; Krippendorf, 1989; Pearce et al., 1996). Again, while community control will not prevent any of these impacts, incorporating meaningful local input and creating a specific tourism-development plan will start you in the fight direction.

Effective Partnerships

Effective partnerships with aboriginal communities are not short-term propositions. Entry into the community requires rapport and trust, which can only be developed over time. Outsiders' motives can be very transparent, and communities can sense very quickly those with a genuine interest in a mutual effort. Recognizing that trust wsill not be readily conferred, outsiders can expect community leaders to observe their conduct and interactions in the community.

Outsiders would be wise to ask community leaders about protocols that should be followed. For example, some communities will require potential outside partners to speak with elders or leaders, or to make a presentation to the local governing body before proceeding with specific plans. It is also advisable to negotiate a memorandum of understanding that outlines joint control over the implementation and outcomes of a project.

An effective and ethically sound model to follow is the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples' Ethical Guidelines for Research (1993), whose outlined values and principles reflect the importance of historical and current factors that affect the ways in which partnerships with aboriginal communities should be approached.

Conclusion

As aboriginal communities throughout the world begin to regain control over their own destinies, the creation of tourism facilities to generate social and economic development becomes increasingly popular. Many aboriginal communities, unhappy with previous externally driven development models, have begun to demand control of tourism development to ensure the consideration of their unique needs and aspirations. This desire for control is also a function of the shared history of indigenous cultures; after centuries of colonization and control by outside groups, indigenous people are understandably loath to accept tourism as a new form of colonial domination.

Aboriginal communities are not homogenous. Each has its own unique history, which must be understood and respected by tourism planners, developers, and operators. However, each community's history and current context are not easily learned. Before a community's past and present can truly be understood, trust must be developed between the two working parties.

The necessity for native-controlled tourism is perhaps the primary attribute of contemporary indigenous tourism. While residents appreciate the benefits of community-led tourism development, the issue of community control is particularly important to indigenous people. This increased interest stems from the desire for greater serf-determination and the need to address enduring social and structural inequities created by a shared colonial past.

Thus, more than economic development, tourism is seen as an opportunity to address the many social issues that have arisen from the lingering hegemony of the nonindigenous culture. If tourism development is to be a means to these sociopolitical ends, an internally driven, careful creation of priorities, policies, and practice is required (Norris Nicholson, 1997).

Given the opportunity, academics, tourism planners, and developers should share their expertise to aid this cultural renaissance. At the same time, nonindigenous people must be aware of the unique goals of tourism development, the continuing effects of colonization, and the specific aspirations of each aboriginal community before committing to a partnership.

While community-led consultation, trust, and the relinquishment of control are not generally considered "normal" business practices, these actions are warranted in most aboriginal communities. As Turner and Ash (1975) cautioned, "Ultimately tourism will only survive if it helps create societies which are less divided than they are at the moment."

Our global village deserves no less.

Vietnam

Increased numbers of visitors lead to increased demand for fuel, which increases deforestation and can result in severe environmental and social costs.

New Mexico 

Many aboriginal communities have stellar cultural and natural attractions.

The residues of the past are not only a basis upon which we assimilate new experiences in the present and the future; these residues may also serve, in specific circumstances, to conceal, obscure, or disguise the present.

--J.B. Thompson, Ideology and Modern Culture

Vietnam

Events that once held meaning for the community may be draiined of their authenticity by repeated exposure to tourists.

Haida Gwaii, Canada

Tourism may both help and hinder efforts to maintain a community's cultural treasures.

Savaii, Samoa

There is often a fine line between positive economic impacts and negative social impacts, such as the loss of traditional sacred sites to large numbers of outsiders.

Ecuador

Tourism often transforms traditional, authentic events--such as this animal market--into crass meetings with the "Other."

Taveuni, Fiji

Many communities are forgoing extractive industries to create resource-based tourism opportunities.

References

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Brandon, K. 1993. "Basic Steps Toward Encouraging Local Participation in Nature Tourism Projects." In K. Lindberg and D.E. Hawkins (Eds.) Ecotourism: A Guide for Planners and Managers (135-51). North Bennington, Vt.: The Ecotourism Society.

Butler, R., and T. Hinch. 1996. Tourism and Indigenous Peoples. Boston and London: International Thompson Business Press.

Cogswell, R. 1996. "Doing Right by the Local Folks: Grassroots Issues in Cultural Tourism." In P.A. Wells (Ed.) Keys to the Marketplace: Problems and Issues in Cultural and Heritage Tourism (1-17). Enfield Lock: Hisarlik Press.

Ewert, A., and J.D. Shultis. 1997. "Resource-Based Tourism: An Emerging Trend in Tourism Experiences. Parks & Recreation 32 (9): 94-104.

Fleras, A., and J.L. Elliot. 1992. The Nations Within: Aboriginal-State Relations in Canada, the United States and New Zealand. Toronto: Oxford University Press.

Hinch, T., and R. Butler. 1996. "Indigenous Tourism: A Common Ground for Discussion." In R. Butler and T. Hinch (Eds.) Tourism and Indigenous Peoples (3-19). London: International Thomson Business Press.

Krippendorf, J. 1989. The Holiday Makers: Understanding the Impact of Leisure and Travel Oxford: Butterworth Heinmann.

Murphy, P.E. 1985. Tourism: A Community Approach. New York: Methuen.

Norris Nicholson, H. 1997. "Collusion, Collision or Challenge? Indigenous Tourism and Cultural Experience in British Columbia, Canada." In P.E. Murphy (Ed.) Quality Management in Urban Tourism (115-36). Toronto: John Wiley & Sons.

Pearce, P.L., G. Moscardo, and G.F. Ross. 1996. Tourism Community Relationships. Oxford: Pergamon.

Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. 1993. Ethical Guidelines for Research. Ottawa: Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples.

Smith, M.D., and R.S. Krannich. 1998. "Tourism Dependence and Resident Attitudes." Annals of Tourism Research 25 (4): 783-802.

Smith, V. 1977. Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press.

Stansfield, C. 1996. "Reservations and Gambling: Native Americans and the Diffusion of Legalized Gaming." In R. Butler and T. Hinch (Eds.) Tourism and Indigenous Peoples (129-47). London: International Thomson Business Press.

Thompson, J.B. 1990. Ideology and Modern Culture. Cambridge: Policy Press.

Turner, L., and J. Ash. 1975. The Golden Hordes: International Tourism and the Pleasure Periphery. London: Constable.

United Nations. 1992. Report of the United Nations Technical Meeting on the International Year for the World's Indigenous Peoples (March 9-11, 1992). Geneva: UN.

Warry, W. 1998. Unfinished Dreams: Community Healing and the Reality of Aboriginal Self-Government. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Wild, C. 1994. "Issues in Ecotourism." Progress in Tourism, Recreation, and Hospitality Management 6: 12-21.

While the tourism in. dustry continues to grow by 3 percent to 5 percent annually, resource-based tourism--dependent upon the attributes associated with natural and relatively undeveloped sellings--may be climbing by as much as 15 percent to 25 percent each year; say, John D. Shultis, an assistant professor of resource recreation and tourism, and Annette J. Browne, an assistant professor of arts, social and health sciences, both at the University of Northern British Columbia. Indigenous tourism, a resource-based component utilizing the control or direction of native cultures, is an important part of these impressive, growth rates. Often located in remote natural environments, aboriginal communities are rich in tourism-development opportunities. For outsiders, promoting community control while creating effective relationships is key to success (p.108)