A study of the racial identity and achievement of Black males and females.

A review of the literature suggests that little information exists regarding the self-perceptions of gifted Black students. Yet, more than 400 studies have explored the racial identity status and development of Black children and adults. This study examined the racial identity and achievement of 152 Black males and females. Forty-two Black adolescents (28%) were identified as gifted by their school districts. Sixty-two students (42%) were underachieving, a disproportionate percentage of them male. Comparisons were made by three variables -- gender, achievement status (underachieving vs. achieving) and academic ability (44 gifted, 67 potentially gifted, and 38 general education students). T-test and ANOVA results indicate that students tended to have strong, positive racial identities. However, males and underachievers had less positive racial identities than females and achievers. Also, gifted students had more positive racial identities than other students.

Researchers, writers, and parents in gifted education have expressed concerns about the psychological, emotional, and social needs of gifted students (e.g., Delisle, 1982; Whitmore, 1980). Specifically, studies have examined the effects of labeling on gifted students' self-image (e.g., Robinson, 1989) and their feelings about being gifted (Galbraith, 1985). Gender differences have been explored in several studies, particularly the image of gifted females about their abilities (e.g., Reis & Callahan, 1989). Few studies, however, have examined the self-perception and psychological well-being of gifted minority students (see Colangelo & Exum, 1979; Exum, 1979; Exum & Colangelo, 1981; Ford, Harris, & Schuerger, 1993). This article attempted to fill this void. The psychological difficulties confronting gifted Black(1) students were examined first. Second, the most widely researched theory of racial identity development (Cross, 1971, 1995) is discussed. Third, a study is described which compares the racial identity of Black adolescents by gender, achievement status, and academic ability. The article concludes with suggestions for academic and counseling interventions appropriate for use with Black male and female adolescents.

Psychological Issues Facing Black Students

More than 400 studies have examined some aspect of racial identity with Black adults and children, most of which assumed that Blacks are more likely than White students to encounter barriers to healthy racial identity development (Helms, 1989; Parham, 1989; Parham & Helms, 1985; Smith, 1989; Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990). Smith (1989) argued that race creates a bond and feelings of peoplehood such that individuals often define themselves in terms of racial membership in a particular group. She contends that a healthy regard for one's racial status is psychologically important for people of color.

Self-perceptions play a powerful role in student achievement. Most often, researchers have studied self-concept and self-esteem relative to student achievement. For minority students, an important variable worthy of investigation is racial identity. Race affects one's socio-emotional and psychological health in significant ways because the complexity of identity development increases as a function of color and physical features. Smith (1989) maintained that racial identity development is a process of coming to terms with one's racial group membership as a salient reference group. Rotheram and Phinney (1987) defined self-identification as the accurate and consistent use of an ethnic label, based on the perception and conception of belonging to an ethnic group. The issue of race may be more salient for Blacks than Whites. For instance, White Americans are much less likely to experience the chronic stress and problems associated with racial identity because the color of their skin is not a barrier to success.

Ford, Harris, and Schuerger (1993), Smith (1989), and others also proposed that, for Black youth, racial identity has a significant impact on achievement and attitudes toward school. For example, in the earlier stages of racial identity development (Cross, 1995; Phinney, 1989), African-American youth may deliberately underachieve and choose not to participate in gifted programs to avoid peer pressures and accusations that they are acting White, or they may camouflage their abilities to be accepted socially by their peers (Fordham, 1988, 1991, 1996; Fordham & Ogbu, 1986).

A Theory of Black Racial Identity

The most researched theory of racial identity was introduced by Cross in 1971. In the past two decades, the theory has undergone three revisions. In his most recently revised model, Cross (1995) describes more completely how African Americans progress and regress in the process of becoming afrocentric.

According to the model, Blacks in stage 1 (Pre-encounter) hold one of at least three attitudes toward race: low-salience attitudes; social stigma attitudes; and anti-Black attitudes. Those holding a low-salience attitude do not deny being physically black, but consider their blackness as having an insignificant role in their daily lives, their well-being, or how they define themselves. Cross contends that these individuals are unlikely to give much thought to race issues, and appear unaware of race-related problems. Overall, low-salience Blacks view themselves as human beings who just happen to be Black (p. 98).

African Americans who hold social stigma attitudes not only have low salience attitudes, but they also see their racial orientation as something to be ashamed of and negotiated. By default, race is attributed some significance, but not in a negative sense. Anti-Black attitudes constitute the third and most extreme type of pre-encounter individual. Such persons see their racial status as negative. They loathe other Blacks, feel alienated from other Blacks, and do not perceive the Black community as a potential resource or support base. All three pre-encounter types favor European cultural perspectives, such as beauty, art, communication modes, and academic preferences, and their allegiance to other Blacks and multicultural perspectives is weak (Cross, 1995).

In stage 2 (Encounter), the individual experiences an identity metamorphosis (p. 104) in which a major event or series of events induces cognitive dissonance. These events, either positive or negative, tear at pre-encounter attitudes and push individuals toward an increased awareness of their status as racial beings. The encounter, therefore, results in great guilt, anger, uncertainty, or anxiety for having previously minimized or denied the significance of race. Similarly, they feel anxious and confused about the level of blackness to which they should aspire. Blacks in this stage spend a great deal of time trying to find a positive Black identity. Information gathering is a key feature of this stage.

Stage 3 (Immersion-Emersion) represents what Cross (1995) refers to as the vortex of psychological Nigrescence (p. 106). Blacks begin to rid themselves of their raceless identities and construct a new frame of reference. This stage is also characterized by anxiety, primarily about becoming the right kind of Black person (p. 106). Equally problematic, all that is White is perceived as evil, oppressive, and inhumane, while all that is Black is proclaimed superior.

In the immersion phase, African Americans engross themselves in their blackness. For example, they attend political or cultural events that focus on Black issues, along with issues of justice and equity. They may wear all black attire and seek relations only with other Blacks. Individuals in this stage are energized by multiple and conflicting feelings of rage, guilt, and a developing sense of pride. Individuals eventually accept themselves as racial beings. An important theme is selflessness, dedication, and commitment to other Blacks. In this stage, Blacks may experience creative, inspirational bursts of energy that express the richness of their racial heritage. Taken to the extreme, however, African Americans in the immersion phase have difficulty controlling the impulse to confront White authority figures, even when their life is threatened.

Also, in the emersion phase, there is a marked decline in racist and hyperemotional attitudes. This leveling off occurs because of several experiences. For instance, it may occur when Blacks meet a role model who has a healthy racial identity, and displays a sophisticated and calm personae. Through this experience, Blacks learn to substitute idealistic and romanticized notions of blackness with a deeper and more serious understanding of Black issues.

The fourth stage (Internalization) is marked by the integration of a new identity that is more authentic and natural. This identity includes high salience to blackness, which can take on several manifestations, including biculturalism and multiculturalism. An internalized identity serves several functions: to defend and protect the persons from psychological problems associated with living in a society where race matters; to provide a sense of belonging and social affiliation; and to provide a basis for interacting and communicating with people, cultures, and situations beyond the world of blackness (Cross, 1995).

The fifth and final stage (Internalization-Commitment) is action oriented. Here, African Americans devote much time and energy, perhaps a lifetime, finding ways to translate their personal sense of blackness into a plan of action, a commitment to minority affairs and to improving the circumstances of African Americans and other people of color. This stage is the essence of multiculturalism and pluralism.

Cross (1995) contends that individuals can regress or get stuck at one stage. Whether an individual regresses, becomes stuck, or progresses through the stages of racial identity depends heavily on one's personality, support systems, resources, and experiences. Cross did not place any age limitations in his theory. For example, one can experience a negative racial encounter at the age of four, 14, or 40. Blacks in predominantly White settings may experience more negative racial encounters than those in predominantly Black settings (Smith, 1989). Blacks in White settings also may experience such encounters at an earlier age than Blacks in predominantly Black settings. Further, because of characteristics often associated with giftedness (insightfulness, intuitiveness, sensitivity, etc.), gifted Black students may be especially aware of and sensitive to racial injustices. Further, one's stage of racial identity may be related to achievement (Ford, Harris, & Schuerger, 1993). Specifically, there may be a curvilinear relationship between racial identity and achievement, with those in the earliest stage (pre-encounter) and those in the last stages (internalization and internalization-commitment) having the highest achievement orientation. Achievement orientations and academic performance may be similar between those in the different stages (earliest vs. latest), but the extent to which the individual is perceived as acting White or selling out is different. Pre-encounter individuals, because of their low-salience or anti-Black attitudes, are likely to be rejected by the Black community; immersion-emersion and commitment individuals, because of their strong and positive racial identification, bicultural stance, and pluralistic perspectives, are more likely to be accepted by members of the Black community. Individuals in the middle stages of racial identity appear so subsumed with finding their identity that academic achievement may have low significance in their lives.

Implications for Gifted Black Students

Blacks encounter more barriers to racial identity development than White students (Helms, 1989; Parham, 1989; Parham & Helms, 1985; Smith, 1989; Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990). Moreover, gifted Black students may experience more psychological and emotional problems than Black students not identified as gifted. For example, Lindstrom and San Vant (1986) argued that gifted minority children find themselves in a dilemma in which they must choose between academic success and social acceptance. They quoted one gifted Black student who said, I had to fight to be gifted and then I had to fight because I am gifted (p. 584). In some situations, gifted or high achieving minority students may perceive academic achievement as a pyrrhic victory (Fordham, 1988). They win in one respect -- academically -- but lose socially. Feelings of loneliness, isolation, and rejection increase. When caught in this tug-of-war, some Black students attempt to sabotage their achievement (e.g., procrastinating, failing to do assignments, exerting little effort). Efforts are re-prioritized, with energy devoted to seeking and securing social acceptance.

Ford (1992) found that Black males at all ability levels were more likely to underachieve than Black females. Because of the many problems that can influence the psychological well-being of Black students, and because of our limited understanding of these problems, studies of racial identity development are necessary.

Research Design and Methodology

This cross-sectional, descriptive, and exploratory research study was designed to understand how and to what extent Black males and females differ in their racial identity. Also examined was the relationship between students' racial identity and school achievement. Comparisons were made using three variables -- gender, achievement status (underachieving vs. achieving), and academic ability (gifted, potentially gifted, and general education). At the time of the study (1995), the 152 Black students were in grades 6 through 9 in five Mid-Atlantic public school districts (see Ford, 1995 for more details).

Data Collection

Six research assistants (3 Black males and 3 Black females) were trained to interview students. Interviews were conducted on a one-to-one basis during school hours. Interviewers read items to students and recorded their responses on the survey questionnaire. The Racial Identity Scale for Black Students (RIS), described below, takes approximately 15 minutes to complete. School achievement data (test scores and grades) were collected from school personnel and records.

Instrumentation

The survey contained a section which gathered demographic information on students, as well as achievement data. The RIS assessed students' racial identity relative to the Cross (1995) model. The scale was adapted from instruments developed by Phinney (1989) and Parham and Helms (1985). The revised scale contained 24 Likert-type items (strongly agree = 4 to strongly disagree = 1) which explored students' sense of pride in their racial status, the salience of being Black in their lives, and their attachment to their Black heritage and community. A reliability coefficient of .72 was generated for this scale.

The RIS is divided into four subscales -- pre-encounter, encounter, immersion-emersion, and internalization. The pre-encounter subscale contained five items: I am ashamed to be African American; "sometimes feel that other students do not like me because I am African American; Being Black is not important to my sense of who I am; Being Black has little to do with how I feel about myself and I sometimes feel that other students do not like me because I am not White.

The encounter subscale contained eight items: I try to learn more about African Americans by talking to other people about my heritage; Black people should see themselves as Black first and foremost; I don't get along well with White people; I am determined to find my Black identity; I spend a lot of time trying to find out more about my own racial and cultural group (e.g., history, traditions, and customs); Some people think that Black people do not contribute to society; It is better for Black students to go to all Black schools; and I don't get along well with White people. The immersion-emersion subscale contained eight items: Black is beautiful; Black people have made a lot of progress in society; My future is tied to the future of other Blacks; Black people are more similar than different from White people; I feel like I belong to other Black people; I have a lot of pride in my racial group and our accomplishment; Because I am Black, I have many strengths; and I feel close to other Black people.

There were three items in the internalization subscale: Everybody should learn about the cultures of other groups; I try to get along with other racial and cultural groups; and All racial and cultural groups should try to get along.

Research questions

Three research questions guided the study. First, how do Black males and females differ in their racial identity? Second, how do students differ in their racial identity relative to academic ability (gifted, potentially gifted, general education)? Finally, how do underachieving males, underachieving females, achieving males, and achieving females differ in terms of racial identity?

Sample

Five school districts participated in the study. To ensure students' confidentiality, schools mailed permission forms to parents for their children to take part in the study. Parental permission forms, however, were returned to the primary investigator. Once parental permission was received, designated school personnel (either the gifted coordinator, assistant principal, or school counselor) were contacted regarding the scheduling of interviews with students.

Of the 152 Black middle and high school students interviewed, the majority were females (n=97, 64%). There were eight students in grade 6 (5%), 53 students in grade 7 (35%), 50 students in grade 8 (33%), and 41 students grade 9 (27%). Students ranged in age from 11 to 15, with a mean age of 13. Most students were 14. As Table 1 indicates, 44 students were identified as gifted by their school district. Sixty-seven students were identified by the senior author as potentially gifted(2). The researchers believed these students were overlooked for gifted education screening and placement (e.g., not referred). The remaining students (n=38) were participating in general education.

Table 1
Demographic Characteristics of Students by Gender and Academic
Program (n=149)

Achievement
Group                     Male          Female       Total

Gifted                   14 (10%)      30 (19%)   44 (29%)
Potentially Gifted       24 (16%)      43 (29%)   67 (45%)
General                  16 (11%)      22 (15%)   38 (26%)
Total                    54 (36%)      95 (64%)   149

NOTE: Percentages are rounded; test scores were not available for three of the 152 students.

Results

Achievement data

The mean GPA of the sample was 3.1. T-test results indicate that females had a significantly higher GPA of 3.2 compared to 2.9 for males (p [is less than] .05). The mean ITBS (grade 4) subscale scores for the sample were as follows: Science (73rd percentile); Reading comprehension (66th percentile); Language total (69th percentile); Mathematics (68th percentile); Vocabulary (62nd percentile); and Social Studies (66th percentile). Males and females had similar ITBS scores (m=66th percentile for males and m=68th percentile for females).

A multiple regression was used to identify underachieving students. Students whose current semester GPA was one or more standard deviations below the level predicted by their overall 4th grade ITBS score were defined as underachievers (n=62, 42%); those whose GPA was at or higher than the level predicted were defined as achievers (n=87, 58%). Test scores were not available for three students, resulting in analyses of 149 students.

Half of the males in the sample (n=27) and 37% of females (n=35) were underachieving. ANOVA results indicate significant differences in the GPA of male underachievers (m=2.4), male achievers (m=3.4), female underachievers (m=2.5), and female achievers (m=3.5) (F=65.8, p [is less than] .001). Tukey post hoc analyses indicate that differences were found between achievers and underachievers, regardless of gender. However, the four groups had similar ITBS test scores, which ranged from the 66th percentile to the 69th percentile.

In terms of academic program, 17 gifted students (which represents 39% of the gifted students), 27 potentially gifted students (representing 40% of the potentially gifted students), and 18 average students (representing 47% of average students) were underachieving. The Kruskal-Wallis One-Way ANOVA by Ranks was used to examine differences in mean percentile achievement test scores for the tour groups. Results showed significantly different GPAs and ITBS scores for gifted, potentially gifted, and general education students. Specifically, ANOVA results indicate that general education students (m=2.7) had a significantly lower GPA than gifted (m=3.3) and potentially gifted students (m=3.2) (F=12.5, p [is less than] .001). Further, all students had significantly different ITBS test scores (F= 124.8, p [is less than] .001); gifted students had the highest mean percentile score of 82.8, potentially gifted students had a mean percentile score or 70.6, and general education students had the lowest mean percentile score of 43.9.

Gender Differences in Racial Identity

A mean of 2.0 was generated for the pre-encounter subscale of the RIS, which indicates that students did not agree with these items. According to t-test results, both males and females had a mean of 2.0 on this subscale; thus, results were not statistically significant.

A mean of 2.8 was found for the encounter subscale. Again, males and females had the same mean response (m=2.8). Students, regardless of gender, tended to agree with items in the encounter subscale.

The immersion-emersion sample mean was 3.2. T-test results reveal significant gender differences (p [is less than] .05), with males having the higher mean response of 3.3. Females had a mean response of 3.1. Thus, although both groups have high mean scores on the immersion-emersion subscale, males held more positive and stronger identities about being Black than did females. (see Table 2).

Table 2
Comparative Results by Gender, Achievement Status,
and Academic Ability

Subscale                        Gender

Pre-encounter                    n.s.

Encounter                        n.s.

Immersion-                       n.s.
 Emersion                  Male (m=3.3) (*)
                           Female (m=-3.1)

Internalization            Male (m=3.5) (**)
                           Female (m=3.7)

Subscale                     Achievement Status

Pre-encounter                    n.s.

Encounter                        n.s.

Immersion-                       n.s.
 Emersion

Internalization              Male underachievers (m=-3.3) (***)
                             Male achievers (m=3,6)
                             Female underachievers (m=-3.8)
                             Female achievers (m=3.6)

Subscale                     Academic Ability

Pre-encounter                Gifted students (m=-1.9) (****)
                             Potentially gifted students (m=2.1)
                             General education students (m=2.0)
Encounter                        n.s.

Immersion-                       n.s.
 Emersion

Internalization              Gifted students (m=3.7) (<)
                             Potentially gifted students (m=3.6)
                             General education students (m=3.5)

NOTES:

(*) Males had a significantly higher immersion-emersion score than females (p < .05)

(**) Females had a significantly higher internalization score than males (p < .05)

(***) Male underachievers had a significantly lower internalization score than other students (p < .001)

(****) Potentially gifted students had a significantly higher pre-encounter score than gifted students (p < .05)

(*****) Gifted students had a significantly higher internalization score than general education students (p < .05)

The highest racial identity mean was 3.6 for the internalization subscale. According to t-test results, females had a significantly higher mean response of 3.7, compared to males, whose mean was 3.5 (p [is greater than or equal to] .05). Thus, females held stronger multicultural and pluralistic identities. That is, females valued being Black, but also supported the importance of a multicultural identity in which one also values other racial and cultural groups.

Differences in racial identity by academic ability

As reflected in Table 2, two of the four racial identity subscales yielded significantly different scores among students based on ability. Specifically, potentially gifted students (m=2.1) had a significantly higher mean response on the pre-encounter subscale than gifted students (m= 1.9) (F=3.3, p [is less than] .05). Further, gifted students (m=3.7) had a significantly higher mean response on the internalization subscale than general education students (m=3.5) (F=3.2, p [is less than] .05). Of gifted, potentially gifted, and general education students, gifted students had the highest level of racial identity (internalization).

Relationship between racial identity and achievement

The racial identity subscale scores were examined relative to the achievement status of males and females, as summarized in Table 2. Results of three of the racial identity subscales (preencounter, encounter, immersion-emersion) were not significantly different across the four groups. However, ANOVA results indicate that male underachievers (m-3.3) had a significantly lower mean on internalization subscale than male achievers (m=3.6), female underachievers (m=3.8), and female achievers (m=3.6) (F=5.9, p [is less than] .001).

Discussion and Recommendations

It is suggested that some 20% of gifted students underachieve (e.g., Whitmore, 1980). However, slightly more than 40% of the Black students in this study were underachieving, a disproportionate percentage of whom were male and general education students. Significant gender differences were found in GPAs, with females having a higher GPA than males. No significant differences were found in the standardized test scores of males and females.

Many studies have explored Black students' racial identities. Although the early works of Colangelo and Exum (1979) and Exum and Colangelo (1981) provided insightful, few studies have examined the racial identities of Black students relative to gender, achievement status (achieving or underachieving), and academic ability (gifted, potentially gifted, and general education). In this study, several differences were found across these variables.

Overall, the sample tended to disagree with items in the preencounter subscale, as reflected by the mean of 2.0. Conversely, they were more supportive of the other subscales. The encounter subscale mean was 2.8; the immersion-emersion subscale mean was 3.2; the highest mean of 3.6 was found for the internalization subscale. These means suggest strong and positive racial identities among the Black students in this study.

Subscale analyses indicated that, on the pre-encounter subscale, potentially gifted students had the highest mean response. No significant differences were found on the encounter subscale by gender, academic ability, or achievement level. On the immersion-emersion subscale, males had a higher mean response than females. On the internalization subscale, females and gifted students reported the highest support. Further, male underachievers reported the least support for this subscale.

The findings have important implications for school personnel, particularly counselors and psychologists, who work with Black students. First, interventions are needed to reverse underachievement among Black students of all ability levels. While most underachievers were general education students, a large percentage of gifted and potentially gifted students were also underachieving. Just as important, interventions may need to target Black males as half were underachieving. Interventions must be diagnostic and prescriptive, exploring the etiology, nature and extent of underachievement. What factors are hindering Black students' achievement? Is underachievement a function of poor study skills, poor time management, evaluation anxiety, peer pressures, poor family involvement, and/or low teacher expectations, for example?

Peer and support group counseling might also prove helpful whereby Black students share their concerns with other Black students. Sessions may focus on such topics as coping with peer pressures and low teacher expectations, improving study habits, asking for help, and communicating effectively with teachers and other adults (see Ford, 1995, 1996). These and other interventions will depend on the reasons Black males and females underachieve. Counselors can also use small group and cooperative learning experiences to facilitate sharing and communication among students. These strategies provide Black students with opportunities to establish friendships with both their Black and White peers, and to decrease feelings of isolation and alienation. Black students should also be encouraged to participate in extra-curricular activities that promote social interaction and leadership. In essence, social and group experiences will give Black students an opportunity to talk about their lives and concerns -- the intensity, frequency, and duration of the issues they face. To what extent do these stressors hinder students' motivation? To whom can Black students turn to for emotional, psychological, and academic support? How do they feel about being identified and placed in a gifted program? The answers to such questions can inform counselors about the magnitude of stress in their students' lives. Ideally, counselors (and teachers) can use this information to guide their work with underachieving Black students.

Counseling strategies may have to focus on helping some Black students cope with the difficulties inherent in attending gifted programs that are often predominantly White -- negative peer pressures, poor peer relations, feelings of isolation from both peers and teachers, and sensitivity about feeling different as one of few Black students in the gifted program. In particular, counseling initiatives must help Black students with poor racial identities (e.g., pre-encounter and encounter) to understand and appreciate their dual identities of being both gifted and Black. White counselors must also understand that students in the encounter and immersion-emersion stages of racial identity may reject their help. These students may generalize negative perceptions of Whites to White counselors (Exum & Colangelo, 1981). Counselors will need to be patient and persistent in earning the trust of these students. A mentor or role model may be helpful in pushing pre-encounter and encounter students into higher and more positive stages of racial identities. A mentor or role model can also help students in the higher racial identity stages to maintain their positive self-perception.

Most Black students in this study reported strong, positive racial identities. Many held bicultural and multicultural beliefs. In particular, females and achievers held greater multicultural beliefs than males and underachievers. School personnel need to maintain or enhance these positive beliefs. A multicultural education infused into the education of all students holds promise. Therefore, school personnel must evaluate the extent to which their curriculum and instruction affirm Black students' racial identities, while increasing all students' knowledge and acceptance of the nation's multicultural heritage. Mutual understanding and respect between White students and racially diverse students and between White school personnel and racially diverse students are the ideals of multicultural education. Suggestions for providing students with a multicultural education, building positive relationships between minority and White students, and building positive student-teacher relationships are described by Ford (1994, 1995), Ponterotto and Pedersen (1993), and in most multicultural books and articles (e.g., Banks & Banks, 1995; Lee, 1997; Ponterotto, Casa, Suzuki, & Alexander, 1995; Sue & Sue, 1990).

Ultimately, to work effectively with Black students, counselors require multicultural training. Such training is available through more than 700 ethnic studies and multicultural programs at colleges and universities (Butler, 1991). Counselors require an understanding of self-perceptions that goes beyond self-esteem and self-concept when working with racially and culturally diverse students. Several professional counseling associations (e.g., American Counseling Association, Association for Multicultural Counseling and Development, American Psychological Association) have guidelines and position statements regarding multicultural competencies. Counselors and psychologists wishing to build a positive and trusting relationship with minority students can take multicultural counseling courses offered at colleges and universities, attend multicultural workshops and conferences offered by professional associations, seek internships in urban communities, and subscribe to publications that address issues of diversity.

The current study is limited in its generalizability due to the sample size and narrow geographic locale of the study (one state). Additional and larger studies on the racial identities of different minority groups (e.g., Asian American, Native American, Hispanic American, and African American) are needed to inform and guide best practices. These studies should be cross-sectional, longitudinal, quantitative, and qualitative. Comparative analyses across gender, race, age, ability level, achievement status, and other demographic variables are needed to develop a comprehensive profile of students' needs. Accordingly, comprehensive studies are likely to result in improved interventions and student outcomes. Comprehensive studies on the self-perception -- racial identity, self-esteem, and self-concept -- of Black (and other minority) students can inform school personnel about ways to enhance the educational outcomes of minority students in all educational settings, programs, and services. Without this research, it is difficult, almost impossible, to develop appropriate prevention and intervention strategies. Black students must be given every opportunity to achieve to their potential in school.

(*) Research for this paper was supported under the Javits Act Program (grant no. R206R00001) as administered by the Office of Educational Research and Improvement, U.S. Department of Education. Grantees undertaking such projects are encouraged to express fairly their professional judgment. This article, therefore, does not necessarily represent positions or policies of the Government, and no official endorsement should be inferred.

(1) The terms Black and African American are used interchangeably, as are the terms minority and students of color.

(2) Students were identified using the following criteria:

1 One ITBS subscale at or above the 90th percentile, or 2 Two ITBS subscale at or above the 80th percentile, or 3 Three ITBS subscale at or above the 70th percentile and GPA equal to or greater than 3.0, or 4 Four ITBS subscales at or above the 60th percentile and GPA equal to or greater than 3.3 (see Ford, 1995 for more details and sample profiles of potentially gifted students).

REFERENCES

Banks, J.A. & Banks, C.A.M. (Eds.). (1995). Handbook of research on multicultural education. New York: Simon & Schuster Macmillan.

Butler, J. (1991). Ethnic studies: A matrix model for the major. Liberal Education, 77(2), 26-32.

Colangelo, N., & Exum, H.A. (1979). Educating the culturally diverse gifted: Implications for teachers, counselors, and parents. G/C/T, 22-23, 54-55.

Cross, W.E., Jr. (1971, July). Toward a psychology of Black liberation: The Negro-to-Black conversion experience. Black World, 13-27.

Cross, W.E., Jr. (1995). The psychology of Nigrescence: Revising the Cross model. In J.G. Ponterotto, J.M.

Casas, L.A. Suzuki, & C.M. Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (pp. 93-122). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Delisle, J.R. (1982). Striking out: Suicide and the gifted adolescent. G/C/T, 13, 16-19.

Exum, H.A. (1979). Facilitating psychological and emotional development of gifted Black students. New voices in counseling the gifted. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt.

Exum, H.A., & Colangelo, N. (1981). Culturally diverse gifted: The need for ethnic identity development. Roeper Review, 3, 15-17.

Ford, D.Y. (1992). Determinants of underachievement as perceived by gifted, above-average, and average Black students. Roeper Review, 14(3), 130-136.

Ford, D.Y. (1995). A study of achievement and underachievement among gifted, potentially gifted, and average African-American students. Storrs, CT: The National Research on the Gifted and Talented, The University of Connecticut.

Ford, D.Y. (1996). Reversing underachievement among gifted Black students: Promising practices and programs. New York: Teachers College Press.

Ford, D.Y., Harris III, J.J., & Schuerger, J.M. (1993). Racial identity development among gifted Black students: Counseling issues and concerns. Journal of Counseling and Development, 71(4), 49-417.

Fordham, S. (1988). Racelessness as a factor in Black students' school success: Pragmatic strategy or pyrrhic victory? Harvard Educational Review, 58(1), 54-84.

Fordham, S. (1991). Peer-proofing academic competition among Black adolescents: "Acting White" Black American style. In C.E. Sleeter (Ed.), Empowerment through multicultural education (pp. 69-93). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Fordham, S. (1996). Blacked out: Dilemmas of race, identity, and success at Capital High. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Galbraith, J. (1985). The eight great gripes of gifted kids: Responding to special needs. Roeper Review, 8(1), 15-17.

Helms, J.E. (1989). Considering some methodological issues in racial identity counseling research. The Counseling Psychologist, 17(2), 227-252.

Lee, C. (Ed.). (1997). Multicultural issues in counseling: New approaches to diversity (2nd ed.). Alexandria, VA: American Counseling Association.

Lindstrom, R.R., & San Vant, S. (1986). Special issues in working with gifted minority adolescents. Journal of Counseling and Development, 64,583-586.

Parham, T.A. (1989). Cycles of psychological Nigrescence. The Counseling Psychologist, 17(2), 187-226.

Parham, T.A., & Helms, J.E. (1985). Relation of racial identity attitudes to self-actualization and affective states of Black students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 32(3), 431-440.

Ponterotto, J.G., Casas, J.M., Suzuki, L.A., & Alexander, C.M. (Eds.). (1995). Handbook of multicultural counseling. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Ponterotto, J.G., & Pedersen, P.B. (1993). Preventing prejudice: A guide for counselors and educators. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Reis, S.M., & Callahan, C.M. (1989). Gifted females: They've come a long way--or have they? Journal for the Education of the Gifted, 12(2), 99-117.

Robinson, A. (1989). Gifted: The two-faced label. Gifted Child Today, 12(1), 34-26.

Rotheram, M.J., & Phinney, J.S. (1987). Introduction: Definitions and perspectives in the custody of children's ethnic socialization. In J.S. Phinney & M.J. Rotheram (Eds.), Children's ethnic socialization. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Smith, E.M.J. (1989). Black racial identity development. The Counseling Psychologist, 17(2), 277-288.

Spencer, M.B., & Markstrom-Adams, C. (1990). Identity processes among racial and ethnic children in America. Child Development, 61(4), 290-310.

Sue, W., & Sue, D. (1990). Counseling the culturally different: Theory and practice (2nd ed.). New York: Wiley.

Whitmore, J.R. (1980). Giftedness, conflict, and underachievement. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

Donna Y. Ford is Associate Professor of Educational Psychology at The Ohio State University and a Contributing Editor of the keeper Review. J. John Harris III is Professor of Education and Scholar in African-American Studies at The University of Kentucky, Lexington.

Manuscript submitted January, 1997. Revision accepted June, 1997.