A preliminary analysis of African American College students' perceptions of racial preferences and Affirmative Action in making admissions decisions at a predominantly White university.

The purpose of this study was to survey African American College students' perceptions of racial preferences and Affirmative Action in making admissions decisions at a predominantly White university. 422 questionnaires were sent out to African American College students at a large, urban, public, comprehensive research university in the southern region of the United States. 400 questionnaires were completed for a response rate of 95%. The data revealed that a majority of the respondents felt that race preferences should be used in making admission decisions at predominantly White colleges and universities. More significantly, 315 (79%) and 85 (21%) of all the respondents strongly agreed or agreed that Affirmative Action should continue as part of admissions decisions.

Affirmative Action is a phrase that has its roots in centuries of old English administrative practice to ensure justice for all (Skrentny, 1996). According to Skrentny, the English (British) administration, as the king at the time saw it, was favoring just a section of the masses and others who were equally contributing to the up keep of the king. Engelbert Ssekasozi (1999) who affirms this historical argument says the people in the empire began to complain to their immediate supervisors and the core of the British (Empire) administration got wind of the injustices. However, both authors failed to give in-depth analysis of this historical argument.

In the United States existing literature on Affirmative Action is not clear on its origin and the precise date when Affirmative Action started is still a conundrum. Nevertheless most of the literature pin the origin of Affirmative Action in the United States from 1935. Skrentny (1996) and Tomasson, Crosby, and Herzberger (2001) believe that this, Affirmative Action, basic legal English concept that opposes rigid legal rules that produces harsh results found its way into American administrative system in 1935. The phrase, Affirmative Action, they contend appeared as part of the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 (See Dept. of Labor fact sheet, 9517). As they put it, Affirmative Action meant, "that an employer who was found to be discriminating against union members or union organizers would have to stop discriminating, and also take Affirmative Action to place those victims where they would have been without the discrimination" (Skrentny 1996, p.6). Oral historical tradition also has it that Affirmative Action caught the attention of the American administration during World War 11 when the former Soviet Union detected that the U.S. Army was not reflective of the population Prior to the 1960s Affirmative Action seemed to play well within labor organizations, White America never complained that Affirmative Action was a bad public policy. It became a controversial policy when the Civil Rights movement used it to demand equal justice for minorities or all Colored people in America.

The civil rights period in the 1960s also put a new twist on Affirmative Action, which came to mean much more than just justice for the poor but a very politically loaded term that got equal attention at the time just like any other legislation. According to Peter Hall, a political scientist, the term became a model and policy paradigm; a way of seeing and constructing the world that specifies what is real and important (Kuhn, 1970). Few U.S presidents acted courageously to eliminate or minimize racism in America through the Affirmative Action policy. For example, President John F. Kennedy issued Executive Order 10925, which ensured a colorblind view of American society and the world. Another U.S. President, Lyndon Johnson, revised this policy by issuing Executive Order 11246, which dealt specifically with firms under contract with the federal government not to discriminate (Raskin 1996, Sadler 1996, and Tomasson, Crosby, and Hertzberger 2001). The order says, in part, any firm that receives money from the federal government must "take Affirmative Action to ensure that applicants are employed and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color or national origin" (Skrentny, 1996, p.7, Orfield, 1969: Flemming, Gill, and Swinton, 1978). There was also an effort by presidents Nixon and Carter, who provided the uniformed guidelines on employment selection program. These were attempts from the White House, which made some predominantly white colleges to develop some procedures to diversify their student population through Affirmative Action.

Definition

Given this brief historical background to Affirmative Action it is appropriate to define what really is Affirmative Action. The definition, like abortion, is very controversial. One school of thought, in favor of Affirmative Action, defines it as "goals" to achieve equality as a result of historical discrimination against minorities while another school, opponents, sees it as quota" systems (Reed, 1983).

Affirmative Action arguably is one aspect of the federal government's effort to ensure equal employment opportunity for all its citizenry, but the policy has spilled from the employment arena to other sectors of the economy including education. Taylor (1991) defines it as specific steps beyond ending discriminatory practices that are taken to promote equal opportunity and ensure the end of discrimination. Swain (1996) says Affirmative Action is a range of government and private initiatives that offer preferential treatment to members of designated racial and ethic minority group as a means of compensatory for the efforts of the past and present discrimination. He goes on to argue that it is a policy, which advocates special efforts to hire people in disadvantage groups as a means of compensatory for past discriminatory practices. Mead, et al. (1981) are very precise and judicious about their definition of Affirmative Action. It is a policy, they maintain, designed to reverse past discriminatory patterns and practices. Crum and Naff (1997), Slack (1987), Reccucci (1997) and Kellough, Selden, and Legge (1997) collectively see it as a policy to correct historical discrimination and prevent the occurrence of such discrimination in the future.

Admission Cases

Alter these definitions we take a look at and discuss some of the cases that have gone to the U.S. Supreme Courts since Bakke v. the Regents of the University of California, Davis. This case was about university admission just as the Michigan Affirmative Action admission controversy that created a rift of opinion between President George W. Bush and his Secretary of State, Colin Powell. The Bakke v. the Regents of the University of California, Davis involved a White male, Bakke, who as a result of the universities Affirmative Action policy did not gain admission into medical school but a black applicant who was less qualified gained admission. The case refers to the eligibility of a state university that uses race as a factor to admit minorities instead of a well-qualified White. This, according to Tucker (1998), brought into question the 14t~' Amendment and the Equal Protection Rights Act. The author says this case raised three legal issues, the legal challenges as he puts it are 1. The constitutionality of racial classification, 2. Can racial classification withstand the strict scrutiny test, and 3. Racial classification needs to meet the rational test.

According to Fisher (1979), the court terms classification a suspect and its subject to scrutiny, which is compelling state interest and sustaining the interest. It was argued that special admissions program was based on quota. Fisher stated the problem with this case is that in trying to correct the past discrimination care must be taken without violating others rights. For Bakke (thirty two, friends of the court filed to support him), the admission policy violated title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which involves color blindness, so was Bakke discriminated against? For the University (Seventy eight friends of the court filed to support the University's position), Fisher says the institution was fight in using the controlling factor. The Supreme Court reaffirmed the lower court decision and admitted Alan Bakke because as the court argued, quotas were wrong. The court's ruling, based on legal implication of the case, which includes the argument that reserving quotas was wrong. However, the court implication raised in the case was the quota-goals puzzle must serve valid educational purpose. Reverse discrimination came to fore in this case and it jeopardized all efforts to correct past discrimination. Tucker concludes that this case limited Affirmative Action programs and produced chilling effects on all Affirmative Action efforts. It also created a loophole in Affirmative Action programs and brought about the confusion in definition of Affirmative Action in interpreting the quotas and goals.

Another case of the same magnitude we would like to use in our discussion is another school admission case. Hopwood v. State of Texas (1996). It involved school admission based on ethnicity for previously, historically, discriminated groups to ensure balance or encouraged diversity in the school. As a result applicants were reviewed differently. A White prospective student, Hopwood, the plaintiff, was rejected and he filed for equal protection clause. The court in Texas ruled that the law school in which the applicant was seeking admission did violate the Equal Protection Clause Act of the 14th Amendment but refused to require the removal of the race criteria. The court also ruled that the admission policy did not meet the strict scrutiny test or the law school's admission policy was not narrowly tailored to achieve diversity. Again this case presents a nightmare for administrators who are poised to diversify university campuses.

One of the issues affecting predominantly White colleges and universities is how to restrict the use of race-based preferences in admission decisions. Many colleges and universities admit Black and other ethnic group students on the basis of race preferences in making admission decisions; for example, the University of Michigan use race as a factor in admissions decisions (The Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac, 1997'). Because of the race factor used in admission decisions at the University of Michigan, many White students felt the admission policy discriminated against them. A case was filed by four White students at the University of Michigan making the argument that they were discriminated against based on the University admission policy using race factors in admissions decisions. The Californians voted on Proposition 209 over Affirmative Action in November 1996 to ban the use of race and gender based preferences by public colleges and universities. Proposition 209 passed with 54 percent of the vote (The Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac, 1997'; 1997c). In August 1997, Proposition 209 went into effect. None of the 196 Black students who applied to the University of California-San Diego Medical School were accepted, a consequence of the Affirmative Action ban within the prestigious public institution (Black Issues in Higher Education, 1997 a). According to Dr. Robert Resnik, the dean of admissions at the University of California-San Diego Medical School, "Our inability to achieve diversity is consistent with our desire to turn out more physicians in under represented areas" (Black Issues in Higher Education, 1997 b P. 11).

At the University of California at Los Angeles, 16 out of 246 Black applicants who applied to the medical school were admitted in 1997. Compared to 21 in the 1996 academic year (Black Issues in Higher Education, 1997 b). The University of California Law School at Berkeley admitted fourteen Black students who applied for admission. The law school numbers prompted a federal investigation into the University of California's new race-blind policy (Malreaux, 1997', 1997 b).

Other states are conducting surveys whether or not Affirmative Action should continue; for example a study was conducted by the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill that involved 723 randomly selected admit about their feelings of Affirmative Action. Overall, 43 percent supported the continuance of Affirmative Action because they felt discrimination is still common in the American society. Fifteen percent agreed that "Affirmative Action is no longer needed because discrimination has been largely eliminated" (Black Issues in Higher Education, 1997c p. 16).

In the same study sixty-two percent of Black indicated that Affirmative Action should continue, compared to 26 percent of Whites. When broke down by gender, 37 percent of women, compare to 24 percent of men prefer Affirmative Action, while 41 percent of women and 47 percent of men indicated that Affirmative Action has out lasted its usefulness (Black Issues in Higher Education, 1997').

At James Madison University at Harrisonburg, Virginia, the Student Senate voted 39-0 to defeat Affirmative Action calling for the University to establish colorblind admissions policy. Black students at James Madison University felt offended by the perception that they were admitted because of their skin color and not because of their scholastic achievements (Black Issues in Higher Education, 1995 d).

According to Black Issues in Higher Education (1997'), James Madison University admitted 2,299 White students and 219 black students for the 1989 academic year. In the 1990 academic year, 309 blacks were admitted. James Madison University's admission figures show that the number of White students has increased, while the number of black students remained fairly steady.

The Governor of Virginia is attempting to defuse unexpected controversy about Affirmative Action that supports the recruitment of minority of students for colleges. The governor opposed quotas and other forms of preferences. In Virginia, primarily public colleges, to make admission decisions, use Affirmative Action.

Some educators and political leaders in Virginia charged that not considering race as a factor in admissions decisions will allow colleges to close off a pipeline for minority students, and that lack of Affirmative Action denies opportunity to minorities and that Affirmative Action should be used voluntarily by public colleges (The Chronicle of Higher Education, 1997 b).

According to Dr. Davide Broski, the chancellor of the University of Illinois at Chicago in an interview with the chronicle of Higher Education stated, the University plans to end Affirmative Action program priority that allows students to be admitted under exceptions to the University's admissions criteria. The University expected changes and decline in the number of eligible students in the coming academic year. Of the 16,200 undergraduates enrolled at the University of Illinois at Chicago during the Spring 1997, 5,800 were black students and other minority groups (The Chronicle of Higher Education, 1997 d).

In 1996 at the University of Texas Law School, four White students felt that the University's use of race-based preferences was unconstitutional, filed a suit. As a result a ruling in the case Hopwood v. Texas, Public colleges in Texas could no longer use Affirmative Action in making decisions about admissions (The Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac, 1997').

In March 1996, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit found that a race-based admissions policy used by the University of Texas Law School was Unconstitutional. Because of this ruling, the enrollment of Black freshman at the University of Texas at Austin and Texas A&M University were expected to drop by more than 25 percent in fall 1997 (The Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac, 1997'). To avoid enrollment declines of African American students, new entrance requirements for admissions was passed allowing high school graduates in the top 10 percent of their class be admitted into public colleges and universities in Texas. This requirement is aimed at the large pools of minority high school students in urban areas (The Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac, 1997').

Other factors that public universities in Texas may use in admission decisions was to lower the grade-point- average requirement: a requirement mostly used to recruit Black athletes.

In 1997, the Texas legislature approved a law allowing colleges and universities to use gradepoint-averages as a basis for admission (The Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac, 1997').

As colleges in Texas tabulate their enrollment figures for the Fall, 1997, the case Hopwood v. Texas have created significant declines in the number of Black students. At the University of Texas Law School, the number of Black student enrollment for the Fall 1996 first year Law School was 3 1, while the number for the Fall, 1997 decline to 4 with -87.1% change.

The Southern Methodist University Law School also suffered minority enrollment declines. SMU admitted 15 blacks for its first-year class but only 6 black students enrolled, down from 22 in 1996 (The Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac, 1997a).

Several Texas colleges, including Baylor and Rice Universities, saw the number of minority freshman enrollment decline. At Baylor University, 143 black students enrolled in the freshman class for the Fall 1997, compared with 161 black students the previous year. Rice University had 28 black students enrolled in its freshman class for the Fall, 1997, compared with 52 students in the 1996 academic year (The Chronicle of Higher Education 1997 e).

Advocates for minority students predicted that curtailing the use of Affirmative Action in admissions would lock black students out of Texas colleges (The Chronicle of Higher Education 1997 e). If race preferences are banned in American colleges the number of Black students attending college will decline and become a major concern to higher education institutions.

Black enrollment in higher education in the past years has steadily declined. As a result more decline in Black students enrollment in many White campuses will pose serious problems for the Black community as it continues to strive for equality, greater opportunity, and progressive social change in American Society (Rice & Alfred, 1989: Marks, 1986: D'Augnelli & Hershberger, 1995).

Hatch and Momnsen (1984) argue that the educational gap between Black and White in college attainment likely will increase. So, without large numbers of Blacks entering colleges, an inequality will continue unremedied deep into the next century (Blake, Jr. 1991; Allen, 1992; Davis, 1994). According to the U.S. Department of Education (1996), the number of Black students enrolled in America higher education institutions in 1994/95 academic year was 1,473,700, while number of White students enrolled was 10,311,200. Because of the enrollment decline of African American students in higher Institutions, survey was conducted of African American College students' perceptions of racial preferences and Affirmative Action in making admissions decisions at a predominantly White university.

Method, Subjects, and Research Site

A large, urban, public, comprehensive research predominantly White University with approximately student enrollment of 26,000 in the Southern region of the United States was selected as the research site for this study. The University is an institution that offers both Undergraduate and Graduate programs. The average SAT score for entering freshman is 1000, and the average high school grade point average is 3.23 on a 4-point scale. This criterion was used in selecting and admitting students.

The participants had to meet the admission criteria. Participating in this study were African American College students. The judgmental sampling techniques (Black & Champion, 1976) were employed to select participates for this study. This technique allowed the investigator to specifically select from the list of African American, College students who are enrolled as participates to guarantee that particular sample characteristics (i.e. Undergraduate studies) were representative of the population from which information is sought (Black & Champion, 1976).

Procedure

Questionnaires were used to collect data from African American College students. The African American student survey questionnaire (AASSQ) was developed to collect the data and was designed to examine the "perceived" data from the students.

Questionnaire design. The questionnaire (AASSQ) was constructed using input from Admission office and Undergraduate studies. The questionnaire was modified until satisfactory reliability and content validity was obtained. The AASSQ was developed to obtain African American College students' perceptions of the racial preferences and Affirmative Action as factors in making admissions decisions. The AASSQ consisted of nine items of open-ended questions.

Questionnaire distribution. The AASSQ was mailed out to 422 African American college students who were enrolled in Undergraduate studies at the University being studied. A brief explanation of the study was given and participants were informed that they survey was concerned with racial preferences and Affirmative Action in making admissions decisions.

All participants were informed that their responses were anonymous and participation was voluntary. The questionnaire included short demographic information. Each participant completed the demographic section of the questionnaire, which grouped participants into categories by age and gender. 400 completed and returned the questionnaire. The sample included 287 (72%) males and 113 (28%) females, of whom were traditional-aged Undergraduates (18-24).

Analysis. Each questionnaire items and responses were analyzed using descriptive statistics for the nine items on a Likert type scale. The scale measured on a 4-point Likert scale ranging from (1) strongly disagree to (4) strongly agree. For descriptive statistics-numbers, percentages, mean, and standard deviations were used to analyze participants" responses.

African American College Students' Perceptions of Racial Preferences and Affirmative Action with Numbers and Percentages.

African American College Students' Perceptions of Racial Preferences and Affirmative Action with Mean and Standard Deviation.

Results and Discussion

Of the 422 questionnaires sent out, 400 were completed for a response rate of 95%. 165 (41%) of the respondents agreed that race preference used in admissions decisions discriminate against White students, while 235 (59%) of the respondents felt that race preference used in admissions decisions did not discriminate against White students. 251 (63%) and 149 (37%) of the respondents strongly agreed or agreed that race preference should be used to admit African American students into predominantly White colleges and universities. The data for this study indicates that 209 (52%) and 191 (48%) of the respondents felt that race preference should be banned at predominantly White colleges and universities in making admissions decisions. 170 (43%) and 230 (57%) of the respondents disagreed and strongly disagreed that Affirmative Action has outlived its usefulness.

The data for this study also indicate that 283 (71%) and 117 (29%) of the respondents strongly agreed or agreed that African American enrollment will decline if race preferences are banned at predominantly White colleges and universities. As shown in Table 1,296 (74%) and 104 (26%) of the respondents feel that an Affirmative Action policy in higher education admission process provide access to African American students in gaining admission into predominantly White colleges.

Table I shows that 248 (62%) and 152 (38%) of the respondents indicated that colleges should not lower grade-point-average requirements for African American students in gaining admission to public colleges and universities. Table I also shows that 315 (79%) and 85 (21%) of the respondents felt that Affirmative Action should continue as part of admission decisions. 292 (73%) and 108 (27%) of the respondents stated that Affirmative Action is still needed in institutions of higher education.

Presented in Table 2 are the mean and standard deviations for the items and responses for this study, and the mean scores are:

Race preference used in admission decisions discriminate against White students (M=3.58); should race preference be used to admit African American students at predominantly White colleges and universities (M=3.63); should race preference be banned at predominantly White colleges and universities in making admission decisions (M= 1.52); will African American enrollment decline if race preference in admission decisions are banned at predominantly White colleges and universities (M=1.42); did the Affirmative Action policy in the admission process provide access to African American students in gaining admission into predominantly White colleges (M=3.75); should lower grade-point-average be required for African American students in order to gain admission into public colleges (M= 1.62): should Affirmative Action continue as part of admission decisions (M=3.78); Affirmative Action no longer needed (M= 1.73); Affirmative Action outlined its usefulness (M=3.70).

Conclusions

The data collected for this study revealed that a majority of the respondents felt that race preference should be used to admit African Americans into predominantly White colleges and universities. More significantly, all of the respondents strongly agreed or agreed that Affirmative Action should continue as part of the admission decision for African Americans. The data collected for this study provides useful information to predominantly White colleges and universities for planning ways to recruit and admit African American students. Affirmative Action is a means of providing access to opportunities, which are denied to minority groups (Holmens, 1974; Stikes, 1984). It is also a means of actions to eliminate discrimination (Carnegie Council on Policy Studies in Higher Education, 1975, p. 1; Sandle, 1974). Meanwhile, some opponents of Affirmative Action believe that education is now a colorblind and equitable operation and that the process of admissions should include the dismantling of Affirmative Action Policies in admissions (Taylor and Oswang, 1997). In discussing the cases related to Affirmative Action Policy in American Colleges and Universities, these cases throw more light on how complicated legal issues are sometimes beyond interpretation of ordinary citizens. The courts in their attempt to ensure equality at the same time acknowledging historical discrimination against minorities try not to set any rule in stone, which may be binding in the future. At the same time it encourages individuals and organizations including academic institutions to use Affirmative Action plans without hurting others. Legal perspective of Affirmative Action; therefore, is more likely to deal with Affirmative Action in case by case situation as discussed in this study. In fact, Riccucci (1997) sums up the argument on the current legal status of Affirmative Action and how it could be legally projected into the future. The analysis of the cases discussed showed that Affirmative Action in the United States is on the verge of collapse unless there is a strong legal backing to support and eliminate the historical discrimination in the country. It was clear in most of the court rulings that Affirmative Action is no longer supported or mandated by the courts. Furthermore, ex-president Clintons' Action of "let's amend Affirmative Action but don't end it" is gone with the wind and probably with his exit from office future presidents are less likely to support. For example, most Affirmative Action programs like federal set aside programs are gradually but conspicuously evaporating. In the public service as Crum and Naff (1997) rightly observed the attempt to diversify or implement Affirmative Action plans is seen only at the "assembly line" and not at the managerial or supervisory positions. Riccucci (1997) concludes, "for the time being, organizations may develop and implement diversity programs as the legal status of Affirmative Action erodes. But voluntary efforts without some legal stimulus may be ad hoc, sporadic and reminiscent of the voluntary efforts of the 1960s" (p.35). In their article, "Looking Like America: The Continuing Importance of Affirmative Action in Federal Employment." Crum and Naff (1997) concluded that qualified women still have more problems for career advancement in the public sector.

Table I

African American College Students' Perceptions of Racial Preferences
and Affirmative Action with Numbers and Percentages.

                                             Strongly       Agree

Questionnaire Items                         #      %       #      %

1. Do you feel that race preferences         0      0     165   41.0
used in admission decision
discriminate against White students?

2. Do you feel that race preference        251   63.0     149   37.0
should be used to admit African
American students into predominantly
White colleges and universities?

3. Do you feel that race preference          0      0       0     0
should be banned at predominantly
White colleges and universities in
making admission decisions?

4. Do you feel that Affirmative Action       0      0       0     0
has out lived its usefulness?

5. Do you feel that African American       283   71.0     117   29.0
enrollment will Decline if race
preferences are Banned at
predominantly White colleges and
universities?

6. Do you feel that an Affirmative         296   74.0     104   26.0
Action in higher education admission
process provides access to African
American students in gaining admission
into predominantly White colleges.

7. Do you feel that colleges should          0      0       0      0
lower grade-point-average requirements
for African American students in
gaining admission to public colleges
and universities.

8. Do you feel that Affirmative            315   79.0      85   21.0
Action should continue as part of
Admissions decisions?

9. Do you feel that Affirmative Action       0      0       0      0
is no longer needed?

                                                          Strongly
                                           Disagree       Disagree

Questionnaire Items                         #      %       #      %

1. Do you feel that race preferences       235   59.0       0      0
used in admission decision
discriminate against White students?

2. Do you feel that race preference          0     0        0      0
should be used to admit African
American students into predominantly
White colleges and universities?

3. Do you feel that race preference        209   52.0     191   48.0
should be banned at predominantly
White colleges and universities in
making admission decisions?

4. Do you feel that Affirmative Action     170   43.0     230   57.0
has out lived its usefulness?

5. Do you feel that African American         0     0        0      0
enrollment will Decline if race
preferences are Banned at
predominantly White colleges and
universities?

6. Do you feel that an Affirmative           0     0        0      0
Action in higher education admission
process provides access to African
American students in gaining admission
into predominantly White colleges.

7. Do you feel that colleges should        248   62.0     152   38.0
lower grade-point-average requirements
for African American students in
gaining admission to public colleges
and universities.

8. Do you feel that Affirmative              0      0       0      0
Action should continue as part of
Admissions decisions?

9. Do you feel that Affirmative Action     292   73.0     108   27.0
is no longer needed?

Table II

African American College Students' Perceptions of Racial Preferences
and Affirmative Action with Mean and Standard Deviation.

                                                          M        SD

1. Race preferences used in admission decisions          3.58     0.25
discriminate against White students.

2. Should race preference be used to admit African       3.63     0.14
American students at predominantly White colleges
and universities?

3. Should race preference be banned at predominantly     1.52     0.73
White colleges in making admissions decisions?

4. Will African American enrollment decline if race      1.42     0.84
preferences in admission decisions are banned at
predominantly White colleges?

5. Did Affirmative Action policy in admission            3.75     0.16
process provide access to African American students
in gaining admission into predominantly
White colleges?

6. Should lower grade-point-average be required for      1.62     0.62
African American students in order to gain
admission into public colleges?

7. Should Affirmative Action continue as part of         3.78     0.23
admissions decisions?

8. Affirmative Action no loner needed?                   1.73     0.53

9. Affirmative Action outlived its usefulness?           3.70     0.26

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