A cracked mirror: images and self-images of elderly men and women in the Netherlands in the nineteenth century.

Introduction

Johannes van Oosterzee (1817-1882) was a professor in theology at the University of Utrecht in the Netherlands from 1863 until his death in 1882. Before he became a professor he was a clergyman and one of the most well-known orators of his day. He started his memoirs in 1881 with the remark that he was now in the autumn of his life. Furthermore, he mentioned that he had grown old early because of a tiring life. He wrote his memoirs at the age of sixty-four, but did not make clear to which age he referred by mentioning 'growing old early'. Later he repeated that he did not know whether he had gotten any wiser, but that he felt he had grown older.(1)

In secondary literature on old age the self-image of the elderly is a neglected subject. Not much is known about the experiences of the elderly and the way they viewed themselves. One of the few studies on old age which is based on personal documents, Terri L. Premo's Winter Friends: Women Growing Old in the New Republic, 1785-1835, shows that for many women in the United States in this period old age was rewarding and fruitful. Women's domestic sphere of feminine friendships was responsible for this positive experience: "most women who adopted the culture of domesticity and collaborated in the full range of feminine pursuits, as defined by woman's sphere, greeted old age with ease and serenity in the new republic."(2)

What is the significance of the study of personal documents for the history of the elderly? In the introduction of Old Age in a Bureaucratic Society, D.D. van Tassel and P.N. Steams state: "The second desirable addition to the existing level of inquiry must involve a more direct examination of the elderly themselves. (...) We know a great deal about attitudes and policies toward the elderly, but too little about the group itself. In the chapters that follow, the elderly are mainly acted upon - by the rise of factory industry, the attitudes of doctors and ministers, the policies of the state, which often derived from factors quite remote from the actual conditions of older people. And perhaps older people are more acted upon than some other groups. But we have learned through social history that most groups have their own field of action and their own outlook, and for the elderly this remains to be fully explored."(3) The use of personal documents is an attempt to "examine the elderly themselves" and to stress the importance of their personal experience. There is, however, more to it than that.

Historians working in the field of life course and old age have shown that the elderly are not a clearly defined group. An age limit is not the only transition to a new stage of life. The elderly differ according to class, race, sex, civil status, state of health etc: "The aged (...) are as diverse a group as are other segments of the population. The experiences of aged men and women, white and black, rural and urban, well-to-do and poor, Protestant and Catholic, were by no means similar."(4) Personal documents can show how these experiences of ageing are related to social categories such as sex, class, civil status, state of health and age. This article will examen these differentiated experiences and self-images of elderly people in a specific place and time: the Netherlands in the nineteenth century. The sources are a variety of personal documents, such as diaries, memoirs and letters. We can also consider whether and how experiences and self-images of the elderly differed from the images of their contemporaries by analyzing nineteenth-century literature, setting this context first and then discussing the experiences of the elderly themselves.

Stereotypes

In European culture the image of the elderly was dominated for a long time by an ambivalent tradition: there was the wise and dignified elderly person as well as the old fool. Literature in pre-industrial France was, according to Jean-Pierre Gutton, marked by this twofold tradition. In seventeenth- and eighteenth-century plays the elderly were mainly ridiculed. Seventeenth-century poetry on the other hand held a more positive view of the aged. In general the image of the elderly in pre-industrial France was more negative than positive. This changed after 1750 under the influence of Romanticism when the image of the wise old men and women acquired additional significance. The elderly came to symbolize virtue and reason.(5)

David Troyansky states that French culture in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was characterized by a strong hostility towards the aged. In medical literature vanity during old age was seen as a major vice. In plays the elderly were portrayed as persons who did not want to hand over their belongings to the next generation and who were too much attached to life. For the eighteenth century Troyansky describes a cultural change which affected the representations of the elderly. In philosophy, the arts and sciences hostility towards the elderly was no longer predominant but was replaced by compassion. In literature ridicule was replaced by respect. The medical sciences intended to make life for the elderly as pleasant as possible.(6)

This twofold view of the old fool on the one hand and the respectable elderly on the other is based on an ambiguity which dates back to classical times.(7) In Dutch nineteenth-century literature the double tradition still persisted. In general, the elderly were negatively portrayed in nineteenth-century comedy and positively in poetry.(8) Many Dutch poets, Beets, De Genestet, and Ten Kate, used such themes as faith, resignation, gratitude and fulfillment. Another theme was belief in God and eternity which helped people endure the process of aging and prepared the elderly for death. A traditional way to view the life course was the metaphor of the four seasons. The fall or the winter of life meant decline and withering but at the same time maturity and fulfillment. Another major theme in nineteenth-century Dutch literature was the wise elderly person who served as an example to the young. In literature grandchildren often acted as bright spots in the lives of the elderly.

In nineteenth-century comedy negative representations were mostly combined with maladjusted behaviour. Unequal love represented by an elderly unmarried man who wanted to marry a young girl was a frequent theme. Old bachelors who wanted to marry young girls were highly ridiculed in the texts. In order to look younger than they were, they wore wigs, eye-catching suits, hair-dye, cosmetics, and false teeth. The girls easily saw through those 'disguises' and the courting never ended in marriage. Elderly single women were seen as even more pathetic than men. They were described as ugly, sour, talkative and gossipy. At best authors asked for compassion from their readers and comprehension for the disagreeable aspects of the single women's characters. The best thing these women could do was to take care of their families, especially their motherless nieces and nephews. The representation as 'the angel in the house' was the most positive the older single women could hope for in fiction.

This twofold view, either negative or positive was finally challenged by the rise of social literature in the last decades of the nineteenth century.(9) Authors, influenced by socialism, increased the interest in the elderly of the lower classes and by doing so initiated a less general picture of old age. The elderly, however, not only differ along class lines. In order to surpass the simplistic perspectives on old age and justify a more differentiated perspective, it is necessary to let the elderly speak for themselves.

The Elderly in Personal Documents

In the history of ageing, personal documents have only been used in large numbers - as far as I know by Terri L. Premo and Gudrun Wedel. Premo's study is based on the personal documents of 160 women living in the United States in the period 1785-1835.(10) Wedel is writing a dissertation based on 500 autobiographies of German women in the nineteenth century. Not all those women were old, but in general writing autobiographies was something the women undertook at an advanced age. Wedel's conclusion is that most women mentioned the feeling of getting older in combination with personal and social living conditions, and not in combination with a certain age.(11)

This article is based on fifteen personal documents, diaries and memoirs, written by thirteen people.(12) The personal documents used in this article belonged to seven women and six men. Nearly all of them were from the higher social classes. In order to shed more light on the self-image of people from the lower classes, a different source was used, namely letters written to the administration of an institution for the aged. This institution was called the Brants Rushofje and was an almshouse intended for women of the Evangelic-Lutheran church. In the period 1885-1910, 95 women wrote to the trustees of the institution in order to apply for a room in the house. In the letters the women explained to the trustees why they were so eager to enter the institution, describing their experiences as ageing people. By means of these experiences their self-image can be reconstructed.

It will be clear that these personal documents are not representative for all the elderly in the Netherlands in the nineteenth century. The aim of this article is to combine stereotypes from literature with the daily experiences and identities of elderly men and women. The ageing process as described in personal documents can differentiate more general views. A problem is that the elderly probably did not mention every aspect of their ageing process. The women writing letters to the almshouse presumably wrote down what the trustees wanted to hear. In this way only one side of their identities was emphasized. This, however, is a problem not only evoked by personal documents, but - as Goffman has made clear in The Presentation of Self - of personal and social relationships in general.(13)

Women and Men

Terri Premo concluded in her work on elderly women around 1800 that those who remained active within their own gender-determined world experienced the most positive old age. Women who had cared for their families all their lives and continued to do so into old age experienced the last stage of their life as a period of happiness and fulfillment. Also in the course of the nineteenth century many women were confined to their separate sphere. As motherhood remained their major task it can be interesting to see how women experienced motherhood and grandmotherhood when they aged.

Children and grandchildren as a source of joy during old age constitutes one of the major themes revealed in the personal documents. The clergyman's wife Keetje Bruins (1817-1886) wrote in her memoirs of 1884: "How happy, how exceptionally happy my children have made my old age!"(14) Elisabeth Jordens (1811-1892) mentioned on her 72nd birthday in her diary that she hoped that her children would be happy, because they were "the joy of her life."(15) Maria van Diesen (1828-1907) celebrated her 70th birthday on the 9th of February 1898. In the so-called family book she wrote about the birthday visit of her children: "God gave me a very good day and lots of love from my children."(16)

Boukje Posthuma (1842-1924), who together with her husband ran a bakery, was worried about her children, especially when they were ill or e.g. when her daughter-in-law gave birth to her grandchild. In 1897 she reminisced about her first born child who died when she was only seventeen. In general, Boukje Posthuma was very mild towards her children. When her son Jan wanted to marry a girl of a different religion she did not object. She was more concerned that her future daughter-in-law have a good character.(17)

The elderly men expressed much concern for the welfare of their children as well. H.J. Koenen, Johannes van Oosterzee and G.A.N. Allebe - each in different ways - worried about their children. The lawyer H.J. Koenen (18091874) noted in 1863, which was already a bad year because of his declining health, that his depressions were increased by the broken engagement of his daughter Jeannette.(18) Professor in theology Johannes van Oosterzee mentioned that when his children left the parental home he had undergone great financial sacrifices because they had to be placed at the head of their own households.(19) On the other hand he also mentioned that he was very happy with his children and grandchildren.

The personal documents of the medical doctor and hygienist G.A.N. Allebe (1810-1892) show that children did not always bring mitigation of old age. His children were a constant source of concern. His wife suffered from a mental illness, probably dementia, and the treatment of the patient was a source of conflict in the family. Allebe's severe attitude towards the patient (he locked her up in her own house after she threatened to run away) was a thorn in the flesh of his son August Allebe (the painter). They both had such strong feelings about the matter that in the end it set them at odds altogether. Allebe turned his son out of the parental home and forbade him to enter it ever again.(20) What exactly happened between them remains unclear, because crucial leaves were cut from the diary. It is obvious that whatever was written on those leaves was not very flattering for either of them.

Men, more than women, experienced discontinuity in their life course when they stopped working. Doctor Allebe retired from his practice in Amsterdam in 1874, after a period of 38 years. Still, after his retirement he continued working for many committees and advisory boards. As a liberal and a hygienist he was highly interested in public health and published on such matters as Child care, cholera, public housing and gymnastics. In November 1884, when he was 74 years old, he wrote in his diary he would like to continue working "as long as possible."(21) A few years later, in 1888, he often mentioned in his diary that it was no longer possible to work regularly. In October 1888 he decided to resign his membership of the Public Health Authority by January 1889 because of his advanced age and bad health. In his diary he wrote that he preferred to resign than to be dismissed.(22) Tragically, life without work was unbearable for Allebe. He wrote: "life is disgusting now that I am no longer capable of working noticeably."(23)

Women of the middle and higher classes usually did not work, although they performed a variety of other social activities. From the diary of housewife Elisabeth Banga (1794-1879) we can conclude that she filled her life with paying and receiving visits, writing letters, making trips and taking care of her household. Women of lower social strata, however, encountered different problems when they aged.(24)

Rich and Poor

The diaries and memoirs portray the experiences and reflections of elderly people from the middle and higher classes. The men worked as shipowner, doctor, lawyer, clergyman and professor in theology. Most of the married women were housewives and of the single women one had worked as a social worker. The men and women of the middle and higher classes were not confronted with poverty during their old age. Lack of means is not mentioned at all in the memoirs and diaries of these elderly people. As a result the men did not have to continue to work when they got older. They had the choice to stop working if they wished to do so. It will be clear that this was not the case for the elderly of the lower classes or the lower middle classes.

Only one of the writers, the baker's wife Boukje Posthuma, was from a lower social stratum. Her diary has shed some light on the experiences of people from the lower classes. She gave a poignant portrayal of life in a village which was often struck by poverty. Although Boukje Posthuma was not confronted with extreme poverty herself, she had to work hard to provide a living for herself and her family. She continued to work until an advanced age: retirement was never mentioned in her diary.

In order to describe the self-image of a larger group of less prosperous people, a unique source was found in the archives of the Evangelic-Lutheran church in Amsterdam. From one of their almshouses, the so-called Brants Rushofje, founded for single women and widows of the Evangelic-Lutheran religion who were 50 years and older, the letters of women applying to be placed in the almshouse have remained.(25) Both the letters of the women who were accepted and the letters of those who were refused have survived.

For nearly one fifth of the women, their advanced age was a reason for applying for a place in the almshouse. Most women did not mention their exact age, but used terms such as 'the last days of my life', 'my advanced age', 'with advancing years' and 'the last years of my life'. The women who wrote this were 52 to 67 years old. Only a few women, especially the ones over 70, mentioned precisely how old they were. A 73-year-old widow used her age to increase her chances in gaining admittance to the almshouse. She wrote: "because of my advanced age, 73 years, I request indulgence of the gentlemen trustees."(26)

The 52-year-old single woman Johanna Stemler wrote: "the few means which provide for my maintenance make me look forward to support in my advancing years."(27) Often the advanced age of the women alone was not the reason why they felt old. The combination of ageing and a declining income was for most women the reason to apply for a place in the almshouse. Especially single women who had worked all their lives as governess, housekeeper or lady companion faced difficulties in maintaining their jobs when they got older. At a certain age their mistresses made clear that they preferred younger employees. A single women of 58 years old wrote to the trustees of the almshouse: "now I am out of my job because the ladies think me to be too old."(28)

For the women who lost their jobs when they got older it was very difficult to find a new situation. Lady companions and governesses could when they aged often only find new jobs as housekeepers. For the women who had served distinguished people all their lives that clearly meant a setback. When they could not find a new job they tried to earn a living as a seamstress or they had to spend their savings. In both cases a place in an almshouse was to be preferred. The women who already worked as seamstresses were confronted with different problems. When they aged they could no longer work hard enough to earn a living, because declining health made their work as a seamstress impossible. One single woman, who had worked for 16 years for a society of women's work, wrote to the trustees of the almshouse that she could not perform her job any longer because: "my eyes can not see the delicate needlework any more."(29)

Single women who did not work often had to rely on their parents, sisters or brothers. The death of a parent could mean a financial setback. A 52 year old single woman wrote the trustees in 1898 that after her father's death she was no longer able to support herself. Another single woman had cared for her iii mother for many years. After her mother died she tried to earn a living but she could not find a job. She wrote: "I am looking for solace everywhere, but what can I do at 52?".(30)

Widows often faced a loss of income when their husbands died. Pensions and savings were too low to provide the women with enough resources. Women who had never worked before were at once confronted with the idea of entering the work force - not a very pleasant prospect for most of them. One of the widows wrote the trustees in 1898: "Some time ago my husband died and it is very difficult at my advanced age, I am now 63 years old, to provide for myself in the long run."(31) Widows could try to earn a living by taking in boarders, although this did not always turn out well. One widow complained that her boarders did not pay the rent and in the end they cost her more money than she had earned.

Widows could rely on their children for support, but for most of them this was not a favourable solution. A widow who was supported by her daughter, wrote to the trustees that she wanted a place in the almshouse because she was afraid that her daughter would soon marry. Her own income was too low to live on. Another widow was, after the death of her husband, provided for by her son, but unfortunately he died after a fatal accident. She could not earn a living for herself, because she had difficulty walking. Other women did not want to accept money from their children.

For the women applying to the almshouse ageing meant financial problems. The lack of work, the loss of a spouse or a parent meant difficulties in making ends meet. It is obvious that people of the higher classes were less concerned with the financial aspects of ageing. The poor and less prosperous women seemed to be completely preoccupied with the financial aspects of their lives. They never described the death of their husband, mother or father in emotional terms. It is possible the women stressed their economic troubles because they assumed only financial reasons assured them of a place in the almshouse. The trustees were probably not susceptible to emotional pleas. On the other hand it is likely that the loss of income was the major transition in the lives of elderly women of the lower and the lower middle classes. As a consequence this aspect of the ageing process determined their self-image.

The Married and the Unmarried

In nineteenth-century literature about old age, marriage and widowhood were hardly mentioned. In some texts old widowed men appeared as characters but marriage and widowhood were not discussed. Probably writers thought these topics too obvious to pay attention to. The conventions of the century urged them to center around specific topics, such as unequal love and the bond between grandparents and their offspring. The personal documents give a different perspective on married life. Husbands and wives play very large roles in the documents, and especially when a spouse fell ill the writers of the documents were very concerned.

Boukje Posthuma was confronted with a sick spouse in the period she kept her diary. Her husband suffered from chest colds, coughs and a sore throat. On the 30th of September 1894 she wrote that she was happy that he could work again, but his complaints returned regularly. On the 2nd of May 1898 she mentioned that she had had a bad week because her husband had a fever. The doctor was sent for, but she was still not free of concern because his chest was completely congested.(32) She probably was worried that he suffered from pneumonia which was still a fatal illness at the turn of the century. Her husband recovered, however, dying nine years later in 1907.(33) The cause of his death is not known.

Elisabeth Jordens, housewife of Antoni Brants (1805-1862), was very concerned about the iii health of her husband as well. For twelve years Antoni Brants suffered from old age ailments and his wife had to care for him. From his own diary it is clear that he had a lung disease. His whole diary is about his illness and the consequences of his disease for his private and public life. He complained that he could not work because of his disease and that he felt very isolated. In November 1862 Jordens' husband died, and two weeks later her daughter also died. Somehow she found the strength to live on and she thanked God for the good things he had given her.(34)

When the bond between husband and wife had been strong the death of one of them could cause great stress and enhance the ageing process. The diary of shipowner and merchant Gedeon Boissevain (1796-1875) is an example of this. At the beginning of May 1866 he worried greatly about his wife's health while hoping that his worries would be groundless. He cried out: "O Lord have mercy on this poor old man."(35) His worries were not groundless as his wife, Maria van Heukelom, died two weeks later, on 20 May 1866. Boissevain was severely affected by his wife's death. For a long time he was very depressed and his life seemed to have lost all its meaning. His 70th birthday, on the 13th of June 1866, was overshadowed by his mourning: "My seventieth birthday. A day which was always celebrated so heartily and happily is now full of sad memories."(36) At the end of 1866 he wrote that his whole life was turned upside down and that he sometimes felt that he lived in a dream.(37) In his memoirs of 1874 he mentioned the death of his third wife Maria van Heukelom as the heaviest blow of his life.(38)

On the other hand, a sick spouse could be an aggravating burden on the shoulders of the aged. The mental powers of doctor Allebe's wife were at last so severely damaged that she terrorized her family constantly. Allebe even considered sending her to a mental hospital, but she died before he did so. The illness of his wife made him feel very depressed and complicated his own old age. On 23 January 1888 he wrote that he had had a bad day partly because of his own declining health and partly because of "she who embitters my life."(39) When his wife died on 16 September 1888 he, unlike Boissevain, only felt relief. After his wife's death he led a very quiet life compared to the disturbances caused by her illnesses.(40)

The self-image of single women - from single men no personal documents were found - an be described on the basis of the memoirs of Aletta van Randwijck (1839-1923) and Femina Muller (1826-1909). Aletta van Randwijck wrote her memoirs in 1896 and 1902, when she was 57 and 63 respectively, and they span the time-period of 1846-1902. She lived the longest part of her life in the parental home in The Hague, where the Dutch parliaments and ministries were seated. Aletta's father was minster of both foreign affairs and internal affairs in the 1840s. Afterwards he worked at the court of King William III. Aletta's father died in 1891 but she continued living with her mother until her mother died in 1899. After the death of her mother, Aletta then was 60 years old. She left The Hague and settled herself in a village called Doom where she lived alone for the rest of her live. In her memoirs she wrote: "Books, work and music are my companions; and though my lot is that of a lone women, I take every reason to be thankful for the peaceful evening of my life which God allows me to enjoy."(41)

She spent her time with trips to The Hague, where she visited her brother Frans and her friend Mrs. Clifford. In her village she received much support from the clergyman and his wife who lived in the immediate neighbourhood. Also her several nieces and nephews were important to her. She wrote her memoirs in order to teach the younger generation the history of the Van Randwijck family. The death of her mother certainly was a watershed in her personal life. Before her mother died, her main task in life was caring for her mother, who was seriously ill during that last part of her life; Aletta abundantly fulfilled the role of an unmarried daughter.

Femina Muller started to write her memoirs in 1907 when she was 81 years old.(42) She was from a wealthy family living in Amsterdam. Her father was a professor in theology and taught at the Mennonite Seminary in Amsterdam. Femina's mother died in 1870 and her father died five years later. Afterwards Femina left the parental home and shared rooms with her unmarried sister Margot. For some time the two sisters lived a nomadic life, because they often had to move. Margot was so troubled about this that she complained to Femina about it, saying that growing old gave them a hard time. They stayed together for 17 years until Margot died in 1892. After her sister's death Femina lived alone for the rest of her life.

After her mother died in 1870 Femina Muller and her unmarried sister Margot had taken care of their sick father which according her memoirs was not always an easy task. Furthermore Femina Muller was a rather well-known feminist and social worker. She worked as chairwoman of a company to improve kindergartens (de vereniging ter verbetering der kleine-kinderen bewaarplaatsen). Due to this work she did not have an isolated old age. Many people she worked with during her presidency came to visit her in old age. Reading, writing, and family visits were her other activities as she aged. She was very concerned with the ups and downs of family life, especially the births of her nieces and nephews (52 in all). Her nieces and nephews visited her often and sometimes, e.g. in relation to their studies, they stayed for a couple of months. Nevertheless she became lonelier when she aged and writing her memoirs was one way to keep herself busy: "In the 81st year of my life, now that I am often alone and do not have a special occupation, it is not strange that I sometimes feel an emptiness, a loss, which can not always be compensated by literature or a friendly visit."(43)

In Dutch nineteenth-century literature unmarried women were mostly represented in terms of the classical old spinster, seen as ugly, sour, and gossipy. In this respect it is interesting to know that Femina Muller herself was familiar with the existing prejudices against single women. In her memoirs she told the story of an aunt of hers who as she aged ended up alone in a boarding house because of her bitterness. For fear of becoming just like her aunt, Femina Muller decided to remain in good humour in all circumstances. About her aunt she wrote: "What a sad life, how very well treated were the single daughters in our own family."(44) She was strongly opposed to inferior treatment of all single women. She wrote, under a pseudonym, a magazine article in which she railed against the fact that single women were not allowed to become trustees of orphanages. She thought it even more shameful that in 'the old days' single women had to join the children at the dinner table, while very young but married women could sit with the adults. She was very happy with the foundation of a society for women's work called Arbeid Adelt (Work Ennobles). The society was founded in 1871 for single gentlewomen without means. They could earn a living by doing fancy needlework which was sold or exhibited afterwards.

Femina Muller and Aletta van Randwijck had rich and nurturing lives, an important aspect of which was caring for their ill parents. This aspect of elderly single women's lives is hardly ever mentioned in nineteenth-century literature. In fiction 'the angel of the house' mainly took care of motherless nieces and nephews. Femina Muller wanted to be different from the traditional old spinster. She saw work, paid and unpaid, as an important fulfillment in single women's lives. But although Femina Muller was a feminist and a strong supporter of women's work, neither she nor her sister ever earned their own living. After their parents died they received, for the rest of their lives, an allowance from their brothers. It was probably this aspect of single women's lives that caused the negative image of 'single unblessedness' in nineteenth-century literature.

Sickness and Health

In nineteenth-century literature sickness and health were largely ignored in combination with old age. Only occasional characters were blind, deaf or suffering from rheumatism, but illness in itself was not yet much of a literary subject. In personal documents on the other hand, sickness and health were omnipresent.(45) The documents reveal that good health was responsible for the joy of life during old age.

Elisabeth Banga kept a diary for the period July 1865 until May 1868. In this period she suffered from an inflammation of the eye, nervousness, fever and a cough. Her diseases reduced her freedom of movement as she wrote regularly that she had to stay home because of an illness. On 16 November 1867 she noted that she had not been to church because of her eye. Two years earlier she also mentioned that she had to stay at home because of trouble with her eye.(46) Her complaints bored her because of her confinement, but they were not life threatening. She was 71-73 years old in the period she mentioned the illnesses. She would live on until 1879 when she was 85 years old.

The complaints of Gedeon Boissevain were also not life threatening. In his diary he mentioned that he suffered from deafness and that he constantly saw a black spot on his eye. He also suffered regularly from toothache and in April 1874 he lost his last upper tooth. He wrote in his diary that it would make eating meat difficult but that he did not have the courage to use false teeth.(47) His physical complaints had consequences for his state of mind as well. From 1873 he often mentioned that he felt melancholy and old because of his infirmities.

The lawyer H.J. Koenen suffered also from bad health which made him feel very depressed. In the second part of his autobiography (1854-1867) at the end of 1859, the year he turned fifty, he wrote that it had been one of his most distressing years because he was sick and suffered from sleeplessness. Later he had added to this passage the remark: "also by inner struggle." In 1863 - when he was 54 years old - he described the year as a turning point in his life because of the decline of his physical and mental powers. He suffered from several illnesses, sleeplessness and depressions. He was afraid that his good health would not return and he sometimes thought that his life had come to an end. In the summer of 1866 he recovered and he did not die until 1874.

Robust health on the other hand could increase the joy of life considerably. The clergyman's wife Keetje Bruins wrote in 1884 in her memoirs that as she got older she still was in a very good health. She had always lived in the country and she believed that the long walks in the countryside, the fresh air and the exercise in the garden were responsible for her good health. She assumed that life in the country helped to protect her from diseases like the rheumatism and nervousness from which so many other elderly people suffered.(48) It is interesting that Keetje Bruins compared her own situation with that of her image of the aged. This comparison made her realize that her situation was exceptional.

Mental decay, more than physical decline, made the elderly very low-spirited and inhibited their acceptance of the ageing process. We see this clearly reflected in the diary of Doctor Allebe. In 1888 at the age of 77 Doctor Allebe often referred in his diary to his bad health. At the time he suffered from abdominal disorders, bronchitis, absent-mindedness and a nervous disease. His condition made him very depressed. He called his illnesses the second source of his depression (the first was his quarrel with his son).(49) Not his physical complaints but the decline of his intellectual powers depressed him because this kept him from doing his work. In 1888 when he was still a member of the Public Health Authority he was working on a paper, but he could not remember certain names and words. As a consequence he wrote in his diary: "this is the burden of old age."(50)

The feeling of depression could get so strong that it led to a longing for death. In 1874 Boissevain wrote in his memoirs that he began to yearn for his death because he had lost his cheerfulness.(51) Longing for death is also a topic in Allebe's diary. On several places in his diary he mentioned that he had no wish to live on. He tried to work, which he saw as the best medicine against depression, but when he was not able to work anymore he wished to be dead. In November 1888 he wrote: "Better die than live on for years this way."(52)

Belief in God as a solace against death and decline could help the elderly to accept more easily "the burden of old age." Elisabeth Banga wrote on her 72nd birthday in her diary that she spent the day appreciating the good things God had given her.(53) Elisabeth Jordens assumed, on the evening of her 72nd birthday, that death was no longer far away. She was grateful to God for her good health and she hoped soon to join her deceased family members in heaven.(54) Her belief in God helped to make death less fearful and she assumed that her sins would be forgiven. Traces of doubt are to be found in the personal writings of Koenen and Allebe. Koenen in 1863 asked in his notebook for more faith.(55) And Allebe wondered whether God was actually concerned with his people. Some time later he mentioned that he had spent many sleepless nights which had brought him back to God and prayer.(56)

In literature the evening of life was represented as a period in which a certain wisdom and resignation were obtained. The personal documents give a different view. The elderly felt sick and depressed and did not refer to themselves as wise.(57) Ageing seemed to have been mostly a difficult process. Although old age was idealized in nineteenth-century literature this image did not transfer to most of the personal documents. Still there are indications that at least some the authors were familiar with the image. The clergymen N.H. de Graaf (1823-1886) referred in his notebook to the work of the poet Ten Kate. In reaction to Ten Kate's poem "The Evening of Life" ("Aan den avond des levens"), published in 1880, he wrote that many elderly people would be grateful for his 'autumn gift' and would receive it with joy.(58)

It is possible that although there seems to be a gap between literature and personal reactions in describing old age, literature nevertheless served as a consolation for the aged. The poetry of Beets, Ten Kate, Hasebroek and others could be a means to put a fresh heart into oneself, just as Doctor Allebe wrote the imploring words: "I may not be unsatisfied, and I should carry the burden imposed upon me as a man and not as a child. Courage, old man, courage."(59)

A Life Course Perspective

The experience of old age differed depending on sex, class, civil status and health, and age itself was a variable. Doctor Allebe did not refer to his old age in his diary until he reached the age of 74. On 29 november 1884 he wrote in his diary: "my 74th birthday! I was given a longer life than most people. The remainder of my life may not be left idle."(60) Birthdays were often moments at which one reflected on one's age and the years that went by. Boukje Posthuma wrote in 1896 in her diary: "now I am already 54 years old and so we move to the end."(61) Elisabeth Jordens wondered - because of her 72nd birthday in 1883 - what had happened to her life.(62) The lawyer Koenen had experienced a major transition at the age of 54 because of the loss of his physical and mental powers.(63) Also the women writing to the almshouse mentioned different ages at which they saw themselves as old, 52 to 63 and 73. Ageing was a long and complicated process and old age did not occur at one point in time. This aspect of ageing can best be explained by following the life course of one elderly individual.

Gedeon Boissevain (1796-1875) owned a shipping company in Amsterdam and belonged to one of the most prominent families of the city. He married three times and had five living children when he reached old age. He remained healthy, although he suffered from deafness, until an advanced age. We may conclude that Boissevain, because of his health, family life and financial supplies, had a privileged old age. This does not mean, however, that he did not experience ageing as a process. In this section the several stages of this process will be discussed.

Boissevain did not mention his advancing years in his diaries and memoirs until he had reached the respectable age of 62. He started his memoirs of 1858 (written in French) as follows: "Arrive a l'age ou la vieillesse commence je me sens, hormi ma surdise, encore jeune et bienportant."(64) His good health hardly made him aware of his advancing age. A few years later, after he had his picture taken, he at once realized that he had grown old after all. In 1862, at the age of 66, he wrote in a letter to his eldest son that he had realized he was too old "to dance with the young girls."(65)

A major change in his life took place after the death of his wife Maria van Heukelom in 1866. She had been ill for nearly a year and in May 1866 she finally passed away. Before her death Boissevain had lived with his wife and two unmarried sons in a large house in one of the most expensive neighbourhoods of the city. After the death of his wife, Boissevain asked his eldest son Jan, his daughter-in-law Petronella and their small children to move in with him. They agreed to divide Boissevain's large house between the two households. Gedeon Boissevain remained head of the household and he paid two thirds of the household expenditures. The move took place on the 29th of October 1866. Boissevain mentioned this day as "very important for the rest of my days."(66) The two still unmarried sons left the household and moved into lodgings.

Boissevain's children and grandchildren were his main diversion from the melancholy moods from which he suffered after the death of his wife. In his memoirs of 1874 he wrote that his grandchildren made the evening of his life pleasant and cheerful. The main reason for inviting his children and grandchildren was loneliness. He wrote in his diary that the agreement ensured him company and his children a better house. Emotionally he depended on his children and grandchildren for support.

Also in 1866 he discussed with his son Jan the possibilities of retirement. His son, who already worked for him, would take over the company and Boissevain himself would remain a silent partner. He actually retired from his office at the end of 1867 when he was seventy-one years old. About his forthcoming retirement he wrote: "At first it will seem strange but one can get used to anything."(67) After his retirement he remained interested in the company. Not only did he continue visiting the company's office almost daily but he also interfered with the plans of his son who wanted to start a fleet of steamers instead of sailing ships. It saddened him that all the old seamanships would be lost, although he realized this state of mind was probably typical of his years.(68)

Having left the company Boissevain's life was increasingly restricted to his closest family. This process was enhanced because of his declining health. In the 1870's his deafness became so severe he hardly ever went to family gatherings or parties. The feeling of isolation was very strong. Visits were further restricted when his eyesight diminished and he suffered from weakness in his legs. He increasingly remained at home. Besides his physical disabilities, from 1873 onwards he suffered from depressions and finally he longed for his death. He hoped he would be reunited with his wife in the hereafter.

Between 1866 and 1875 Boissevain's life changed dramatically. At the beginning of 1866, when he was 69 years old, he was head of his family, head of his company and - so to speak - master of his own life. Before he died he was a widower, he had retired and he felt isolated and dependent. Like a character in nineteenth-century literature he gained happiness from his grandchildren and tried to be as strong as possible. Still, in the end only a feeling of loss remained. In 1874 some members of his family suggested that he should move to a smaller house in order to unburden his daughter-in-law who was not healthy and who already had to take care of her seven small children. Boissevain was very upset by this proposition, because he had lived in the house for more than thirty years. In the end he did not move because he felt he had become too much a creature of habit.

Conclusion

In the past the image of the elderly consisted of a twofold view: the wise and dignified elderly confronted the old fool and the old maid. Nineteenth-century literature still mentioned these two stereotypes. In contrast, the self-image of the elderly differed widely from the literary stereotypes. Personal documents showed that old age was not as blessed as expressed in the literature. Apparently, ageing was a difficult process. On the other hand, old age also included happiness, especially when the relationship with children and grandchildren paid off. Good health for the elderly person and the spouse was vital for a pleasant old age. Personal documents described unmarried women as hard-working and loving people.

Overall the personal documents presented the middle- and upper-class elderly as independent people, but it is clear that the same did not apply to the elderly of lower social classes. Their letters showed that most of these women had difficulty supporting themselves in old age. Physical and emotional problems were overshadowed by economic difficulties, and so the self-images of these women were largely defined in socio-economic terms.

The personal documents revealed that the elderly experienced old age in many different ways. As a consequence the self-image of the elderly varied. Old age did not happen at one point in time, but was connected with life transitions such as the loss of income, the decline of health, the death of one's spouse, and changing household situations. Old age had many different meanings for many different people. It is clear that the stereotypes as represented in nineteenth-century literature did not convey these differentiated experiences and self-images of the elderly. Modern researchers who study personal documents to answer the question 'who were the elderly in the past?' should be forewarned: the mirror reflecting the image of the elderly has cracked.

Grote Rozenstr 38 9712 TJ Groningen Netherlands

ENDNOTES

I would like to thank Benjamin Roberts for helping me with the translation.

1. J. J. van Oosterzee, Uit mijn levensboek. Voor mijne vrienden (Utrecht, 1883).

2. T. L. Premo, Winter Friends: Women Growing Old in the New Republic, 1785-1835 (Urbana and Chicago, 1990), 181.

3. D. D. van Tassel and P. N. Stearns, eds., Old Age in a Bureaucratic Society: The Elderly, the Experts and the State in American History (New York, 1986), xvii-xviii.

4. Gerald N. Grob, "Explaining Old Age History: The Need for Empiricism," in Van Tassel and Stearns, Old Age in a Bureaucratic Society, 30-46, p. 32. Other historians have connected old age with changes in civil status and household such as the death of a spouse, the departure of children, the birth of grandchildren; changes in active life such as the loss of work, becoming a pensioner and the move to an institution; and changes in health. See: Daniel Scott Smith, "Life Course, Norms and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900," Journal of Family History 4 (1979): 285-298; Peter Uhlenberg, "Changing Configurations of the Life Course," in T. K. Hareven, ed., Transitions: The Family and the Life Course in Historical Perspective (New York, 1978), 65-99; Howard P. Chudacoff and Tamara K. Hareven, "From the Empty Nest to Family Dissolution: Life Course Transitions into Old Age," Journal of Family History 4 (1979): 69-83; Janet Roebuck, "When Does Old Age Begin?: The Evolution of the English Definition," Journal of Social History 12 (1979): 416-430.

5. J. P. Gutton, Naissance du vieillard: Essai sur l'histoire des rapports entre les vieillards et la societe en France (Paris, 1988).

6. D. G. Troyansky, Old Age in the Old Regime: Image and Experience in Eighteenth-Century France (Ithaca, 1989); D. G. Troyansky, "Le vieillard dans la societe francaise du XVIIIe siecle: images et realites?," Annales de demographie historique (1985): 155-170.

7. Aristotle distinguished three stages of life, namely youth, adulthood and old age. Adulthood or, as Aristotle called it, 'the middle age' was to be preferred as this was the period of both physical and mental strength. Mentally 'the middle age' was a period of balance in comparison with the extremes of youth and old age. The young had too many expectations and too little experience, the elderly on the other hand had too many experiences and too few expectations. Aristotle viewed the aged as double-minded, pessimistic, suspicious, narrow-minded, stingy, cowardly, chilly, impertinent and complaining. Cicero on the other hand gave a much more positive view on old age in his well-known Cato Maior de Senectute. In a dialogue between the old senator Cato and his students the benevolence of old age was praised. Both in sciences and in government Cicero saw a leading role reserved for the elderly. This was proved by the mere existence of Cato himself who - at eighty-five - was still an active person. See D. H. Fowler, L. J. Fowler and L. Lamdin, "Themes of Old Age in Preindustrial Western Literature," in P. N. Stearns, ed., Old Age in Preindustrial Society (New York, 1982), 19-45.

8. All examples mentioned in this section are based on M. Stavenuiter, Verzorgd of zelfstandig: Ouderen en de levensloop in Amsterdam in de tweede helft van de negentiende eeuw (Zwolle, 1993).

9. Ibidem, 60-64.

10. Premo, Winter Friends.

11. Gudrun Wedel, "Bemerkungen zum Altwerden und Altsein von Frauen im 19. Jahrhundert als Themen in ihren autobiografischen Schriften," in C. Conrad and H. J. von Kondratowitz, ed., Gerontologie und Sozialgeschichte. Wege zu einer historischen Betrachtung des Alters (Berlin, 1983), 105-121.

12. In the Netherlands personal documents are not collected as Matthews did for English and American diaries. Because only a few nineteenth-century personal documents are published, most of them should be searched for in family archives which is obviously a time-consuming method. W. Matthews, American Diaries: An Annotated Bibliography of American Diaries Written Prior to the Year 1861 (Berkeley, 1945); W. Matthews, British Diaries. An Annotated Bibliography of British Diaries Written between 1442 and 1942 (Berkeley, 1950).

13. E. Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Edinburgh, 1956).

14. K. Hooijer-Bruins, Domineesdochter in 's-Graveland. Domineesvrouw in Zaltbommel 1817-1886 (Zaltbommel, 1981), 169.

15. Municipal Archives of Amsterdam (MAA), PA 88-303 Diaries and Notes of the Family of Antoni Brants and Elizabeth Mechteld Jordens 1834-1883, 29-4-1883.

16. MAA, PA 911-22 Familybook of Maria Johanna van Diesen, 1856-1914, after 1907 kept by Hillegonda Witsen Elias, 9-2-1898.

17. International Informationcenter and Archive for the Women's Movement (Internationaal Informatiecentrum en Archief voor de Vrouwenbeweging, IIAV) Ego 48 A, B, C, Diary of Boukje Posthuma (Vonk-) Ureterp 1892-1898 (copy), 26-9-1897.

18. Collection Koenen: Autobiography of Mr. H. J. Koenen (2 parts). Part 2 covers the period 1854-1867, 31-12-1863.

19. Van Oosterzee, Uit mijn levensboek, 168.

20. MAA, PA 423-4 Diary of Gerard A. N. Allebe. Amsterdam 1827-1888, 3-10-1888.

21. Ibidem, 29-11-1884.

22. Ibidem, 9-10-1888.

23. Ibidem, 19-8-1888.

24. MAA, PA 255-1003 Diary of Elisabeth Stinstra-Banga, 1865-1868.

25. The letters to the trustees of the Brants Rushofje are in the Municipal Archives of Amsterdam under number PA 404-40.

26. Ibidem, June 1907.

27. Ibidem, 17-7-1893.

28. Ibidem, 24-3-1890.

29. Ibidem, 24-6-1904.

30. Ibidem, 17-6-1904.

31. Ibidem, 16-11-1898.

32. IIAV, Ego 48 A, B, C, 2-5-1898.

33. This is mentioned in the introduction of the diary of Boukje Posthuma.

34. Fate however pursued her. A few months after the deaths of both her husband and her daughter her entire house burnt down. In a couple of months Elisabeth Jordens had lost her family and her home. MAA, PA 88-303, Notes, November 1880.

35. MAA, PA 394-107, Diaries of Gedeon Jeremie Boissevain, 1859-1875, 3-5-1866.

36. Ibidem, 13-6-1866.

37. MAA, PA 394-106, Diaries of Gedeon Jeremie Boissevain 1834-1868, 31-12-1866.

38. MAA, PA 394-110 Memoirs of Gedeon Jeremie Boissevain [1874].

39. MAA, PA 423-4, 23-1-1888.

40. Ibidem, 8-10-1888.

41. IIAV, EGO 77 Memoirs of Aletta Johanna van Randwijck, "Fifty years in The Hague and out of it. A family record 1846-1896," The Hague 1897 and Doom 1902 (copy).

42. IIAV, EGO 113 Memoirs of Femina G. H. Muller, Amsterdam 1907 (copy).

43. lbidem, 1.

44. Ibidem, 44.

45. Roy Porter and Dorothy Porter, In Sickness and in Health: The British Experience 1650-1850 (London, 1988). The authors conclude the same for the United Kingdom in the period 1650-1850.

46. MAA, PA 255-1003, 16-11-1867.

47. MAA, PA 394-107, 18-4-1874.

48. Hooijer-Bruins, Domineesdochter in 's-Graveland, 166.

49. MAA, PA 423-4, 21-11-1888.

50. Ibidem, 5-11-1888.

51. MAA, PA 394-110.

52. MAA, PA 423-4, 21-11-1888.

53. MAA, PA 255-1003, 6-6-1866.

54. MAA, PA 88-303, 29-4-1883.

55. Collection Koenen, 13-4-1863.

56. MAA, PA 423-4, 15-1-1885.

57. This difference between image and experience is also considered by Premo, Winter Friends, 134.

58. Archive of the Reveil Movement, Collection N. H. de Graaf, Diaries and notebooks 1861-1886.

59. MAA, PA 423-4, 23-1-1888.

60. Ibidem, 29-11-1884.

61. After she wrote this she lived for another 28 years. IIAV, EGO 48, A, B, C, 24-2-1896.

62. MAA, PA 88-303, 29-4-1883.

63. Collection Koenen, 31-12-1863.

64. MAA, PA 394-109 Memoirs of G.J. Boissevain, 1858.

65. MAA, PA 394-333 Incoming letters of parents written to Jan and Nella Boissevain, 1853-1878.

66. MAA, PA 394-107, 29-10-1866.

67. Ibidem, 11-12-1867.

68. Ibidem, 20-9-1869.