A Hidden Minority Becomes Visible.

Romani Refugee Children in the Schools

Today's world migration is one of the largest in history. In the United States, progress has been made in learning how to better meet the needs of newly arrived immigrants/refugees from many countries; little attention has been given, however, to one ethnic group whose presence in the schools is unlikely to be recognized--the Roma. This ethnic minority, commonly known as Gypsies, is one of the most misunderstood, marginalized, and discriminated-against ethnic groups today. Yet, they are fleeing Eastern Europe in great numbers to seek asylum in the West. Although this article focuses on the Roma, many of the educational concerns described and suggestions offered here are applicable to children of other immigrant and refugee groups, as well as to language minority families.

Who Are the Roma?

Few adults and children have any accurate knowledge about the Romani people. While for many the words "Roma" and "Romani" might be new, stereotypical images of Gypsies are rampant throughout the world. These include: dark earringed men, exotic women in colorful skirts, barefoot people dancing around campfires, caravans, violins, tambourines, palm reading, and crystal balls. Gypsies are perceived as carefree, romantic, and mysterious wanderers. They are also negatively stereotyped as thieves, child-stealers, and criminals.

The word "Gypsy" comes from the Middle Ages. At the time, the darker-skinned Roma people were mistakenly thought to have come from Egypt. Thus, they were called "Egipciens" ("Egyptians"), then "Gyptians," and eventually "Gypsies." While Gypsies are too often seen as anybody who follows a so-called Gypsy lifestyle (as presented in popular culture and literature), the designation "Roma" helps stress that the group is a genuine ethnic minority with its own culture, customs, history, and language (Lee, 1998a).

It is estimated that more than 12 million Roma live throughout the world ("Brief history of the Roma," 1999). The European Romani population is estimated to be between 7 million and 8.5 million (Helton, 1998). Of this number, about 5 million live in Central and Eastern Europe (Barany, 1998). It is difficult to obtain accurate numbers of Romani populations, however, since many are not recorded in official census counts. In most countries, the Romani population is much larger than is generally known. Many people conceal their Romani identity--a cautionary tactic learned through centuries of persecution. Roma in North America have been called the hidden minority, because they remain largely invisible among the many ethnic groups (Hancock, 1999a).

Several great migrations, or diaspora, mark Romani history. The first was the initial dispersal from northern India in the early 11th century. The second one was from southwest Asia into Europe in the 14th century. After the abolition of Romani slavery, in the 19th and early 20th centuries, another migration took place from Europe to the Americas. Then, the Roma were among those who fled the communist regimes in countries such as Poland, Hungary, and Romania in the 1980s. Some scholars contend that a great migration is occurring today because the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe has awakened a new wave of anti-Roma sentiment and violence ("Brief history of the Roma," 1999).

Roma Refugees in Canada

Currently, about 80,000 Roma reside in Canada. Some are descended from ancestors who first arrived in the early 1880s. In 1997, over 3,000 Romani refugees arrived in Canada from the Czech Republic alone. This was the first time that such a large number of people arrived in Canada claiming Convention Refugee status as Roma, fleeing persecution because of their ethnic identity (Sijercic, 1998). Previously, all Roma entering Canada came as nationals of their countries of origin, and so their arrival went unnoticed by the immigration authorities, the media, and the public (Lee, 1998b).

Most Romani refugees bring their children and extended family. Some of the refugees' claims have been accepted, others are pending, while still more Roma are waiting for their hearings. Many Roma in Canada have passed the initial immigration waiting period and now live in rented houses or apartments; they are able to work and enter mainstream Canadian society. The applications of others, however--mainly Hungarian Roma--are being rejected; pending the outcome of their appeals, deportation orders or extensions are being issued.

With so much uncertainty surrounding their future, it is especially important for Romani refugee children to have a stabilizing factor. Schools can provide a welcoming, safe, and predictable environment for these newly arrived children. Children in some jurisdictions cannot attend school, however, because their immigration papers are not yet processed. As efforts are made to ameliorate this situation, the teachers of Romani children already in schools need help; most of them are unfamiliar with the Romani culture.

What Teachers Should Know About Romani Children

Roma Attitudes Toward Education. It is critical that teachers learn about the cultural, linguistic, and historical influences that shape Romani children's behavior and attitudes toward education. Many teachers of Romani children, both in Europe and North America, complain about poor school attendance. In reporting about Romani refugees in Canada, St. Clair (2000) states: "There are ... many children who are not attending school at all. Some have no student authorization while other children or youths are not attending regularly for a variety of personal or other reasons" (p. 7). Traditionally, Roma perceive schooling as a threat to their culture, norms, and values (Krause, 1998). For centuries, the Romani family has taken care of educating and training their children. Furthermore, it has traditionally been within the family where children were prepared for their future roles and trades. Many Romani parents are afraid to let their children leave the safety of the family and community.

It is especially difficult for refugee families who have experienced violence in their home countries to send children--their most precious possessions--to school. In reporting about Slovak Romani refugees in England, Klein (1998, p. B32) notes that some families find it frightening to let their children out of their sight, since they have been used to random attacks and taunts. Romani asylum-seekers in most countries continue to suffer from anti-Roma attitudes: skinhead marches, anti-Roma signs, and verbal abuse often cause fear among the Roma. Klein reports that many teachers are trying hard to build trust among the families and are encouraging them to attend school regularly. Yet, as a representative from the Traveller Education Support Service in England suggests, "It's hard to reassure some parents that their children will be safe outside the house" (Klein, 1998).

In addition to safety issues, Romani parents might not view mainstream education as either essential or practical. Romani people often see no direct link between educational achievement and the material well-being or security of the family; even school-educated Roma and those who have trained for a job face wide, spread discrimination, racism, and unemployment (Krause, 1998; St. Clair, 2000). Another key factor inhibiting school attendance is poverty. Many Romani families cannot afford school supplies, bus fare, books, or other school-related expenses (Krause, 1998).

Traditionally, the relationship between the Roma and public schools has been problematic. Today, however, literacy is necessary in order to fill in a social security form, request a residence permit, or obtain a driver's license. Thus, more and more Romani parents are recognizing the importance of mainstream education (Smith, 1997). In the case of Romani refugees in Canada, they also must learn English.

Romani Children's Experiences in Eastern European Schools. Teachers who want to meet the academic and adjustment needs of Romani refugee children should seek information about children's school experiences in their home countries. The troubled relationship between the Roma and the educational systems of most European countries is well-documented (Cahn et al., 1998). In Eastern Europe, the majority of children take part in preschool, kindergarten, or school-preparatory programs; attendance among Romani children is very low, however. Many Romani children do not start school on time and, as a consequence, are likely to be older than other children in their class. Furthermore, a large number of Romani children drop out before they finish elementary school.

School failure of Romani children can be traced back to many problems, including prejudice against Roma, segregation within schools, language barriers, poor social conditions, and inadequate education programs/teaching methods (Rado, 1997). In Europe, Romani children often are transferred to remedial classes or special schools for the mentally disabled, where they receive low-quality education and stay behind for good. Those children of Romani refugees now in Canada who were tested by competent education professionals have been found to be of normal intelligence and clearly capable of managing in the general school system (Lee, 1998b).

Romani children who came from Eastern Europe describe rampant prejudice, discrimination, and overt persecution in the school systems of their home countries at all levels (Lee, 1998b). They report that they were excluded, teased, humiliated, and bullied by non-Romani children. Moreover, teachers seldom intervened (Tamas, 1999). As a result, it is not surprising that Romani children almost always suffer feelings of inferiority and low self-esteem, and sometimes even deny their identity. Facing such prejudice at school can reduce Romani students' academic motivation to a minimum (Bollag, 1999-2000). While conducting research on the Roma, Tamas (1999) found that children (both non-Roma and Roma) held strong prejudices about the Roma. When asked to tell the researcher about the Roma, most children (ages 3 to 8) responded in a prejudiced fashion or expressed very stereotypical ideas:

"Gypsies are dirty and smelly, and they steal."

"They aren't very smart. They don't like learning in school."

"I'm very afraid of them. It's dangerous to meet Gypsies."

"Most Gypsies live in the streets. They eat from the trash cans and their clothes are dirty."

"At my Grandma's there are lots of Gypsies and they stole all of her chickens."

"They fight with each other on the streets. They always cause trouble."

"We throw out dry bread and that's what they eat."

"I'm so afraid to talk when they are around because I'm scared that they are going to put me in their sack and take me away."

"They are not all the same; some Gypsies are good people, like us." (Tamas, 1999)

Such statements remind us how important it is to provide a welcoming, supporting, and caring environment in which Romani children's positive self-image can be promoted. Teachers need to explore ways of helping children who come from an environment where they were verbally, emotionally, and/or physically abused by students and teachers alike.

Welcoming Romani Children Into Their New Schools

Family Mobility and Isolation. When dealing with Romani children, teachers should note the high mobility of some immigrant and refugee families. Children often experience not only global mobility, but also interstate and "interschool" mobility as their families search for better living conditions and work opportunities (Igoa, 1995). For example, most Romani refugees in Canada originally settled in the Toronto area. Now, however, families are moving to the smaller nearby towns, hoping to find cheaper housing and better jobs. Reporting about the newly arrived Romani refugees, Hutchinson (2000a, 2000b) notes that "families are frequently moved and isolated, which can have disastrous consequences for their mental and emotional health" (p. 9). Such moves usually mean a change of school or time out of school for the children; such educational gaps can greatly impede children's progress (Igoa, 1995).

In order to better support the academic and adjustment needs of immigrant and refugee children, teachers should learn about students' family structures and cultural values. One important aspect of Romani life is the role of the extended family and community. The Romani community has a strong sense of group cohesion. Many generations often live together, with the elderly occupying positions of respect and authority. Family and an extended kinship network provide Romani children with a sense of security and confidence. Refugee families are sometimes separated, as most shelters do not accommodate large families. Romani children who are no longer surrounded by a supportive community often feel intense isolation. Even if families remain intact, children might not find support at home, as the stress of the immigration process takes its toll on their families.

According to Amdi Asanoski, Chair of the Roma Community and Advocacy Centre in Toronto, many Romani refugees are severely depressed. He explains: "The refugees are fleeing violence and persecution, and they're in culture shock. They don't understand the system. Back home, the older parents would help them solve problems, but here they're on their own" (Hutchinson, 2000b, p. 8). Struggling to learn a new language can further sap family energies.

Developing Children's First and Second Languages. Yet another important aspect of children's life is the home language. Levels of language acquisition vary widely among Romani families and groups. Some Romani children speak Romani as their first language; some speak the language of their home country (although it might be slightly different from the standard form); others are bilingual. A growing number of Romani children learn very little of the Romani language, due to the amount of time spent at school rather than in the community (Smith, 1997). Another reason why younger generations of Roma may not speak Romani is because languages associated with poor, minority, or dominated groups are viewed as low status by the dominant society (Nieto, 1992). The Romani language has been suppressed and even banned repeatedly throughout centuries. It is not surprising that Roma, like many other minority groups, have internalized negative attitudes about their own language and ethnicity (Ada, 1995).

Teachers can do much to help children love, respect, and develop their home languages. The families and community can help create classroom collections of proverbs and songs and classroom-made dictionaries and books (Ada, 1995). Despite difficulties, attempts have been made in many countries to introduce Romani in schools, and more and more books are being published in Romani.

Romani refugee parents in English-speaking countries realize the need for their children to learn English. Romani children take part in existing English as a second language programs; in cases where children did not develop literacy in their first language before starting to learn English, this process might not be sufficient to help children catch up. In such cases, some Canadian schools provide additional classes or bilingual tutoring (Sijercic, 2000).

Building Home-School-Community Partnerships. School, family, and community partnerships are widely recognized as key to children's successful learning and development. As Filp (1998) points out, this especially holds true for minority children, for whom a cultural mismatch between home and school may hinder learning. The following examples of different "types" of parental involvement, as defined by Epstein (1995), include parenting, communicating, volunteering, learning at home, decision-making, and collaborating with the community.

The Roma Community and Advocacy Centre in Toronto, Canada, is an example of an organization that works together with schools and other community agencies to assist Romani refugee families in their efforts to secure needed housing, health care, and social services. When newly arrived immigrants and refugees are struggling to feed, clothe, and house their families in a new and unfamiliar setting, most parents do not have the time or energy to volunteer or attend school events (Ovando & Collier, 1998). This is especially true in small towns where social services are segmented and transportation services are inadequate.

Several other factors have hindered Romani parents' involvement in their children's education. One, as mentioned earlier, is the Roma's traditional lack of trust in schools. Many minorities, including Romani parents, have had negative experiences in school, and pass on a wariness of school to their children (Ovando & Collier, 1998). Furthermore, many Romani parents, and other minority parents, feel embarrassed by their own illiteracy or limited proficiency in English (Ada, 1995). Lee (1998b) reports that a considerable number of Romani refugees arriving in Canada are totally or functionally illiterate. It is important that schools make families feel welcome through an interpreter, preferably one who speaks Romani; if that is not possible, it should be someone who speaks the language of their home country (Klein, 1998). Parents are more likely to get involved in their children's schooling when they can communicate in their own language. In some countries, successful school programs for Romani children employ teacher assistants or aides who are members of the Romani community. Because they know the language and come from the community, Romani assistants are trusted and in a position to help the families. The teacher assistants also serve as positive role models with whom the students can identify. They maintain contact with the families, heighten parents' awareness of their children's schooling, and sometimes teach the parents how to read and write, which enables them to help their children with their homework (Wetzel, 1998).

In Canada, part-time Romani liaison workers perform a similar role. They help Romani refugee families make the difficult adjustment to the new school system, help parents better understand the requirements of the schools and the importance of parental involvement, and work with Roma children to improve their school attendance and results. They also deal with larger social and settlement issues, especially if they affect their children's school performance (Sijercic, 2000). Evidence suggests that positive home-school-community partnerships can evolve from the presence of "cultural brokers" (such as Romani teacher assistants and liaison workers) who work on a personal level to build natural bridges among the homes, schools, and communities (Ovando & Collier, 1998).

Teachers of Romani children need to make sure that all communication with the children's home is comprehensible. The education terminology often used by teachers assumes previous knowledge about school practices that most refugees do not have (Ovando & Collier, 1998). Documents must be translated into the home languages. Some school districts create welcome videos showing different aspects of the school program, complete with voice-overs in different languages. Parents can take these videos home or watch them at parent meetings (Coelho, 1998). Other schools have accommodated parents who could not read by sending home audiotapes in the native languages, instead of written assessment reports of their children. Personal phone calls or home visits using the home languages also can be effective.

One type of parent involvement is "learning at home." Teachers need to provide information and ideas to families about how to help children with schoolwork and school-related activities. Romani parents, just like other people who come from disenfranchised groups with limited opportunities for schooling, tend to devalue their own knowledge (Ada, 1995). Teachers can help families feel more competent about their parenting skills and their ability to support their children's academic work. In an authentic effort to involve parents in the education of their children, both teachers and families can come to realize that parents have a lifetime of valuable learning and knowledge to share (Ada, 1995; Ovando & Collier, 1998).

Finally, teachers should make an effort to engage parents in decision-making activities (Swick, 1993). Several avenues are available for supporting parental decision making, such as encouraging parents' input in individual contacts and setting up parent advisory committees that are involved in school planning and financial decisions (Swick, 1993). Such strategies will help parents develop their leadership skills and strengthen home-school partnerships.

It is important not to interpret the low involvement of Romani parents as lack of interest in their children's education. Romani parents might be educationally and economically deprived, but they still want their children to have good and successful lives. We must give parents the information, support, reassurance, and time they need to establish a trusting relationship with teachers and schools. Parents will become strong advocates and supporters for their children when they feel empowered and knowledgeable about how the school works.

Breaking Down Stereotypes. Possibly the greatest area of concern to teachers of both Romani and non-Romani students is the enormous amount of stereotypical material concerning the Roma. Textbooks and children's books are no exceptions. Anti-Roma bias is especially evident in children's literature (Hancock, 1999b). Even some of the most popular children's books perpetuate negative stereotypes about the Roma. They portray them as kidnappers, thieves, liars, fortune-tellers, witches, casters of spells, lighthearted wanderers, and mysterious or dangerous people. Shel Silverstein's popular collection Where the Sidewalk Ends (1974) contains a poem with the following lines: "The gypsies are coming, the old people say/To buy little children and take them away." Even such classics as the Madeline books play on common Gypsy stereotypes. Many authors fail to capitalize the word Gypsy, ignoring the fact that it is the name of an ethnic group and, therefore, a proper noun. Teachers and students can write to the publishers of books that misrepresent Romani people to let them know that they find such portrayals offensive.

Liegeois (1987) notes that many teachers and librarians have been exposed to prejudiced and stereotyped images of Roma since their childhood. It is crucial for them to recognize that the real Romani populations differ from the fictional Gypsy image. Teachers should strive to eliminate such negative material from their classrooms. Until children's books accurately portraying Roma become available, however, it might be necessary to retain some of the biased material and use it to teach children about the dangers of negative stereotypes. Some Romani organizations and schools are working towards creating textbooks and other classroom learning resources about Roma. Until these become widely available, teachers and Romani families can work together to develop materials (picture books, posters, tapes, etc.) based on, or incorporating elements of, Romani culture and history. Some accurate and reliable sources on the Roma are available on the Internet and in print.

Finally, we must remember the diversity among Romani refugees and immigrants. Liegeois (1987) notes that parents' opinions on the introduction of Romani culture and language into the school are deeply divided. Some do not support such initiatives, some are indifferent; but a growing group of parents are proud of their culture and want it to be recognized and validated by the school (Liegeois, ,1987).

Successful Romani School Project

Organizations and programs aimed at reaching Romani children and families, as well as those designed to acquaint students (both Roma and non-Roma) with the Romani people and culture, are increasing in number. One such organization, the Roma Community and Advocacy Centre (RCAC) of Toronto, was established in 1997, after the unexpected arrival of the first waves of Romani refugees in Canada. RCAC operates in two areas: social settlement, and public education and awareness. RCAC's pilot school project, which was initiated as part of RCAC's Public Education & Awareness program, involved elementary classes (Grades 4 and 5) in a Toronto public school.

The program got underway with a brainstorming session to determine what the students knew about the Roma. This activity was followed by lessons on the origins, migration, and history of the Roma, terminating in a description of modern Romani culture and lifestyles. An introduction to Romani music was hosted by RCAC's Ronald Lee, who played guitar and sang traditional Romani songs in Romani, Spanish, and English. The students were given printed handout sheets with the words of the songs, including English translations. A cassette tape of these songs allowed the students to listen and even sing along to the music as they worked on the project. A special lesson dealt with the tradition of the campfire folktale among the Roma. Students also viewed a video, Latcho Drom, that depicts the musical journey of the Roma from India to Spain. Ronald Lee also prepared 50 large photocopies of colored photos portraying Romani history and culture, which were displayed in the classrooms.

All of these activities led up to the completion of six class murals by the children of each class, showing the story of the Roma from their origin in India to modern times. The six murals were mounted and displayed in the Head Office of the Toronto School Board.

Since no books currently available in Canada were suitable for this project, RCAC imported books that were recommended and provided by Thomas Acton, Professor of Romani Studies at Greenwich University in London, England. These books are used in similar courses in the British school system to acquaint non-Romani students at the elementary level with the Romani people ("RCAC launches school project," 1998).

The results of this project were very impressive: The students showed a genuine interest in the Romani people, and in their plight, history, and culture. The project was also a meaningful way to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights. RCAC is now offering its Public Awareness Program to high schools, colleges, and universities. As a result of numerous inquires, RCAC plans to make this educational package more widely available to educators not only in Ontario and other Canadian provinces, but also in the English-speaking educational systems in other countries (Lee, 2000). Such projects can be adapted to fit the particular needs of any school and be implemented in any setting, whether or not there are Romani children present. While such a project is a good way to start acquainting children with the Romani culture and history, we must remember that the ultimate goal is to incorporate and validate Romani culture, as well as other cultures, on an ongoing basis.

Conclusions

People make the difficult decision to immigrate because they are fleeing from persecution, escaping from war, or because they desire better living conditions (Igoa, 1995). The Romani asylum seekers have taken dramatic action to improve their lives. They have sacrificed a great deal in the hope that their children will have a better future. Life without fear of persecution is needed to bring cultural and educational development to the Romani people, whether they are in North America or Europe.

Today, teachers are more likely than ever to work with Romani children, who might be newly arrived immigrants or refugees, children of American or Canadian Roma, or Eastern European Romani children adopted by American families. Teachers who work with Romani children have an increased responsibility to educate themselves about this misunderstood minority group. In 1950, Childhood Education featured the work of an anthropologist who described the way Kalderas Romani children were raised in the United States. She wrote: "To keep gypsy children in school requires patience, understanding, and extra work on the part of the teacher" (Cotten, 1950, p. 228). Fifty years later, this statement is still valid. Being aware of and sympathetic to the needs of Romani children, as well as increasing awareness and knowledge of this minority among non-Roma, will make schools a more productive learning environment for all. Learning about the Romani culture, history, and experience can only widen our perspectives and enrich our world.

References

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Note: For those desiring additional information about the Roma, including Web sites, films/videos, adult books/articles, and children's books, please contact Judit Tamas ([e-mail]) or the ACEI Editorial Department ([e-mail]).

Judit Tamas is a doctoral student in early childhood education, State University of New York at Buffalo.