A CLOSER INSPECTION OF CONNERLY'S 209 ROLE.

Byline: Joe Gelman

UNIVERSITY of California Regent and millionaire businessman Ward Connerly has emerged as the nation's leading spokesperson against racial and gender preferences. He has found himself in this position by assuming the leadership of the California Civil Rights Initiative, or what later became known as Proposition 209.

Connerly is an outspoken and effective representative for the cause of equal justice in America, and for that he deserves all of the credit and respect in the world. But there are certain aspects surrounding Connerly's rise to prominence that, in the name of honesty need to be told.

Ward Connerly did not conceive of Proposition 209. He did not write Proposition 209. He did not initiate the effort to place Proposition 209 on the ballot. He did not build Proposition 209's campaign structure, and he did not get most of the high-profile endorsements for Proposition 209.

Those and many other facts might come as a surprise to a lot of people.

Connerly was the public face for Proposition 209, period. He was essentially handed a low-risk opportunity for national prominence, mostly because of his close association with Gov. Pete Wilson and, ironically, because he is black. That is the cold hard truth.

Newt Gingrich has described Connerly as ``an American hero.'' In reality, if there were any ``heroes,'' it was people like Errol Smith, an African-American businessman who endorsed CCRI from day one, went to countless speaking engagements, mostly at his own expense, and received no credit or recognition for his efforts. What he did receive was tons of abuse.

Or people like Larry Elder, an African-American radio talk show host who enthusiastically endorsed and promoted Proposition 209 from its earliest days, and has become the recipient of boycott threats and intimidation ever since.

Unlike Elder or Smith, Connerly was a very late comer to the 209 cause. For a full year he spurned every effort to recruit him to the cause. This is well documented in internal 209 memos that I only recently took the time to reread. A multitude of memos going all the way back to mid 1994.

Connerly's interest in Proposition 209 clearly coincided with Wilson's presidential ambitions. In early 1995 the leadership of 209 commissioned an extensive poll in an effort to assess the public's attitudes toward racial and gender preferences, and the electoral prospects for an anti-preferences initiative. This $50,000 poll was paid for by Savings and Loan tycoon Howard Ahmanson, and conducted by pollster Arnie Steinberg of Calabasas.

The results of this poll were of particular interest to Gov. Wilson who was in the process of crafting his presidential campaign. The poll showed that 209's language would garner overwhelming support should it make the ballot.

When Wilson's strategists learned of the poll's results and of the unpopularity of preferences, they had what can only be described as a political orgasm.

As a result, Wilson quickly moved to make the issue his own. He endorsed 209 and immediately began a series of high-profile assaults on affirmative action in the state. These assaults were carefully designed to make national news, which Wilson clearly hoped would translate into support among rank-and-file Republicans for his presidential bid. It is within that time period and context that Connerly's move against affirmative action in the University of California system needs to be viewed.

Connerly, a Wilson appointee to the UC Board of Regents, was obviously sincere and passionate in his disdain for quotas, but he was also obviously carrying the ball for Wilson and his presidential ambitions. Prop. 209 leaders, myself included, were absolutely delighted with Wilson's newfound commitment to the cause of equality, and we enthusiastically cheered the victory at UC.

But we were also deeply concerned that politically speaking, Wilson's efforts could appear opportunistic to the extreme.

Indeed, it didn't take long for Wilson's presidential campaign to implode. His anti-affirmative action efforts, as feared, registered with most people as shameless opportunism, but support for the noble principles of 209 remained very strong according to every poll.

Ward Connerly's profile had risen considerably as a result his involvement in the efforts to dismantle affirmative action at the UC system, and efforts to recruit him to the leadership of 209 intensified.

There were two major reasons for targeting Connerly for the leadership position.

First, because he was Wilson's man. All of us clearly understood that if we could get Connerly to lead the effort, it would mean by definition we also would get the full weight and authority of the Governor's Office, with the tremendous resources that entails, thus guaranteeing that the struggling initiative would qualify for the ballot. It was common knowledge that Connerly would not join 209 unless Wilson fully committed.

Second, because he is black. In a recent New York Times article, Connerly conceded that his race grants many whites a kind of absolution, allowing them to protest against affirmative action ``without having to feel like they appear racist.''

Most in the original core leadership of 209 will undoubtedly deny it now, though memos prove otherwise, but Connerly's race was openly deemed a strategic advantage that would help neutralize charges of a racist campaign, and neutralize the white guilt factor at the same time. In my view, this approach was cynical and unnecessary, but proved to be very effective.

Indeed, an affirmative action, race-conscious mentality prevailed throughout the process of assembling the entire 209 leadership team that would present the face of the campaign to the public in the crucial final months. A carefully selected mix, based on ethnicity and gender was put together.

It may have been ironic, it may even have been hypocritical, but politically speaking it worked like a charm.

When 209 ran out of money and was about to go belly-up in the middle of the signature-gathering campaign, intense public pressure was put on Gov. Wilson to step forward and save the initiative that he had so enthusiastically endorsed only eight months earlier as a presidential candidate.

Article after article appeared in the press asking, ``Where is Pete?'' The Orange County Registered even appealed to Wilson's ``tough Marine character.''

When Wilson finally agreed to step up to the plate, Connerly as predicted was right behind him, finally agreeing to take the leadership position of 209.

Until then, Connerly had repeatedly refused to come on board. Only after receiving rock-solid assurances that Governor Wilson will guarantee that the money would be there to pay the signature-gathering firm to qualify the initiative for the ballot, did Connerly graciously avail himself to the campaign. In other words, he ``courageously'' stepped into a low-risk, virtual guaranteed success, and opportunity for national celebrity.

To Connerly's credit, he did prove to be an articulate, passionate and forceful advocate for 209, and nobody can take that away from him. But the circumstances surrounding his involvement can hardly be considered ``heroic'' as Gingrich, who had endorsed 209 well before Connerly, described.

While the initiative originators had been deeply committed to a high-risk political venture with no guarantee of success, Connerly essentially waltzed in as ``the savior'' by virtue of his association with Wilson and the color of his skin.

Now Connerly has established the American Civil Rights Institute, an organization dedicated to taking 209 national, and, oh, by the way, keeping Connerly's name in the news. I must admit to having mixed feelings about that. On the one hand, this issue needs to be debated and ultimately decided on by the American people, and to that extent, maybe it's a good idea. On the other hand, is it really healthy to ``institutionalize'' 209 in the same way that the civil rights establishment has become institutionalized?

Many people are justifiably critical of Jesse Jackson turning the important issue of civil rights into a profitable racial and gender grievance industry.

Do we really need to establish the flip side of such an industry headed by Connerly, or any other person for that matter? Just another profitable whining grievance industry, only this one for victims of reverse discrimination? Do we not run the risk of engaging in exactly what we complain about? Will we not become what we despise?

Let us all speak up for individual rights over group rights, let us fight discrimination and preferences. But let us not fall into the same old trap that the left has fallen into. Conservatives don't need a Jesse Jackson, courage, principle and truth should do just fine.