72 KEY PLAYERS WIELD ACCESS AND AGENDAS.

Byline: Beth Barrett Staff Writer

Among the 72 leading contributors to Los Angeles City Hall politics, the largest group is made up of those who represent others' interests as well as their own.

It includes 14 major law firms, three public relations outfits, and nine lobbying and consulting firms - all paid handsome fees to use their access to politicians and top bureaucrats that they've cultivated over the years to influence City Hall's decisions.

In identifying the 72 major players, from a total of 389 significant and influential individuals, firms and unions based on 72,500 city 2001 campaign contribution reports, the Daily News found several other clear categories.

There are the rich whose interest is in building major downtown facilities, such as the Staples Center, a new football stadium, Disney Hall and the new cathedral. They also give significant amounts to a variety of social and educational causes.

There also are 15 developers and real estate firms, and 19 construction, entertainment, billboard and other firms that often buy in for direct access or hire the lawyers, PR people and lobbyists to help them.

And finally, there are the unions, with money and campaign workers.

The city Ethics Commission has never done a comprehensive analysis of influence money at City Hall.

Many of the 72 major players said in interviews that their contributions and their ability to bring in money from others gets them access at City Hall in various ways.

``It's a combination of ingredients,'' said government watchdog Bob Stern, president of the Center for Governmental Studies.

``The ingredients could include certainly wealth, smarts, interest in politics and interests that are before the city. In other words, you might be smart and wealthy, but you (aren't a player because) you don't have any interest in what's going on, because nothing affects you. Also, I think, to a certain degree, pride in citizenship.''

Union Power

In the 31 years since city employee unions were legalized, they have come to exert enormous influence on Los Angeles city government.

Various unions reported contributing more than $120,000 to Mayor James Hahn's anti-secession drive, or just over 6 percent of the total. They also plan extensive phone banks and other ground operations.

``We'll get involved in secession,'' said Bill Luddy, political director of the Southwest Regional Council of Carpenters. ``We see the issue as affecting our members and people living in the city. We operate well with the city of Los Angeles now; we don't see that secession solves anything.''

Lucrative pensions, good salaries and other benefits; union-only construction projects; even work weeks shortened to three or four days in the case of police officers, are among the gains city employee unions have made over the years.

Luddy said unions are concerned a San Fernando Valley city would be less friendly to workers and undercut their success.

``It's no secret. We went to local meetings and talked about issues, explaining the positions then saying, `You figure it out, you're smart enough to figure out what's in your best interest.' ''

Many of the 72 major contributors have personal financial interests in city decisions.

Playing the game

Developer Ted Stein, who serves as Airport Commission president; Police Commission President Rick Caruso; Police Commission member Bert Boeckmann; lawyer Lisa Specht, a lobbyist and both a recreation and parks and Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum commissioner; and Community Redevelopment Agency commissioner Doug Ring, a developer and husband of Councilwoman Cindy Miscikowski, stand out for the complexity of their involvement in City Hall affairs.

Ring contributed $50,000 to the anti-secession campaign. He contributed $11,500 to City Hall candidates in 2001.

He and Miscikowski routinely give fund-raisers at their home below the Getty Center to raise large sums for candidates at all levels of government, including City Council members, - a legal practice, known as bundling. The practice makes it difficult to determine the extent of large fund-raisers' influence on the system.

Specht's husband, Ron Rogers, through his firm Rogers & Associates, gave $5,000 to the city unity campaign. Rogers' firm, including employees, gave $10,350 to candidates in 2001; while Specht, a Manatt Phelps & Phillips attorney and lobbyist, contributed $5,500 - making her one of the largest contributors in a firm that gave a total $75,247 to a number of local races.

Specht said, ``credibility, not just money'' counts in wielding clout at City Hall and acknowledges that ``Joe Smith'' who can't afford to spend money or time on politicians may be at the mercy of the politicians' integrity at times.

``That's a bad thing,'' she added. ``Frankly, that's why a lot of people retain people like us. We have the credibility, the relationships so that people know they will get a meeting and be heard.''

Caruso, a developer whose company just completed The Grove shopping center in West Los Angeles, said opportunities follow civic involvement.

``Everybody has a fund-raiser and everybody has a charity,'' Caruso said. ``We try to do as much as we can.''

His motivation, he said, is public service but inevitably more opportunities and deals ``come by your desk when you're on people's radar screen.''

Boeckmann, the biggest auto dealer in the Valley, has served on the Police Commission for the last three mayors and is widely seen as the Valley's most influential nonelected person. His business and property deals often involve him personally in City Hall affairs.

Wealth and influence

Boeckmann and David Fleming, the Latham & Watkins lawyer and Valley cityhood leader, have provided the financial muscle for the cityhood drive. Fleming said he's spent more than $100,000 on the effort, with Boeckmann also providing substantial backing, even as his company, Galpin Motors, including its employees, contributed $60,000 to candidates in the 2001 city race - ranking ninth among the group of 72 players.

Boeckmann, who hasn't decided how much more he'll spend to support the cityhood drive, said he slowly found himself part of the power structure because he was one of the few Valley people who contributed significantly to city, and other, political campaigns and causes.

``Everybody was over the hill,'' he said. ``It was almost like those who came to the Valley looked at life differently. I was surprised and was active in getting others to give.''

Billionaires like Eli Broad and Ron Burkle support candidates in order to get their agendas adopted for what they see as the betterment of the city - not because they need money or personal favors.

They were part of a group brought into City Hall politics by then-Mayor Richard Riordan, who wanted to create a new establishment of the wealthy to support his vision for Los Angeles.

Broad and Burkle have since become more personally involved. Broad's willingness to use his personal fortune to address civic issues - be it reviving Disney Hall, child welfare reform, or backing for a biomedical park or football stadium - guarantees politicians and other influence seekers will always answer his calls.

``You bring in more billionaires, and you get more Staples, more Disney Halls, more cathedrals, more Academy Award theaters, more museums,'' Riordan said.

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SOURCE: Daily News research

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