'Change has come to Zimbabwe': Zimbabwe's new deputy prime minister, Arthur G.O. Mutambara delivered his maiden speech to Parliament. And what a speech it was! The tough-talking 43-year-old leader of the erstwhile opposition had something for everybody. "I would be remiss in the discharge of my duties if I did not deliver a no-holds-barred maiden speech," he warned. For the record, here are excerpts.

WE ARE AT A STAGE IN our country where we are building bridges. We are at that juncture where we have found each other. We have come together; we must stay together, work together and deliver on the promise of our revolution. This is national interest time.

We have embarked on an irreversible process of inclusiveness, with the clear understanding that the GPA [Global Political Agreement, signed on IS September 2008, which set up the Inclusive Government] is the only workable arrangement in our country. There is unprecedented unanimity among our citizens on this position.

As I present my views, let me emphasise that my intention is to build, and not to destroy; unify, and not disunite. However, I will seek to challenge us as Zimbabweans by speaking frankly on the matters we are facing. Is it not that they say a problem realised is half solved?

The question is then how do you achieve this? This is done by carrying out radical political and economic reforms underpinned by five key activities: healing the nation, adopting a new constitution, resolving the humanitarian crisis, recovering and stabilising the economy, and transforming our economy.

Our people and country went through trauma and brutality in the 27 June elections. The national healing process must achieve a "never again" framework. Never again should Zimbabweans slaughter each other over political differences. Never again should Zimbabweans question each other's patriotism because of political affiliation. Most of the challenges that confront us as a nation are due to a dysfunctional, ineffective and undemocratic constitution. In adopting a new constitution, it is important that the process of developing it is as important as the final contents.

There are three themes that we must grasp. The first one is that "Change has come to Zimbabwe and we cannot behave as if it is business as usual." All of us, Zimbabweans and those external players interested in the matters of our nation, need a paradigm shift in the way we think, and operate.

The days of a unitary government driven by one party are gone. We now have an inclusive government with three political parties in cabinet. In the new dispensation, executive authority now clearly resides in three locations: the presidency, premiership, and cabinet. There are only three things that the president can constitutionally do without consulting the other two centres of power, that is: declare war, declare martial law, and appoint his two deputies. On any other decisions, there have to be discussions with the premiership and cabinet. Any behaviour outside this framework is illegal, and will be challenged, institutionally, politically, and in the courts.

Even your work here in Parliament has to change. You need a paradigm shift as well. There are no longer any opposition benches, or ruling party ones. You can no longer operate on a partisan basis, as we are all now in one government together.

So how are you going to do your work? When a cabinet minister brings a position or policy to Parliament, it will be after the inclusive cabinet has agreed by consensus. When [Finance] Minister Biti or [Foreign] Minister Mumbengegwi comes to Parliament with issues, they will be having the backing of the leadership of the three political parties. How are you going to respond?

The new dispensation also means we cannot continue with the destructive behaviour of politicising national institutions and activities. For example you cannot have the organ of one political patty determine and declare national heroes. When you do so two things happen, you undervalue and cheapen the heroism of the recipient of the status; and more importantly you leave out other deserving heroes.

The deaths of two distinguished Zimbabweans two weeks ago serve to illustrate this matter. No one in this august House doubts or questions the heroism of General Vitalis Musungwa Gava Zvinavashe. He was a soldier of soldiers, a commander of commanders. However, when you have him declared a hero by the ZANU-PF politburo. you devalue his heroism. You make him half a hero.

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On the other hand, let us consider the death of Susan Nyaradzo Tsvangirai. If one considers her role in our nation, and the number of people who mourned her in the country, region, continent and the world, she deserves to be accorded heroic status. Yet, she was not even considered for such recognition. This is a travesty of justice in our country.

By any measure and judgment of heroism, Mrs Tsvangirai is a heroine of heroes, the mother of our struggle, and the mother of our nation. Going forward, we want the cabinet to develop a policy on the determination and declaration of national heroes, and set up a cabinet committee that will consider potential recipients of such honours.

The second theme we have to embrace is that in whatever we do, "Zimbabweans must take charge of their lives. We must be masters of our own destiny." This should be the clarion call. The primary financing of STERP [Short Term Emergency Recovery Plan], must come from us through improving exports, increasing capacity utilisation, economic growth, revenue generation, increased trade and then collection of taxes and tariffs.

Domestic investment, including Diaspora efforts, should lead and drive foreign direct investment. Yes we need humanitarian assistance, budget support and balance of payment support; but these external inputs should only come in to buttress our own efforts.

SANCTIONS

This bring me to the thorny issue of sanctions. It is my considered view there are two types of sanctions. There are sanctions we impose on ourselves and those imposed on us by others. For the past 10 years, Zimbabweans have been imposing sanctions on themselves through corruption, poor governance, incompetence, mismanagement, fraudulent elections, political violence, and the breakdown of the rule of law.

Before we even begin to ask others to remove whatever measures they have imposed on us, we must remove these sanctions we have imposed on ourselves Charity begins at home. If these destructive activities and transgressions we have been inflicting on ourselves, were all in the past, I could say we are making progress. NO, no, no, it is getting worse!!

To add insult to injury, there are unresolved outstanding issues in the implementation of the GPA. The matters involving provincial governors, permanent secretaries, ambassadors, and the appointments of the Reserve Bank governor and the attorney general have not been resolved nearly two months after the SADC communique' of 27 January 2009, which consummated the GPA. This is disgraceful.

All these nefarious activities mean that the current inclusive government is actually imposing new sanctions on the people of Zimbabwe. Let me make this very clear and unequivocal. I am the deputy prime minister of the state of Zimbabwe. My government is guilty as charged.

We are behaving as an irresponsible and rogue regime. We must address these matters urgently. We have an obligation to build the credibility of, and confidence in, this inclusive government. If we do not, we will then not have any moral authority to ask any nation to remove any measures imposed on us.

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Having taken a clear position on what we need to do as Zimbabweans, I now turn to the second type of sanctions. We are saying to the international community, we understand why you imposed sanctions on us, and why you have not removed them. we understand your scepticism.

However, we are also saying we are clear on the challenges we are facing and the transgressions that we are committing. We are determined to solve these matters. As they say, a problem realised is half solved We believe these challenges are not insurmountable, they are teething problems. We are determined to overcome them. We are working day and night.

As we do this, please help us help ourselves. Here is our message to the Americans, the British, and the Europeans: You must remove all sanctions, any type of measures, call it what you may, that you have imposed on our country. You cannot adopt a wait and see attitude. You cannot give us conditions, such as signs of progress, inclusiveness, and entrenchment of democracy and the rule of law.

While these are also our targets, to achieve them we need financial resources and assistance. It is not possible for us to achieve these milestones while sanctions are in place. It becomes a chicken and egg situation. I wish it was possible, to get half a chicken and half an egg.

What all this means is that when the west gives conditions before reengagement, they are setting us up for failure. It was simply lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy. Let me emphasis that the continuation of sanctions on Zimbabwe is both illogical and irrational.

By imposing or maintaining sanctions on the inclusive government, it means you are applying those measures on Comrade Tsvangirai, the prime minister of Zimbabwe, who among other things is in charge of supervising policy implementation.

Even the so-called target measures do not make sense. For example, Chinamasa and Mumbengegwi are now a critical part of the prime minister's team, how do you apply restrictions on them without undermining the prime minister?

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We must take note that, if the government fails because of lack of support, it is the people of Zimbabwe who are the biggest losers. More importantly, it will not be [President] Mugabe who would have failed. He has failed dismally many times, and he cannot fail any more than he has already done.

It is Tsvangirai and his team, including all of us who came in from the opposition, who will be disgraced. Furthermore, a collapse of this government will drive this country into dire crisis that will make Somalia look like child's play. Is this what you want, America, Britain and Europe? Whose interests are you serving?

It is in this context that we denounce in the strongest of terms the extension by one year of sanctions on Zimbabwe by President Barack Obama. It is my view that this unfortunate decision was based on ignorance and arrogance.

How can you say: "The actions and policies of the government of Zimbabwe pose a continuing unusual and extraordinary threat to the foreign policy of the US?" Is that even the correct way of phrasing your concerns?

We all thought [what were] of paramount importance were the people of Zimbabwe and their aspirations, and not US foreign policy. Yes, we have challenges in implementing the GPA, but grant us the common sense and intelligence that we know what we want as a nation.

There is unprecedented unanimity among our citizens that this government must succeed. Why is a US president with African roots making irresponsible decisions without consulting Zimbabweans, Africans and African institutions? We take particular exception to this unmitigated ignorance and arrogance.

There was one long-term solution, the effective medicine, to both types of sanctions that I have discussed, in this House. This takes the form of rebranding our country. We need to work on the image of our nation and be known for different things. We must also make sure that our personal and corporate brands are aligned with the aspired-to national image. This country branding initiative is a 20-year journey that should start today. Once we embark on this national imaging task, we will effectively shake away both types of sanctions.

Thinking outside the box

The third and last theme I will discuss is the case for "institutional creativity and innovation rooted in imaginative thought leadership." There is a need to think outside the box. There is a need to exercise our minds as if there is actually no box.

We need to rethink our understanding of leadership, institutions, governance and their respective roles. We need to embrace transformational and servant leadership styles.

Leadership is about making others leaders. It is about creating leaders, and not followers. Leaders should seek to serve, and not to be served. The ultimate test of leadership is whether you can effectively make yourself irrelevant, by empowering others. If you are a CEO of a company for 20 years and you have not produced a number of CEOs, you are not a leader. If you are a director on the board of 8-10 companies, and you have not produced or enabled others to become directors, you are not an effective director, and neither are you a leader.

If you are a speaker of this House for 20 years and you have not produced a single speaker, you are not a speaker! Honourable Chamisa, if you are a president of a country for 29 years and you have not produced a single president, you are not a leader. You are not even an effective manager.

We need also to appreciate and leverage the difference between performance-based and learning organisations. This is the new institutional thinking that should guide our work. We must rethink the role of the state and the market.

Let us allow private sector investment into roads, water and power. This can be achieved through public-private partnership (PPP) or built-operate-transfer (BOT) models. For example, if we make pricing and tariffs competitive in the energy sector, draw up power purchase arrangements, a private investor can invest in power generation, sell 40% to the national grid, and export the 60% balance. Let us be creative and imaginative.

Thereafter, the mantra is execution, execution, execution. In all we do, we need to reject the "it cannot be done syndrome". We must become possibility thinkers, we must exercise possibility thinking. On this one, we are together with Obama, "Yes we can! should be the slogan."

I challenge this august House to go beyond self-interest, transcend partisan ambitions, and deliver a peaceful, democratic and prosperous Zimbabwe. Honourable members must become players, who are also winners in the agenda of accomplishing a globally competitive nation. This will be our cross-party generational result, our collective legacy.