"Il bel sesso, e l'austero senato": the coronation of Dogaressa Morosina Morosini Grimani.

The Venetian printmaker Giacomo Franco produced several engravings for the 1597 coronation of Morosina Morosini, the wife of doge Marin Grimani (1595-1605). Focusing on three of these prints in which a bird's-eye view of the city is framed with illustrations of the festivities, this essay explores relations between space, gender, allegory and costume as they were manifested in this rare female procession. An examination of the pictorial conventions used by Franco and other artists to depict the event suggests that Morosina's coronation functioned both to resist existing codes of gender but also to reassert female patrician status.

Could any State on Earth Immortall be, Venice by Her rare Government is She; Venice Great Neptunes Minion, still a Mayd, Though by the warrlikst Potentats assayd; Yet She retaines Her Virgin-waters pure, Nor any Forren mixtures can endure; Though, Syren-like on Shore and Sea, Her Face Enchants all those whom once She doth embrace; Nor is ther any can Her bewty prize But he who hath beheld Her with his Eyes: These following Leaves display, if well observd How She so long Her Maydenhead preservd, How for sound prudence She still bore the Bell; Whence may be drawn this high-fetchd parallel, Venus and venice are Great Queens in their degree, Venus is Queen of Love, Venice of Policie(1)

"I do not mean to suggest that Europeans learned their politics from Venice, as a student learns, for example, his chemistry. Her pedagogy, to borrow a piquant phrase from Sarpi, was 'obstetrical.'" (2)

In 1597, Morosina Morosini, the wife of Doge Marin Grimani (1595-1605), embarked in the Venetian state ship from the Grimani palace for her coronation [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 1, 6 OMITTED].(3) The bucintoro, filled with women for this rare pageant, was accompanied by a plethora of allegorical machine in a procession along the Grand Canal toward Piazza S. Marco where a canvas and stucco triumphal arch was erected at the end of a temporary wooden bridge [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 2, 7 OMITTED]. From this point her cortege progressed on land, the dogaressa preceded by what seemed to one commentator to be more than two hundred young women dressed in white with feather fans and elaborate pearl necklaces. The women, supported by youths dressed as foreigners, undulated on high zoccoli - wooden platform shoes - that transformed the women, as contemporaries complained, into gigantesse.(4) In contrast to the costumes of the donzelle, Morosina was followed by married women in dresses, as Giovanni Stringa put it, "not of white, but of another color like green, rosa secca, and pavonazzo, according to what suited their age."(5) The procession entered S. Marco for the Te Deum before progressing to the Palazzo Ducale for the insediamento where the dogaressa proceeded to sit for a moment on the ducal throne.

The most elaborate of the wood and canvas floating illusions was Vincenzo Scamozzi's design for a teatro del mondo, a hybrid in which the pedimented porticoes of Andrea Palladio's Villa Rotonda were adapted for an oval platform that was drawn by a fleet of monstrous fish. A kind of signature for the festivities, this aquatic "odeon" appears in numerous representations [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 2, 5, 6, 8, 11, 17 OMITTED].(6) The attenuated columns of the floating theater frame the right edge of Andrea Vicentino's immense painting of Morosina's disembarkation [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED], anchoring the crowd of vessels that serve as a chaotic counterpoint to the perspectival organization of the city's architecture. To the left, the parade of columns on the arcade of the recently completed library, accentuated by the oblique view point, serves as a parallel for the orderly cortege, marking the spatial and temporal progress of the figures past the balconies filled with spectators. The picture's proscenium space is delineated with an architectural grid of famous Venetian monuments. One of the two colossal columns of justice - whose prominence is marked by the absence of its partner - picks Morosina out from the crowd, its cylindrical form accentuating the hinge-like effect of her body, the point from which the gestures of the performers in the cortege take their cue. Drawing attention to her body further, Vicentino positions Morosina between the allegorical figure of Justice that crowns the prow of the bucintoro and the personification of Venice on the arch. The latter establishes the apex of a pyramid that joins the figures to a tableau vivant to the right in which a woman dressed up as Venice sits under a ducal baldacchino, her gestures replicating those of the allegorical sculptures.(7) The gold costumes of the personifications mirror the famous luminous dress worn by Morosina, an effect that pulls the four figures toward the surface of the picture, isolating them from the specific historical narrative.

The procession by sea from the dogaressa's family residence to the Ducal Palace, dramatizes the transformation of an individual woman into a symbol of the state, a metamorphosis for which the triumphal arch functions as a threshold. Clearly, this was intended to recall the famous arch designed by Andrea Palladio for the entry of Henry III in 1574, a reference the visual representations are intent on securing [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 4 OMITTED]. The much publicized royal entry was recreated by the same painter for the Sala delle Quattro Porte in the Palazzo Ducale in 1593, only two years before Marin Grimani was elected doge. In view of this recent and permanent reminder of the earlier event, the translation of the ephemeral stage trappings from the peripheral site on the Lido to the official center of Venice for Morosina's coronation would have carried the luster of the magnificence of the French king's entrance. Artists capitalized on this allusion, with compositional parallels enabling the association to be pressed further for family aggrandizement.(8)

It was precisely this kind of monarchical posturing that the protocols for the coronation had been designed - in characteristic Venetian fashion - to guard against. The restrictions imposed on the doge's family in the promissione ducale were ceremoniously presented to the dogaressa at the family house by officials at the commencement of the procession. Later, at the high altar of S. Marco, she swore to obey these limitations, a list of rules that underlined her status as a figurehead.(9) In contrast with the routinely circumscribed role of the doge, however, the rarity of this unusual event magnified its significance.(10) As she was only the second dogaressa of the century to have a public coronation, the couple exploited both the novelty of the ceremony and the expectations of Venetians, with Morosina presenting herself as the ideal principessa.(11)

Vicentino's Disembarkation was only one of several canvases that aspire in scale and format to the pretensions of history painting. The elaborate festivities were also extensively disseminated in popular prints, propagating the Morosini Grimani alliance to a wide audience, a publicity project that contributed to the subsequent historical prominence of Morosina's coronation as the highlight of her husband's tenure [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 6-14, 17 OMITTED].(12)

The engraver Giacomo Franco capitalized on the celebrations with particular enthusiasm, producing numerous views and maps of Venice [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 6-14 OMITTED]. The bird's-eye view of the city was evidently successful as Franco produced three variations on the coronation theme by refashioning the frame.(13) In the third state [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 13, 14 OMITTED], the map is juxtaposed with two processions, presented as though the scenes are arrested moments drawn from the same festival. Instead, the upper register reproduces the details of a generic ducal parade familiar to Venetians from repeated calendrical performances. Under this typical sequence, however, is a depiction of a singular event from the 1597 coronation: the predominantly female procession for Morosina Morosini Grimani, her name prominently displayed, as if a banner, above the parade. The focus of this article is this extraordinary parallel of the familiar male ritual with this rare female intervention, juxtaposed with the bird's-eye view. Why in this engraving is the map - the physical body of the republic - paired with these two details of processions? What I want to bring into focus here is how these two kinds of representations work: how the performative (the processions) and the geographical (the bird's-eye view) are coterminous ways of mapping, but also of embodying the republic; how the projection of bodies of individuals and the physical terrain of the city onto two dimensions in prints works to reproduce and constitute an image of Venice.(14)

Festivities in Renaissance Venice were the principal events at which patrician women appeared in public. Although physically confined to balconies as spectators, women contributed to the pomp through the display of elaborate costumes and jewels otherwise limited by sumptuary laws [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 1, 2, 8 OMITTED]. Religious and civic processions, the entry of visiting dignitaries and preparations for battles, were moments during which the regulated display of women contributed to the city's visual display of magnificence.(15) The requisite attire is singled out by Cesare Vecellio in his costume book in which he identifies the festively dressed female as a specific category of Venetian noble costume [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 24 OMITTED]. Paraded during visits of illustrious foreigners, elegantly costumed women were pictured literally as reflections of the architecture, as "mirrors of so many precious stones" as Pietro Marcelli describes them.(16) In view of this parallel, it is not surprising that interior decoration and private architecture were subject to the scrutiny of sumptuary legislators. Clothing and family palaces were considered a reflection of republican equality, and families were reprimanded for overshadowing their neighbors. Men were penalized for excessive expenditure on weddings and banquets and for extravagant attire worn by their wives,(17) calling attention to the complex relation between women as a measure of festive elegance and patrician status and attempts by those patricians to curtail ostentation.(18) Although styles worn by young men were targeted early in the sixteenth century,(19) it was the vicissitudes of women's attire that preoccupied the provveditori sopra le pompe throughout the century, a focus that deflected criticism, transferring the blame to patrician women who assumed the "state function" of display.(20) Thus, the oligarchs who instituted the luxury laws benefited vicariously from the prestige of their wives transgressing them.

Where the state orchestrated the display of patrician women, restricting their public appearance according to a calendar of ceremonial occasions, prostitutes were visible to foreigners on a daily basis.(21) Accounts by travelers point to the contradiction between the sober self-presentation of republican austerity - the conservative black togas worn by the men(22) - and the prominence of courtesans whose bodies were richly costumed like those of noblewomen.(23) In Morosina's coronation, however, it was the latter who embellished the piazza where they received bouquets from twelve men who were somberly "dressed in black silk."(24) The decorated bodies of the bel sesso were employed as scenic backdrops for the austero Senato, the grave male representatives of the state, the physical beauty and jewels of the women enunciating by metonymy the city's landscape and financial wealth.

While prostitutes were often singled out in sumptuary legislation, the dogaressa was routinely excluded from restrictions.(25) Prostitutes functioned as illicit embodiments of Venetian lusso, but it was the body of the dogaressa that was legitimized as the centric point of ceremonial display.(26) These two types functioned as two sides of female Venetian identity: on the one hand, the chaste consort of the doge who was the symbolic center of Venice, and on the other, the courtesan, who was a cipher through which the republic was viewed.(27)

The attention in Venice to the public costume of women, and the potential for confusing patrician women and courtesans, provided fodder for Giacomo Franco's Habiti delle donne veneziane, a book of engravings in which a dogaressa, courtesan, and noble woman appear almost identical [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 19-21 OMITTED].(28) Evidently the same source for the figures - a painting of a woman, thought to have been executed by Domenico Tintoretto - contributes to this interchangeability [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 22 OMITTED]. A real woman, perhaps a rich prostitute on account of her sumptuous costume and abundant jewelry,(29) serves as a sitter for a portrait that serves as a model for the wife of a doge, herself a model woman, a symbol of "domestic virtue."(30) The representation suggests an intriguing resemblance, even provenance, given the oppositional positioning of these two types in Renaissance theoretical discourse.(31)

The painting of the woman is singular, for private viewing: life-size, life-like in its color. Her jewels, hair, and dress are represented as materially present, containing - even constraining - her body which seems to resist, to exert itself. The sitter asserts her presence, her corporeality. The small engraving instead figures a female type, as if there were no original body The woman from the painting has been displaced, reduced, reproduced. If I press the gap between physical bodies and how they are projected in prints, it is to underline the intense interest in representing how identity is registered on the body. One of the claims of this paper is that the somatic presence of Morosina's body brings this interest to the fore, setting into relief the tensions of negotiating status in late sixteenth-century Venice.

Morosina's coronation was delayed for two years after her husband's election on account of resistance to the event by some senators, linked in part to the couple's popular support.(32) The extended delay impelled Morosina to press for her own coronation.(33) Identified in Franco's celebratory engravings as "prencipessa" and by name as Morosina Morosini Grimani, she clearly benefited from the festivities, her prominence advancing the aspirations of her natal and conjugal families. The cortege entered the city through an arch emblazoned with inscriptions and sculptures that celebrated Morosina on one side, while on the other, facing the piazza, the heraldry linked the city's prosperity to the wise stewardship of her husband. Decorated with painted landscapes of Venice's empire and insignia that proclaimed the nobility of the two families, the arch presented an iconographic program of almost dynastic proportions.(34) Indeed, Morosina's extraordinary regal presence in the numerous history paintings and engravings seems more closely aligned to court ritual than republican ideology, a suggestion to which her attendant dwarfs contribute [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 3, 4 OMITTED].(35)

Sumptuary laws were not relaxed, as they had been for the entry of Henry III. Restraint served a double function, professing, on the one side, an appearance of republican sobriety. At the same time, the exemption of the dogaressa and her family from luxury laws enabled them to shine more brightly among the cortege and the crowd of spectators.(36) In spite of attempts to curtail extravagance, the program managed to exceed all precedents. The impression created by the spectacle was one of ostentation and luxury "never seen before," a claim writers rarely fail to make.(37) The detailed reports of the costumes of the women virtually replicate the obsessions of the sumptuary legislators.(38)

The three days of festivities included regatte and war games. Mock naval contests were staged between the Dutch and the English, and the popular "wars of the fists" were transformed into formal performances with the Nicolotti and Castellani factions fighting on the Ponte dei Carmini "with grand decorations, dressed in various uniforms and liveries . . . to the sound of trumpets and drums."(39) The dogaressa's approach to the city from the sea, the triumphal arch that dramatized her arrival, and the staging of martial battles presented the entry as if Morosina were a visiting foreign - even royal - dignitary. Contributing further to the courtly atmosphere were a variety of panegyrics, one of which describes the couple as if divinities.(40) This was the first insediamento for which such encomia were commissioned, a development far from the moderation sought by the senators who would abolish the procession at the next occasion in 1645.(41) Even decades later, the memory of the elaborate coronation for an individual woman and her family evidently persisted, as the proposed celebration was deemed an inappropriate reflection of government austerity. It is within this context of competing interests that Franco's maps operate, a context in which the tension between individual display and collective restraint is complicated by gender and sexuality.

The first state of the map [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 9, 10 OMITTED], in which the doge and dogaressa are framed in a cartouche, offers a clue to understanding how the map and the processions work. The couple's reciprocal gaze foregrounds the conjugal as if their appearance on the map signifies a replication of the family structure at the political level.(42) In view of the sixteenth-century preoccupation with lineage that required noble descent through the male and female line, Franco's pairing of the ducal couple with the well-ordered city pointedly sustains the claims of the oligarchs in Venice. The figures can be interpreted as types, symbols of the republic to be linked with the city's physical terrain seen in the map. But the historical specificity of the prints production, to which the date contributes, highlighted by Franco's unusually flourishing signature, undermines this generic meaning as the couple signify particular individuals whose presence generated the market for the map. Further, as intimated by this extremely rare pairing in which both are crowned with the Venetian corno and inserted into a cartouche, the couple seem to stand in for their family arms, as if a pictorial dedication.(43) This allusion to the conventions of dynastic mapping whereby the landscape pictured above can be interpreted as their dominion, parallels the assertions made by the embellishments on the triumphal arch.

On the third day of festivities, the prince and princess were seen together in S. Marco. The crowd was literally struck dumb. As Dario Tutio describes the exceptional scene, "One didn't hear a sound from anyone."(44) The striking, if dangerous effect of this single public appearance, as if they were ruling sovereigns, explains why the protocols were carefully scripted to forbid the joint appearance of the doge with the dogaressa, the novelty to which the cartouche in the map points.

On one side, then, the combination of the print's historicity and the cartographic conventions that linked mapping with entitlement limits an interpretation of the figures as mere symbols of the state. On the other hand, the absence of familial identification in the first state, the print medium, and the graphic mode of representation work together to resist an identification of the figures as a portrait of the Morosini-Grimani couple. To adapt Walter Benjamin's concept, the reproduction lacks the presence of the specific individuals "in time and space, [their] unique existence and the place where [they] happen to be."(45) The small scale of the prints and their circulation as reproductions transform the figures into types. Further, the ceremonial function of the image is underlined by the characters who accompany the doge and dogaressa. As if to circumvent an interpretation of the two ducal figures as sovereigns, the couple are separated by a festively dressed noblewoman who addresses the viewer directly, including the spectator in the ritual. The figure on the left is costumed as a scudiero, a ducal attendant, while the costume of the remaining figure resembles Franco's representation of the Canciliergrande (the representative of the citizen class) from the third state of the map. His dress also conforms to Vecellio's habito ordinario, a costume worn not only by nobles but also citizens who benefited, as the author explains, from the reputation associated with patrican attire.(46) The inclusion of these figures from outside the ranks of the ruling nobility calls attention to the collective participation of the ceremonial event thereby mitigating the royal implications of the couple's appearance and underlining the dogaressa's (merely) symbolic role.

Because of the apparent ambiguity in the print - because the print refers both to specific agents and to their symbolic roles - Franco's adaptation of the crowned couple (perhaps suggested by Jean Jacques Boissard's representation of the doge and dogaressa published in his Habitus variarum orbis gentium, 1581) for his map of Venice was likely intended to associate the coronation with the Sensa, the annual festival during which the doge marries the sea.(47) Only a few days after the coronation, on 15 May, thousands would have participated in this watery wedding, a ceremony that draws on the gendered hierarchy of conjugal social relations to proclaim Venetian sovereignty. Accompanied by a fleet of vessels, the bucintoro would progress to the Adriatic. At the entrance to the protected waters of Venice, the sea is ceremoniously inseminated with holy water while the doge throws a ring into the sea proclaiming, "In signum veri perpetuique dominii." The ritual symbolically legitimized colonial pursuits while proclaiming the city's own liberty from foreign domination.(48) Marriage in general, and that of the doge to the dogaressa in particular, could be equated with the marriage of Venice to the sea, an analogy suggested by the first state of the map [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 9 OMITTED]. Franco's emphasis in the bird's-eye view on the bucintoro with its entourage of gondolas futhers this allusion as the state ship would have been associated with the Sensa in the minds of contemporaries.(49)

The function of this representational association can be examined further by turning to the allegory Venice with the Lion and Unicorn in the decorations of the Sala Grimani in the Palazzo Ducale.(50) Set apart from the other allegories in the decorative frieze by the Grimani arms, Venice is the focus of the personifications painted by Vicentino in the ducal residence during Marin Grimani's tenure. The allegory is floating in the sea astride a unicorn, a sign of the woman's chastity, and by metonymy, Venetian autonomy. Crowned and wearing the ducal ermine, her gestures follow the iconography of Venetia/Justice and recall Vicentino's emphasis on the gestures of the allegorical figures that populate the Disembarkation, as discussed earlier [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED]. Significantly, in the Sala Grimani the sword and scales carried by Justice have been replaced by a scepter and a ring, attributes that foreground the imbricated meanings of the Sensa. Perhaps Vicentino capitalized on the representational parallel between the dogaressa and the female personification as a means to enhance his patrons' status. But surely, the gesture underlines the political function of marriage in the republic.

Venetia, the female allegory of Venice, is comprised of four discrete personae: the Virgin Mary, Dea Roma, Venus, and Justice. The Annunciation and the association with Rome allude to the city's ancient and immaculate origins; Venus and the Virgin to its sexuality and its piety; and Justice displays the sword and scales, attributes of retributive justice.(51) These different concepts are given coherence, according to David Rosand, by "the abstract concept of the Republic."(52) But if the point of a personification is to embody an idea, and the constituent parts of that idea are ideas of women embodied by women, the image would seem to be inherently unstable.

Personifications of Venice and its subject cities are ubiquitous in the Palazzo Ducale, a space in which the female body is able to be filled or decorated with meaning, as Barbara Johnson explains allegory, "for the grounding of male authority."(53) In theory, the male viewer does not experience the female personification as a projection of his own corporeality; instead her gender disallows identification, designating "primarily a distance to its own origin."(54) The representational distance of the image - through gender, idealization, and costume - enables the personification to embody an abstract concept thereby directing the viewer's imagination toward an idea that cannot easily be represented.

The point of personifying an idea is to give it agency, to enable the idea to change. While the meanings of allegories can be fixed through time as symbols, as for example the virtues of Justice and Charity, the performative agency of the human body enables the meaning of the figured allegory to shift according to "the historicity of the sign and what it signifies."(55) In the late sixteenth-century redecorations of the Palazzo Ducale, for example, Venice appears richly dressed and draped with pearls, an expression (on one level) of the increasingly aristocratic pretensions of the oligarchs. Where the symbolic role of the doge remained relatively fixed, Venetia embodied the values of the republic as they changed historically. Personifications of Venice offered the means with which to express the contradiction between republican autonomy and Venetian colonial pursuits. Similarly, the opposition between the state's claims to conservative restraint and its imperial possessions and wealth could be given visual form through sumptuous female display. Living women could also perform this function, to which the display of two hundred women in the Great Council Hall for the visit of Henry III attests; an immense tableau vivant, the women became embodiments of the painted decorations that surrounded them.(56) If the function of allegory is facilitated by distance, here the anthropomorphic aspect of the visual image would have contributed to the potential of the personifications to stand in for or to be confused with women.(57) The problem of the figuration of Venice, then, is the gap between something that is amorphous and continually changing and something that is emphatically clear.(58)

There are, of course, sexual implications of gender. Venice, as a female body, signifies both positively and negatively as passive and active, controlled and disorderly, virginal and defiled. As my first epigraph - James Howell's well-known poem - illustrates, the body of Venetia could be conflated with the body of the republic. Venice was "virginale," as Girolamo Priuli explained at the end of the fifteenth century: "never conquered by any ruler."(59) "Preserved" from foreign domination, the republic was protected by the narrow canals of its anatomical landscape, a focus of the city's cosmogony. The Virgin birth provided an analog for the mythical appearance of Venice from the sea, a parallel that linked the physical terrain of the city with female sexuality. It was the Virgins sexuality as much as her piety that infused the image of Venetia.(60) Anthropomorphized, she could be imagined in the same terms as the Virgin, "bejeweled and with a chaste mind." Uncontaminated, "she had no illicit desires to temper."(61) The Venetian empire may have crumbled, but the city's miraculous birth and its long-standing survival as a republic remained intact, a conflation of sexuality and geography that appears with unrelenting persistence.

But this concept of Venice as Virgin was not a stable one. Subject to interpretation, the meaning of the allegorical trope "says one thing and means another,"(62) its "literal surface suggest[s] a peculiar doubleness of intention."(63) The equation of liberty with licentiousness, for example, could oscillate between positive and negative interpretations according to the moral view of the writer. After the plague in 1575, Maffeo Venier associates the city's losses with the abuse of the "Virginal icon." Her concupiscence had transformed her "into a bejeweled whore . . . her immaculate body, torn open by . . . disease and putrefaction that consume her body from within."(64) Venier maps his diatribe onto the body of Venetia, linking female display of jewels with lasciviousness.(65)

Fear of domination by women's sexuality also motivated restrictions on women's speech. The religious association of a woman's voice with her sexuality underscored the need to contain both.(66) Limiting a woman's voice thus reconciled the paradoxical conceptualization of women as weak and passive with the potential for disorder posed by their genital functions as a source of impurity and corruption. Thus, attempts by courtesans to elevate their social position through their writing and clothing proved a threat to the city's social organization? As Margaret Rosenthal has shown, attempts to circumvent the publication of Veronica Franco's writings were characterized by attacks on the "disorderly force" of women. To Venier, Franco's primary opponent, her work represented "a social hierarchy out of control, much like the plague . . . or the mass of foreign immigrants."(68) As Venier transposed the ills of the city onto the body of Venetia, he equated social disruptiveness with the public voice of courtesans.(69)

The opposition Virgin/Venus is blurred by the representational weight of the female body and by the presence of women, potentially destabilizing the relation between the human body and the idea of the state to which the allegory gives coherence. The Virgin and Venus are not mere representational fictions of abstract ideas whose meaning is invested in their attributes, as the meaning of Justice, for example, is carried in her sword and scales. Instead, it is their bodies that signify. The inverse extremes of their sexuality cast them as binary opposites, yet their visual appearance - their costume and their place - can be mistaken. Thus, it is not surprising that Thomas Coryat was confused when he misidentified Venice as the Virgin in the ceiling of the Palazzo Ducale.(70) And while commenting on Venice, he wrote that many, "being allured with her glorious beauty, have attempted to deflowre her. . . ."(71)

The female gender of the personification in Venice is not arbitrary, but essential. The absence of a specific individual to whom these representations refer enable the figure to orient the minds of viewers to an idea that not everyone will think of in the same way, an idea of the republic that in turn authorizes the actions of the viewing subject. Like the figure of Venetia who is framed by the Grimani family arms in the ducal apartments, her body authenticates his rulership by standing in for the constellation of constructs that give meaning to the idea of Venice: its cityscape, origins, social relations, and political organization. The dogaressa's role reinforces the power of this allusion, her relation to the doge reiterating patriarchal authority. But at the same time, the physical presence of a particular woman confounds the open-endedness of allegory, substituting the "actual historical person" for the "abstract idea" of allegory.(72) The dogaressa potentially stands in for Venice, as if she is the personification in person. Oscillating between the historical woman and Venice personified, her coronation is invested with a bivalent signification - as the princess of Venice and as Venice.

I have been suggesting thus far, to return to the first state of Franco's map, that the generic appearance of the figures can be understood in part as a result of their allegorical function as symbols of the Venetian state, but that the power of this function is both intensified and destabilized by its reference to historical individuals. I now want to turn to a more explicit source: the cartouche that frames the figures furnishes a key to how these engravings would have been seen.

Franco's interest in female types is characteristic of a late sixteenth-century preoccupation with external signifiers, signs that identify place, position, and profession. The emergence of costume books in the late sixteenth century was not unique to Venice, but this impulse was exploited in the city with particular enthusiasm, to which Franco's own books attest.(73) Of significance to the map is Franco's citation of the formula that was widely circulated in Vecellio's Degli habiti antiche et moderni di diverse parti del mondo. Printed in Italian in 1590, and republished a year after the coronation with an abbreviated text in both Italian and Latin, Vecellio's costume plates are surrounded by decorative frames that are unique to his illustrations. For contemporary viewers, Franco's adaptation of this particular format would have called up the already familiar relation between geography and dress that was popularized in costume books.(74)

Vecellio catalogues ancient and modern costumes from around the world, and Venetian noble dress is exhaustively elaborated [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 23-26 OMITTED]. A subtext of Vecellio's book mirrors contemporary legislation as he seeks to distinguish between noblewomen and prostitutes while attempting to regulate the public appearance of both. Not unlike treatises on manners, costume books strove to cement class distinctions by codifying conduct, a practice that has a corollary in registration laws that delimited spatial boundaries, restricting prostitutes from patrician areas, churches, and the city's ritual spaces.(75) Vecellio meticulously details how and where prostitutes are to appear in public, ordering the profession into a hierarchy in which status is marked by the spaces within which the women work, from the aristocratic experience offered by the courtesan from her balcony to the "infamous places" of the street prostitute.(76) The costumes worn by courtesans outside the house are distinguished from those robes lined with fur that enabled them to solicit from their balconies in the winter [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 23 OMITTED].(77)

Complicating Vecellio's attempts to disentangle courtesans from noblewomen is the proliferation of styles of dress. He explains - irritatedly and frequently - of the complexity of his task: "[B]ecause women's clothes are very subject to mutations, and more variations than the form of the moon: it is not possible to explain all this in a single description . . ."(78) The book expresses the anxiety of legislators for whom, as Diane Owen Hughes writes, "fashion changes bred worse than excess or extravagance, they bred disorder . . . . differentiation had got out of hand."(79) Until the seventeenth century, when the attire of men was more systematically regulated, claims about the preoccupation of women with styles - those dannate inventioni - and resulting excessive expenses that were seen to subvert the state's access to liquid capital, particularly in times of economic and political anxiety.(80) The magistracy's records provide detailed specifications of forbidden materials, prohibited uses of fabric, and unauthorized expenditures. The perception of the disruptive potential of materiality is underlined by the repeated attention to excessive gold, feathers, and, most frequently remarked upon, pearls.(81) Vecellio, like the legislators, codifies, consolidates, disambiguates.

Like sumptuary laws, costume books sought to inscribe rules of dress by registering distinctions between social categories clearly visible to the eye. But where men's costumes signify their profession or official position, as merchants or senators for example, women are cast in accordance with the paradigms of marriage, as maiden/wife/widow, and physiology, virgo/mulier/mater.(82) Significantly, Vecellio maps this sexual economy onto a spatial framework in the text that accompanies his woodcuts. The virgin donzelle "are so well watched and guarded in their paternal houses . . . they rarely go out of the house, and almost never, except to go to Mass, and other Church services. And then they wear a veil of white silk over their heads, . . . of ample breadth, and with this they cover their faces, and their breasts."(83) Brides are the subject of numerous plates, including attire for conjugal visits after the engagement and before they are married, for "outside the house after they are married," and for the festival of the Sensa.(84) The suitable appearance of brides, like widows and wives, is correlated to particular spaces. Vecellio's delineation between inside and outside the house is not limited to the costumes of women, but his association of private and public spaces with female sexuality and marriage underlines the status of women and clothing as property of the patriline.

The concern with demarcating appearances - for nobles in particular - that characterizes Vecellio's publication was intensified by historical changes and the practice of restricting marriage that had resulted in growing numbers of bachelors, inflated dowries, and unmarried women.(85) Reduced access to the patrimony was increasingly manifested in forced claustration for many women, both in convents and the home as unpaid servants, so-called "second-grade" virgins or "secular spinsters."(86) By the beginning of the seventeenth century fear of "confusion" and "disorder" was evident in view of over two thousand noblewomen forcibly contained "as though in public warehouses" (as convents would be described at the beginning of the seventeenth century).(87) If young women consented to monachization through family pressure and from the lack of enforcement of regulations regarding dress and visits, Gregory XIII's move in 1580 to tighten the constraints of conventual life intensified the growing sense of defiance among patrician women. "[W]ith the rumor of reform in the air," as Virginia Cox explains, "some young women [were] boldly refusing to take the veil."(88) It was at this time that women, if principally patrician women, were conceptualized "as a distinct social (as opposed to simply biological) group."(89) And, as Cox has argued, it was the "status and identity" of noblewomen that the trend of restricting marriage among families most explicitly threatened.(90) Late sixteenth-century Venice was confronted with the combined forces of these monache forzate, who seem to have considered "themselves as in some sense standing outside the rules,"(91) and the power afforded those women who were equipped with increasing dowries.(92)

In view of the increasingly hierarchical and circumscribed patrician class that resulted from the practice of restricting marriage and the concomitant "celibate culture,"(93) the confluence of costume books and sumptuary laws during the last decades of the century signals attempts to control eroticism and the blurring of boundaries. A market for secondhand clothing fueled the potential for confusion,(94) in a milieu that saw, as Giovanni Scarabello explains, "men who used female ornaments, women that cross-dressed as men (. . .), nuns that dressed as women of the world, noblewomen that dressed as prostitutes, [and] prostitutes that dressed as noblewomen."(95) It was concern over the latter transgression that fueled legislation as the state sought to limit the public visibility and mobility of prostitutes, confining them to the Rialto and restricting their costumes.(96) On at least one occasion, patrician women themselves intervened. As Sir Henry Wooten attested, the 1617 festival of the Ascension "hath this year been celebrated here with a very poor show of gondole, by reason of a decree in Senate against the courtesans, that none of them shall be rowed con due remi; a decree made at the suit of all the gentlewomen, who before were indistinguishable abroad from those baggaes."(97) By the end of the century efforts to sustain traditional values of equality and sobriety seem to be overshadowed by attempts to delimit boundaries between noblewomen and prostitutes, those women whose public agency seemed to threaten class distinctions, those markers that Vecellio in his costume book provides the tools to decipher.

The relation between gender, costumes, and space that I have been tracing thus far is also evident in the second state of Franco's engraved map [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 11, 12 OMITTED]. Here the printmaker has replaced the cartouche with a pair of scenes illustrating two specific events from the festivities. In the upper register of the detail, a view of the lagoon includes the floating "teatro detto il mondo" and the festive war games, between which the Grimani arms are inscribed. The disjunction between the perspectival recession of the scene and the family arms on the surface of the picture plane calls attention to this graphic dedication to the doge's family.(98) In the inscription below the representation of Scamozzi's theater, Franco cites the forty organizers of the ceremony who had participated in the parade by sailing aboard the theater. However, the printmaker replaces these somber figures with festively dressed females. These donzelle, encased in a cage of columns, present a pictorial counterpart to the display of masculine military prowess staged to the right [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 8 OMITTED].

As the inscription underlining the lower register explains, the pair of details are drawn from the third day of the festivities. This scene identifies participants of the regatta by name, a tactic that adds to the illusion that the viewer of the print is witnessing a specific moment of the race. The absence of lateral framing devices from the miniatures reinforces this sense of spontaneity, contributing to the impression that the scenes are truncated from a more elaborate event. The bird's-eye view of the map, which locates the vanishing point in the spectator's eye, is reversed by the spatial construction in the details in which the figures diminish in scale toward the horizon. The spectators in the left foreground frame the regatta, establishing a proscenium space within which they watch, standing in for the viewer who is positioned outside the representation. These close-up views of a larger whole furnish a glimpse of a broader panorama and draw the spectator into the maritime traffic that populates the sea pictured above.

The combination of the God's-eye view of the map with these two details of Venetian festivities offers a striking illustration of the contemporary redefinition of cosmography from a universal whole into its constituent parts. As Thomaso Garzoni defines it, geography is the description of the earth while cosmography proper signifies ornament. The latter is devoted not to the measurement of distances but to the description of "nature, the properties of countries, and their customs and people."(99)

The juxtaposition of perspectival points of view - the controlling view of the city from above and the view of the spectator seen in the details - is brought into sharper focus in the third state of Franco's engraving [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 13, 14 OMITTED], in which the legend is replaced with two views of parades. The ducal cortege in the upper register aligns Franco's project with other costume books that contain fold-out, printed processions.(100) These diagrams represent the ducal parades that both defined and reflected the political and social organization of Venice. In contrast with a monarch, the body of the doge had no sacred power, and his agency as an individual was extremely circumscribed. Rather, it was the ducal costume and the Alexandrine gifts - symbols of Venetian political and religious autonomy - framing his body that were invested with political significance. The processions legitimized this power by choreographing his position in relation to these objects within a larger performance of the republican hierarchy. These ephemeral demonstrations depended upon their continual restaging; through space, order, affiliation, costume, color, and bodily performance a Venetian male would recognize his place. Viewers would identify their singular relation to the ranks as a whole through a pattern of exchange between performers and spectators, a process of cognition ingrained by repetition. At the same time this process had the reciprocal effect of investing the public male spaces of S. Marco with meaning that in turn demonstrated the centralization of state control.

Matteo Pagan's immense woodcut and prototype for pictural representations of the ducal parade (c. 1560) illustrates the desire to reproduce the visual effect of these performances more permanently and to secure this political function of the procession [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 16 OMITTED]. The architectural backdrop of the Procuratie Vecchie locates the procession in Piazza S. Marco while providing a pictorial grid that articulates the hierarchy of the progress horizontally by measuring the distance of the figures from the doge and vertically by marking a secondary space of women and foreigners. Pagan identifies the figured bodies of the participants with labels, inscribing the representatives' offices with topographical accuracy. The prints reiterate the representational value that structures the rituals, reproducing the syntactic and semantic organization of the processions.

Drawing on and reiterating this model procession, George Braun published a view of Venice in his 1572 Civitates orbis terrarum that is framed with a detail from the woodcut [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 15 OMITTED].(102) Here the mimetic mode of Jacopo de'Barbari's elaborate 1500 woodcut is subordinated to a didactic format that dissects, simplifies, and reconfigures Venice.(103) The body of the well-ordered city is juxtaposed with the symbols of its independent constitution, an anthropomorphic parallel of the republic's natural and political bodies.

Following local Venetian precedents for the map, Roman numerals identify the canals. These numbers can be located on the map where they progress sequentially from one canal to the next, tracing a path that enables the viewer to circumnavigate the islands visually. The Arabic numerals, on the other hand, identify the city's contrade (districts), but these are ordered according to a different strategy. In contrast with the city's waterways, the Arabic numbers have little relation to a pedestrian's movement. It is with great difficulty that a foreigner, having identified a district in the legend, could locate the corresponding number in the bird's-eye view. Evidently, the engraving is not intended to assist the foreigner's navigation within Venice. Instead, the map offers the opposite experience: the viewer can select from the numbers that punctuate the city's landscape and identify the location by name in the legend. The engraving has a didactic function; the visual experience of looking at the map from outside the representation informs the viewer of the relation between the parts and the whole. Through the same process Venetians could recognize their parish in the map by some landmark and then locate the number in the legend, thereby verifying their relation with the whole. The Arabic system marks the resident's fixed, immutable place in the Venetian mondo. Like the process of exchange between spectator and performer that operates in the processions, the map both instructs and constructs the viewer's relation to the republic.

By replacing the legend in the third state with two details of parades [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 13 OMITTED], Franco's coronation map continues the convention examined in the map published by Braun. The republic is projected in both the bird's-eye view and the processions located below. But what is the role of the female retinue? And what are the implications of this juxtaposition when the female body serves as an analog for the city's landscape, when the city is personified as a woman?

At first glance the details appear as sequences in the same parade. However, it is the combination of two different processions that is key. A list of participants underlines the women, accounting for those absent from this glimpse of a more spectacular and grandiose event, as if to insist on its facticity. Distinguishing the singularity of the dogaressa's coronation, the prominent caption frames the event with the date and her name: "L'ORDINE CHE FV TENVTO NELL' ACOMPAGNARE LA SERENISSIMA PRENCIPESSA DI VENETIA MORESINA MORESINI GRIMANI .M.D.X.C.VII. 4 MAGGIO."

But if this banner underlines the particularity of the parade, the figures are still cast in the roles patterned in the costume books. The titles of the women are linguistically dependent on the masculine - Imbasatrice, Procuratessa - identifying them as an extension of their husband's position, the same linguistic derivative as Vecellio's text.(104) This juridical dependency is manifested in a variety of tropes: a woman conforming, "as has been said many times," Giovanni Battista de Luca puts it in his Cavaliere e la Dama, to "the quality of the husband, as if she were a kind of moon that received all its light and splendor from the sun, that is the husband."(105) The trope echoes Luther's earlier assessment: "For as the sun is more splendid than the moon (although the moon is also a most splendid body), so also woman, although the most beautiful handiwork of God, does not equal the dignity and glory of the male."(106) Not only were women viewed as misbegotten men - "not in the ordinary course of Nature [praeter naturam]" - they were "not necessarily of the same species."(107) As lunar reflections of the sun, women could be understood as subordinate to the genus, ordered in a hierarchy parallel to that of men, and illustrated, as if by design, in the print's horizontal registers. If the doge, as described by Giovanni Caldiera, is "[s]plendid like the sun,"(108) the dogaressa is the body onto which this light shines, imprinted in the splendor of her costume and reflected back to her husband. Her position, as the print implies, is based on her position within the female order, a hierarchy, as noted earlier, ordered by age and sexual status. Moreover, Franco, Vecellio, and others reproduced what Francesco Barbaro had asserted: "the well born should not dress meanly if able to dress better since moderate adornment reveals the husband's rank, wealth, and position."(109) Where the costumes, objects, and relative position of the men demonstrate their offices, the women's "sartorial emblems" echo their relation to their husband.(110) Similar to the identificatory mechanisms that operated in the ducal processions, female spectators at Morosina's coronation would have recognized the codified display of marital status signified by the women's costumes and their location within the cortege. If the rarity and the extravagant materiality of the event magnified the women's status as property, their luxurious attire also signified the Venetian cosmos or universe.

Curiously, the lively coronation detail appears in marked contrast to the private female virtues of humility and obsequiousness expected from the princess of Venice.(111) Instead a subsequent engraving [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 17, 18 OMITTED] produced for the same event seems to display the stipulated decorum. Addressed to Francesco Morosini, this is an authorized and corrected version of events, as the publisher Donato Rascicotti claims in the dedication.(112) Both the city and the women have been reconfigured. The recently completed architectural projects - the Arsenal, Fondamenta Nuove, Rialto bridge, and the library- have been incorporated in the map.(113) At the same time, the women's roles have been more emphatically classified into social categories and labeled with captions: Donzelle, Principessa, Matrone, and Gentildonne. The young men, who had supported the young women on their precipitous footwear - a detail carefully woven into the fabric of the engraving produced by Franco [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 14 OMITTED] - are no longer present. Instead, the bodies of the women in the Rascicotti engraving display the "uprightness suggestive of pose and control" prescribed by contemporary tracts, "contained, with the limbs held close to the body." As Luis Vives stipulated:

[M]anagement of the body [meant] the girl must be trained to stand quietly, feet together, without meaningless movements of head, shoulders, hands, and feet . . . . In the street especially she should walk with medium steps, slowly, but not too slowly lest she be taken to be loitering for a purpose. At table, she should sit erect with feet and knees together, to be known as a virgin and not a prostitute, her eyes cast down . . . . In company let her be sober in face and movements of her body, not looking much at men or thinking that they look at her.(114)

A woman was to remain still and chaste rather than performing violent lascivious gestures; she must "stand quietly," an analog for her "bridled tongue." Her public appearance was interpreted as speech.

Morosina is still the center, but her unique role is clearly delimited and her name erased. She is reduced more emphatically into a female Venetian type. The miniature scenes in the second state of Franco's map [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 12 OMITTED] have been projected into the map where the festive vessels are identified with a small key [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 17 OMITTED]. But in this process of translation the printmaker removes any signs of specificity, transforming the singular event into the typical.(115) With greater determination than Franco, the classification systems that operate in the map subordinate individual identity to the ideals of the city.

In both the Franco and the Rascicotti maps, the pictures are not portraits of actual participants. Rather, as Franco's caption makes clear, the figures represent the "order that was followed": the ranks into which the individuals were ordered. Instead of singular characters who change and make choices, they are "intended iconographically," figured in accordance with the categories made visible in the costume books.(116) Like miniaturized "walking ideas," the agents are "frozen into an eternally fixed form."(117) A kind of synecdochal relationship as Quintilian defines it, the women are depicted as if a species to the genus as a whole.(118)

The conventions of cartography and ritual offer an explanation to bridge the gap between the representational systems presented in the prints. In the bird's-eye view, Venice is imagined from above as a utopic macrocosta. In the lower register, on the other hand, the viewer is positioned as a spectator of the microcosm. The well-arranged governing bodies are reflected in the bodies of the well-ordered women who in turn mirror the clearly organized cityscape pictured above. Further, these two views of the city, from outside and inside, correspond to the two systems of mapping that order the numerical references in the text of the map. In the same way that the legend functions, as described above, the order of the city's internal social coherence shapes how it is seen from outside. The ideal landscape projected in the map is dependent on its social organization, an order that is shaped by the civic rituals displayed below.(119)

These prints engage the viewer by drawing on established modes of spectatorship, reconfigured as allegory. They make abstract ideas visible. Like propaganda, as Fletcher defines it, they project not only "what someone wants you to do; it is not even what the most powerful people want you to do, as a result of their representing the established order. The authorities point out to us what our 'place' is, or point out what should be our proper 'calling' in life."(120) The visual strategies of these seemingly incongruent registers seem to mirror the kinds of performances and behaviors they seek to engender. As one visitor put it, Venetians are well instructed, "their citizens knowing so well how to obey."(121)

I have been arguing that the pictorial conventions and the mode of representation used by Franco and Rascicotti transformed the participants from Morosina's rare public spectacle into collective types. But I have also tried to suggest that the intriguing aspect of Franco's treatment is its undecideability, its open-endedness. As in so many other contemporary interpretations of Morosina's procession, the event appears to oscillate, materially and representationally, between iterating and reinforcing the values, rank, and power of the nobility, and, on the other hand, resisting and inverting the city's public, civic, male geography. It is this double-sided aspect of allegory that emerges in both the procession and its subsequent representations. The political function of the procession to signify the state - as a spectacular and opulent reflection of the city's well-ordered social and physical landscape - depends upon the mechanisms that potentially subvert this meaning; anxiety over display, the danger of women in public, and the possibility of the doge or dogaressa asserting his or her individual family status are the very threats that invest these state performances with meaning.(122)

The dress of women becomes the sign of position that when properly arranged also represents the Venetian cosmos or mondo. But the Venus/Virgin dichotomy reveals the indeterminacy in the Venetia image. The women in these representations also have bodies, not just costumes, and it is the power of these bodies, or their potential power, that destabilizes the system of representation. These prints attempt to "silence" women's bodies through the maskings of dress, but it is the presence of the courtesan, the presence of the pictorial tradition of the female nude, and the presence of actual women on the streets of Venice that generate instabilities.(123) If these reproductions work to cement appearances, to make women reflections of the state, they fail to erase or silence their physical presence.

The coronation of Morosina brings the instability of this system of representations right onto the streets as it were. Through the power of the representations of her public appearance, Morosina threatens to establish an autonomous female identity, which seems very dangerous indeed to such a system. Perhaps it was not only anxiety over courtly aspirations that drove senators to restrict the coronation when the occasion next arose, but fear of all those women "cooped up."(124) "Open the door of the cage," as one writer warned, "and the bird is almost certain to fly out."(125)

NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY.

Title quote from Bistort, 34. I have benefited enormously from responses to aspects of this paper at several conferences: the University of Manchester in 1997 and the previous year at uSe Sixteenth Century Studies Conference, the Renaissance Conference of Southern California, the meeting of the Society of Architectural Historians in a session organized by George Gorse, the University of British Columbia, and a cross-disciplinary symposium organized by Michael Stone-Richards at Northwestern University. Whitney Davis, George Gorse, Debra Pincus, Martha Pollak, Nina Rowe, Juergen Schulz, and Larry Silver read earlier versions of this paper, and I am grateful for their numerous suggestions. I am particularly indebted to Stanley Chojnacki and Dennis Romano for their trenchant and insightful criticisms. Finally, my special thanks to Ed Muir for his numerous ideas, tremendous assistance, and persistent enthusiasm.

1 Howell, n.p.

2 Bouwsma, 1974, 462.

3 See appendix beginning on p. 108 for figures. On this particular coronation see Rota; Tutio; Piave; Goldioni, 129-63; Sansovino and Stringa, 280-94, 431-32; Palazzi, 111-16; Molmenti, 287-305; Staley's lively, if sometimes inaccurate, discussion, 282-88; Muir, 1981, 293-96; Scarabello, 1982, 176; Rendina, 327-28. On the dogaresse in general, see Boholm, 1992; Molmenti; Muir, 1981, 289-96; Rendina, 163-83; Scarabello, 1982. Also see Holly Hurburt's forthcoming dissertation, "The Dogaresse of Venice, 1300-1500," Syracuse.

4 In his account of the parade, Stringa explains that the boys support the women who were in danger of falling off their footwear (Sansovino and Stringa, 283). The many other references to zoccoli or chopines include Casola, 144; Coryat, 262; Barzaghi cites Garzoni's description of women parading through Piazza San Marco as "nane convertite in gigantesche" (100).

5 Sansovino and Stringa, 282: "non di bianco, ma di altro colore, come di verde, di rosa secca, e di pavonazzo, secondo piu pareva loro convenir all' eta sua." Newton describes rosa secca as a shade of "old rose" (91). Pavonazzo may be a warm violet color, although the term is used broadly. It is associated with mourning but worn on many occasions (ibid., 19). In the procession it would have been worn by women who were "no longer young" (ibid., 72).

6 See Stringa's extensive discussion of the Odeo, as he refers to the theater (Sansovino and Stringa, 431-32). Scamozzi's initial scheme for the festivities - a hippodrome to be erected in Piazza S. Marco - was rejected by the senate for "reasons of public order" (Padoan Urban, 1966, 142), "per degni rispetti, che hebbe sempre la Republica, all'incommodo, & tumolto del popolo" (Sansovino and Stringa, 431). For the theater, Scamozzi drew on a Venetian tradition of floating theaters that included the elaborate teatro del mondo designed by G. A. Rusconi for the Compagnia della Calza degli Accesi in 1564 (Padoan Urban, 1966, 142-44; Puppi, 162-64). The pediments at the bow and stern of the float for Morosina's coronation were painted with a mappamondo with the motto MOVENTI OBSEQVIVM, and the cupola was crowned with twelve stucco figures holding signs of the zodiac (Tutio, 5-6; Rota). Following humanist concepts these centrally planned macchine del mondo represented the universe, their domes painted with scenes of the heavens. The floating theaters offered a concept of Venice as a microcosm of the world and as a utopian vision seen from above (Cosgrove, 1993, 233, 241-42; also see Padoan Urban, 1966, 143-44).

7 Built by the Bombaseri, the Venetia float was fashioned in the guise of an antique carro drawn by two large sea horses under the guidance of Neptune and the god of the Adriatic. A tableau vivant presented a triumphant and regal Venice in the process of crowning kneeling figures dressed as the doge and dogaressa. They were accompanied by Justice, Religion, Faith, and Prudence (Tutio, 10).

8 On the decorations and inscriptions that encrusted the arch, see Tutio, 11-13; Sansovino and Stringa, 281-82; Rota; Padoan Urban, 1969, 153. According to Tutio, the arch was made by the Beccari (11) but executed for the couple by the Societas Laniorum as an inscription indicates (12). Casini (1993, 300-01) credits the Societas Laniorum on the basis of the inscription, but Tutio acknowledges the Beccari (or the Arte dei Macellai, the guild that erected the arch for the coronation of Zilia Dandolo Priuli in 1557). Padoan Urban attributes the idea for the arch to Attilio Facio and the commission to the Macellai (see Puppi, 156). Temporary architectural monuments were not constructed for visiting dignitaries in the center of Venice (at least until the second day of festivities) in order to guard against the political posturing that such structures afforded, and thereby to avoid any appearance of a threat to Venetian autonomy. Thus the triumphal arch and loggia erected for Henry III were constructed on the Lido, away from the principal official ritual spaces of the city (see Fortini Brown). On the decorations for the visit of Henry III see Fantelli; Wolters, 1979; and for bibliography see Puppi, 160-62; and Casini, 1996, 38, n. 79.

9 Rota; Muir, 1981, 294. On the new limited role of the doge and dogaressa, as redefined in the promissione of 1252, see Staley, 98.

10 My thanks to Rose Marie San Juan for this and other insights regarding how processions operate. Vecellio begins the text that accompanies the woodcut illustrating the dogaressa's costume in the 1590 edition by explaining: "Io non trovo, che in tanti secoli, veruna delle Principesse passate habbia lasciatoci memoria dell'Habito suo. Credo nondimeno, che l'Habito loro fosse simile a quelli, de'quali s'e gia fatto mentione, che usavano le Matrone antiche" (80). By contrast, the text that accompanies the same woodcut (with a different cartouche) in his 1598 edition, punished a year after the coronation, begins as follows: "La Principessa va vestita alla ducale, con una vesta a di broccato d'oro fino, sopra laquale porta il manto lungo fino in terra, con uno strascino assai largo, & lungo. Il corno, ch'ella tiene in capo, e tempestato d'assai gemme, & accompagnato da un sottilissimo velo di seta, che tutto trasparente non contende all'occhio altrui cosa veruna, ch'egli coprisse" (59).

11 Morosina Morosini was one of four dogaressas in the sixteenth century. Between 1486 and the coronation of Zilia Dandolo Priuli in 1557, the wife of Lorenzo Priuli (1556-1559), no wife survived to accompany her husband to the Ducal Palace. War with the Turks precluded any coronation ceremony for Loredana Marcello, the wife of Alvise Mocenigo (1570-1577). See Casini, 1993, 290-303; Molmenti, 278-79; Scarabello, 1982, 176.

Because Sebastiano Venier died within a year of taking office, there had not yet been a procession to the Palazzo Ducale for his wife. Thus, according to one chronicle, she was given a pension, and the service of four maids, and a gondola (BMV, IT VII 811 7299, 1578, 2).

12 For example, see the elaborate description inserted by Goldioni in his 1649 pocket edition of Sansovino's Le Cose Notabili (129-63). The celebration is the single reference to a dogaressa and the only local festivity to be documented in Franco's (1614) republication of Gioan Nicolo Doglioni's La Citta di Venetia. This historical list of wars, territorial acquisitions and losses, and visiting dignitaries, was first published as a fogliovolante in 1594.

13 Cassini posits that the generic appearance of the figures in the cartouche in the first state suggests the print was produced in advance of the coronation (74, n. 1). The second state of the map appears to have been produced shortly after the event; the clarity of the map and legend indicates that the two views of specific events from the third day of festivities replaced the cartouche before too many impressions were pulled from the plate (75, n. land 2). On the basis of the poorer condition of the map in the third state, Cassini (76, n. 1) suggests the legend - by this time worn-out - was substituted with the crisp procession scenes at a date closer to Franco's 1610 publication. However, in view of the market generated by the number of foreign visitors, the popularity of the theme (to which the map engraved by Bernardo Salvioni and its copies attests; see n. 118), the prominent date, and the Morosini and Grimani names, a date closer to the event seems more likely.

14 I use the term republic rather than oligarchy in order to emphasize the symbolic and tropological aspects of sexuality and republicanism that are a subtext of this paper. What interests me is the gap between the historically specific aspects of this republic - its claims to autonomy and its singular geography, for example - and republicanism as a structural concept.

15 Bistort, 34.

16 Pietro Marcelli describes the Venetian women who appeared for the entry of the queen of Poland: "rilucendo quelle donne tutte come specchi per tante pretiose pietre che havevano attorno." His Vite de' Prencipi di Vinegia is cited by Bistort, 36.

17 Bistort, 125. Although the immense sleeves of men's costumes were subject to scrutiny in the early sixteenth century, it was the changing styles of women's clothes, especially under the influence of French fashions, that were equated with economic losses (147-50).

18 As Junkerman notes, following Cozzi, increasing variations in male dress in the early sixteenth century had the effect of magnifying the significance of the traditional toga which "became not only a symbol of the virtue lodged in the past, but one of the apparent causes of that virtue" (214). By contrast, the emphasis on changes and status in women's clothing shifted the display of private wealth to the periphery (218).

19 Cozzi discusses the shift from economic considerations in the fifteenth century toward moral considerations in sixteenth-century sumptuary laws (52). Concern over the "feminine" and "French" styles worn by men provoked legislation by the Gran Consiglio in 1506 following a meeting of the doge and the Consiglio dei Rogati. Infractions were normally scrutinized by the provvedatori sopra le pompe, but the gravity of the situation required intervention (Newton, 37). The proclamation was reasserted with urgency in the face of the threat from the League of Cambrai in 1509 (see Cozzi, 52-54; Newton, 37-41; Gilbert). Men's styles were not targeted again until the seventeenth century (Bistort, 147). War fueled restrictions on both moral and economic grounds as ostentatious display was blamed for divine retribution and limited access to liquid capital. In anticipation of war with the Turks in 1570, for example, jewelers were prohibited from using silver, and women were forbidden from wearing necklaces with a value in excess of twenty-five scudi (Nunziature, 259).

20 As Bistort explains, "[I]l Senato cosi voleva; c'era quasi da aspettarsi qualche rabbuffo del Consiglio dei Dieci, se qualche dama fosse stata meno zelante ad obbedire alla legge dell'oggi. Le donne del patriziato assumevano allora una funzione di Stato: la funzione di far conscere una parte di quelle immense ricchezze, che al governo di Venezia facevano ottenere e la pace e la guerra, a seconda dei suoi disegni" (34). Palazzi suggests this idea in his discussion of Morosina's coronation: "Che l'ornamento femine era, o non favoleggiare con gl'uomeni, o risponderli per interprete ch'e il marito" (116). The magistracy, whose full title was Provvedatori sopra le pompe delle donne (Newton, 37) was instituted in 1514. On sumptuary laws and female vanity, see Maclean, 14-16.

21 See Rosenthal, especially 2-3, 19-21; Poli, 100. On prostitutes in Venice see Barzaghi; Bruno; Lawner; Menotto.

22 On the gravity of male dress see Coryat, 258-59; Casola, 143. Also see Newton, 9-11; Cozzi, 53. In his 1561 guidebook, Sansovino's Venetian interlocutor explains the mutually constitutive relation between the gravity of male dress and the longevity of the Republic (2). He also contrasts the steadiness of male attire with the oscillating styles of women and the laws required "to restrain such unbridled will": 'E nel vero ch'in tutte l'eta si ha conceduto alle donne assai piu licentia nelle maniere dell'adornarsi ch'a gli huomini: & certo non senza ragione: percioch'egli e convenevol ch'elle accompagnino la leggiadria della lor vaga bellezza: con l'eleganza de leggiadri & de ricchi panni. Ma talhora quella licenza e cresciuta in tanto estremo grado, che a nostri Senatori e convenuto pot freno a cosi sfrenate volonta con le leggi' (4).

23 One attempt to distinguish between noblewomen and courtesans included restricting the latter from wearing pearls in public (Vecellio, 1590, 138). In the later sixteenth century, the Senate limited the wearing of pearls to a single strand at the neck, a privilege reserved for married women and limited to fifteen years, and subsequently reduced to ten years in 1609 (Bistort, 187-90). See Tutio's comments on restrictions during the procession (14).

24 Tutio, 13.

25 See Bistort, 185.

26 Bistort offers a variety of citations, 34-37.

27 As Rosenthal explains, the courtesan "embodied the city immersed in luxury, spectacle, disguise, commercialization, voluptuousness, and sensuality" (2) and "stands, for the foreign observer, as a cultural code or cipher through which Venice, the secular city, publicized itself in the sixteenth century" (19-20). Bouwsma discusses the conflation of liberty with licentiousness by visitors for whom "the sexual temptation that Venice represented and its very confusion with more obviously political aspects of personal liberty pointed, indeed, to the possibility that orderly and effective government might after all be consistent with permissiveness in the more private dimensions of life" (461). Also see Gemin, 73, 79. While prostitutes were tolerated, even appropriated as signifiers of the city's beauty, their costumes were restricted to limit their social mobility while concomitant legislation against cross-dressing (that intensified after 1562) limited their physical mobility (see Bistort, 55-65, especially, 65; Scarabello, 1980, 83).

28 All three women are depicted with the contemporary hair style and jewelry, including pearls. According to Vecellio, prostitutes were forbidden to wear pearls in public. However, on account of the similar costumes and jewelry worn by married women and courtesans, he explains, it was difficult to recognize the difference (1590, 137, 138).

29 Bruno, 111.

30 Molmenti introduces his 1887 edition of the Dogaressa with a long citation from the critic Ernesto Masi, who proclaims the dogaressa is "[n]e sovrana

dunque, ne donna ma simbolo femminile della virtu domestica, accanto alia piu eccelsa magistratura della Republica" (9). The virtuous dogaressa, as l'Amadan describes Loredana Marcello, the uncrowned wife of Alvise Mocenigo, is "costante in tutto, non avvilita ne le contrarieta, non superba ne le prosperita, prudente e modesta con i domestici, divota e raccolta ne le chiese, caritatevole con il prossimo e liberal con i famigliari; in una parola fu la principessa de le virtu" (cited in Molmenti, 279-80).

31 These include disloyalty/obedience, instability/temperance, vanity/beauty, intractability to God's express commands/piety, greed/charitableness, licentiousness/chastity, talkativeness/silence (Kelso, esp. 12, 23; on chastity, 25). Tracts attest to the differences between men and women in theory, a tension evident in the literature that Kelso terms the "war of the sexes" (Kelso, 6). One example is Jacques Olivier's Alphabet of Women's Imperfections and Malice. Characterized by partisanship, authors of dialogues and treatises place women "in the scheme of things," defining their material bodies with Christian moral qualities - chastity, beauty, mercy, liberality, and devotion - while iterating the inferior facts of their existence in theory (ibid., 5-37). The repetitiveness with which these binaries appear in representations - both textual and visual - indicates the instability of sexual difference in practice. Of particular interest for this paper is the extent to which these oppositions are spatially constructed so that the appearance of women in public spaces, for example, is equated with licentiousness and talkativeness. The extent to which, and how women participated publicly in Venetian society is difficult to ascertain. As Molmenti summarizes the situation, and begins his Dogaressa: "Nella storia di Venezia, la donna, fino agli ultimi tempi, non ha importanza alcuna, ne efficacia . . . . La esistenza civile veneziana fu tutta maschile" (5). Chojnacki points to some of the problems of interpreting the position of women. Discussing Rona Goffen's presentation of the monumentalization of women's lineage, he explains that an optimistic view sees this as "expressions of a flexible female culture" whereas a less positive examination understands the female parallel of lineage as "made less imperfect," in the language of contemporaries "by reason of the approximation to the male" (1987, 747).

32 A one-year wait for the coronation of his wife was stipulated in Marin Grimani's promissione, a delay fueled by anxiety regarding the couple's massive popular support on account of their philanthropy (see Muir, 1981, 293 and n. 120; Casini, 1993, 302; Hochmann, 42). When the event was protracted further - evidently in part by the machinations of Grimani's political adversary Leonardo Dona, whose distaste for pomp was behind his attempt to tax the festivities and limit the number of foreign visitors (Casini, 1993, 302-03) - Morosina pressed her husband, himself the beneficiary of the political capital the event provided, to intervene (da Mosto, 315). Popular enthusiasm for Grimani on account of the couples philanthropy (and possibly, as Hochmann suggests, his magnificence as a patron of the arts) may have contributed to his election; Dona, who was seeking the throne himself, threw Grimani his support rather than lose to Jacopo Foscarini, accommodating himself, as da Mosto puts it, "secondo le esigenze del momento" (314-15).

33 da Mosto, 315-16.

34 On one of the pediments of the floating teatro, St. Mark is painted in the act of crowning the couple, "comme pour montrer qu'il les await lui-meme choisis pour regner sure les mers," as Hochmann describes it (42). This aspect of the coronation was adopted later by Giovanni Palazzi for his playing cards and accompanying book La Virtu in Giocco in which Morosina is pictured as the Knight of Coins with the inscription: "Comandar a se stessa e un bell'impero" (Palazzi, 111-16).

35 The dwarfs, for whom Morosina provided in her will, are also prominent in Franco's representation of the procession [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURES 13, 14 OMITTED]. On Morosina's will, see da Mosto, 317-22. On dwarfs and court culture, see the remarks of Martines, 231, 309-10. See Muir, 1979, 48, and 1981, 294-95, regarding the ceremony as an example of aristocratic family display.

36 Tutio, 14.

37 Sumptuary laws were usually suspended during visits of foreign dignitaries. According to chroniclers of the 1597 coronation, limits on personal display were maintained, indicating that attempts were made to curb the display of individual wealth. See Rota; Tutio, 14; Muir, 1981, 294, n. 124.

38 For example, the masses of fabric and the long trains of their dresses were styles recently criticized by contemporaries as "injurious to the substance of the gentlemen [nobles] and citizens" (cited in J. C. Davis, 1962, 44-45).

39 The chronicler of the pugni is cited in R. Davis, 209, n. 44. On the transmutation of competitive games into an expression of Venetian military prowess, see Mazzarotto, xvi.

40 One example reads: "O magnanima Donna, / O glorioso duce / Anzi Diva tra noi vera e celeste; / In cui la Fe s'indonna / E Maesta riluce / E cortesia ne l'accoglienze honeste, / In quelle parti, e 'n queste, / Nel volto, e ne le ciglia, / Negli angelici lumi, / Nei soavi costumi, / E ne'detti, e ne l'opre; o meraviglia; / Gradite il puro affetto / Ne sia 'l nostro cantar da voi negletto" (Alati Alessandro as cited by Molmenti, 287-88). Shift, 1966, 139, discusses some forty laudatory plays produced during Marin Grimani's dogeship, a decade that Padoan Urban characterizes as the apex of splendor in ducal theater.

41 Morosina was the last dogaressa to have a coronation. The event was prohibited by the Senate on 10 January 1645 amid growing concern over elaborate clothes and changing styles. Molmenti cites the considerations with which the decree began: "Conviene nel proprio sostenimento de la publica grandezza prefiggere anco quegli ordini, che niente offuscando il lustro e il decoro ne le cerimonie de le Dogaresse sian per togliere l'obbligatione d'eccessivi dispendii, aggravanti in particolare l'Arti, e i popoli ad altri pesi obligati." The decision states: "in ogni tempo a venire sia prohibito il farsi l'incoronatione de le Dogaresse come attione non necessaria et poco aggiustata a la moderation del Governo" (319-20). The entry of the dogaressa could continue in a curtailed fashion - preferably without the benediction in S. Marco - but the procession and use of the bucintoro were banned. In 1700 the legislation was reinforced when the dogaressa was forbidden from ever wearing the corno (Staley, 294).

42 On analogies between the patriarchal family and the state, see Frigo. Also see King's analysis of the equation of domestic economics and political theory in Giovanni Caldiera (esp. 552-57) who categorizes women on the basis of their sexual status: nuns, young virgins, widows, women servants, and prostitutes (556).

43 The cartouche suggests two cartographic traditions used to identify control over geographic space: arms and figures. A particularly dramatic example of the former can be seen in the printed map of Lotharingia from the 1513 Strasbourg edition of Ptolemy's Geography in which arms mark specific dominions on the map as well as decorate the frame. A striking example of figures used to represent rulers can be seen in the six manuscript navigational charts produced in 1594 by Joan Oliva in Messina (Newberry Library). Chart 3 includes the emperor of Hungary, the king of Tunisia, and the king of Poland.

44 The crowd, "che il non sentirsi strepito alcuno," as Tutio saw it, "rendeva meraviglioso stupore, oltre il vedervi in un'istesso tempo il Serenissimo Principe e la Serenissima Principessa insieme non visti giamai per l'adietro in cosi fatta ne in altra Ceremonia" (18). On the third day of the ceremony Morosina entered S. Marco with her entourage where she received the pope's gift of the golden rose. The transfer of the gift was delayed until this day when the treasure was customarily displayed to the public during festive events. Nevertheless, as Junkerman notes, "the doge and dogaressa did not enter the ducal palace together as a ruling couple"(153), a view reiterated by Casini (1993, 297).

45 Benjamin, 220.

46 The "Habito ordinario . . . porta seco ne gli altri anchora gran riputatione" (Vecellio, 1590, 106). The costume of the young man resembles Vecellio's Scudieri del Doge (1590, 115), although Franco presents the figure as a young man rather than the mature man who customarily held the office.

47 In this annual event the doge and a cortege of boats sail to the Lido and the opening to the sea where the doge throws a ring - one of the Alexandrine gifts - into the water. The ceremony celebrated fertility and Venetian mastery of the sea and marked Venice's claims to its Mediterranean dominion. See Padoan Urban, 1968; Casini, 1996, 168-71,314-27; Boholm, 1990, 238-39; Muir, 1981, 119-34; Chojnacki on patriarchy and the Sensa, 1994, 76. Staley, 134, posits a relation between this "Marriage of the Adriatic" and the origins of the dogaressa's coronation pageant.

48 Boholm, 1990, 238. According to Padoan Urban, the desponsatio occurs when the doge gestures for the consecrated water to be poured into the sea from a mastellus in the patriarch's boat. At this moment the doge throws the ring, proclaiming Venetian dominion over the sea (315).

49 Padoan Urban, 1968, 317-18.

50 On the decorations in the Sala Grimani, see Moretti, 267; Franzoi, 9-12. In addition to Venetia's prominence in the coronation procession - in a tableau vivant, sculpted on the arch, painted on the pediment of the teatro, and as the illustration for Rotas chronicle - she and Justice are recurring characters in the numerous Grimani plays; see Shift.

51 On the changing and contradictory meanings of the allegory see Wolters, 1987, 228-38. The Annunciation enabled Venice to declare "the miracle of its own birth," as Rosand puts it, "and the divinity of its mission' (182). Also see Muir, 1981, 71-72. On Marian imagery as a corollary of Venetian religious autonomy that was co-opted into "the service of domestic political iconography," see Muir, 1979, 23. The association with ancient Rome - made explicit through the incorporation of classical motifs - offered an elastic model for the republic's empire building (Muir, 1979, 23 and 42, and 1981, 71-74). The most familiar component of Venetia is the figure of Justice. The concept of equal justice for all is explained by Sanudo in his description of the figure on the bucintoro, "una giustizia sentata, indorata, con la spada, in segno che venetiani servono a tutti indifferenter giustitia." Sanudo's Cronachetta is cited in Puppi, 164. By the fifteenth century, however, the figure's symbolic meaning had taken on a revised signification. The republican virtue of charity was gradually being replaced with the concept of authority. Represented on the Palazzo Ducale, the immense sword wielded by the female figure signifies the power of the government. No longer a virtue of the government, the government is Justice (Romano, 1987, 158). As Rosand explains, the ducal palace was equated with that of Solomon, the state's judicial authority with his role as judge (127).

52 Ibid., 177.

53 Johnson, 59. This concept is demonstrated in a pageant for the Japanese princes who visited Venice in 1585. As Stringa recounts, "Comparve poi sopra un palco una giovine vestita nobile, & ricchissimamente con gioie, perle, & pierre pretio se grossissime, & di gran numero rappresentante Venetia." Displaying a painted motto, she commanded six members of the scoule grandi who knelt in front of her: "Servate praecepta" (obey the rules) (Sansovino and Stringa, 307). She doesn't literally speak for the state; rather the fiction of personification enabled the state to speak through her.

54 Johnson citing de Man, 63. As the epigraphs to this paper demonstrate, Venetia as a female vessel may have "become a trope, a substitutive relationship that has to posit a meaning whose existence cannot be verified, but that confers upon the sign an unavoidable signifying function" (de Man, 7). Rosand's account offers another example of this allegorical conflation: "the beautiful persona of the queen of the Adriatic delighted the vision of foreign observers as a perpetual declaration of the extraordinary, visible proof of divine intervention in the political affairs of men" (177).

55 Fletcher after Auerbach, 28, n. 28.

56 Vecellio's 1598 text for festive women describes the event: "Et percio quando Arrigo III. Re di Francia, partito di Polonia, dove egli era Re passo per Venetia, fu trattenuto (oltre a gli altri superbi, & maravigliosi spettacoli) con un grandissimo apparato ridotto nella sala del gran Consiglio, di dugento gentildonne delle piu belle e principali della Citta" (101).

57 The "beauty" of women is one of the reasons Ripa offers for gendering the virtues feminine. Warner, 65. "Myths," as Warner writes, "written or pictured, enflesh abstractions and, by incarnating imaginary beings, they reproduce the very process they narrate; it is the image and the text which bring the idea to life, although the artist, the mythographer and the sources they are both using, often assume that they are transcribing an ulterior reality. The vitality and beauty of their realizations can persuade us, too of their veracity: this is the illusion of allegory" (83). Also see Johnson, 64-67.

58 Fletcher, 107. Also see de Man's discussion of Hegel, 1.

59 Cited in Tenenti, 32.

60 The purity of the Virgin's "chamber," or womb, is contrasted by Boccaccio with the "pigsty" of modern women (Kelso, 274). Moreover the Virgins ideal beauty, the appearance of her body, was only representation. Her hair, skin and proportion were fabricated by writers and artists, making her an ideal allegorical model (275-76).

61 Kelso, 275; also see Cropper, 392-93.

62 Fletcher, 2.

63 Ibid., 7; also see 86.

64 Rosenthal, 20, 45-46.

65 Prostitutes embodied this threat by appearing in public. Similarly, the writing of courtesans - making their voices public - challenged male domains. Pointing to the writing of Garzoni, Speroni, Aretino, and Venier, Rosenthal discusses the unease evident among sixteenth-century writers "about their own relationship to social hierarchies not always working in their favour" (25).

66 Women were forbidden from speaking in the church on account of "the association of seduction with women's speech" (Maclean, 15).

67 Nicolosa Sanuti, a courtesan in Bologna, argued against sumptuary restrictions on the basis of social distinctions: "as patricians from the people, so should remarkable women differ from the obscure . . . . Ornament and apparel, because they are our insignia of worth, we cannot suffer to be taken from us" (cited by Hughes, 1983, 86-87).

68 Rosenthal, 48.

69 The authority established to control speech - the Esecutori contra la Bestemmia - was later assigned to control prostitution. This council was one of three that Ruggiero cites as "related to a change away from the pleasures of the flesh toward greater decorum" (51). Attempts to contain prostitutes were symptomatic of a larger structural fortification of social differences as the state attempted to enact more effective controls through more detailed knowledge. This normative process classified women and men, Jews, and immigrants, defining these groups by delimiting their spatial boundaries and by codifying their appearances (48-56). Also see Menotto and Zennaro. On the spaces of the prostitutes, see Barzaghi, 124-28. Also see Scarabello, 1980, 75-84, 79, n. 16; Satkowski. In the seventeenth century debate over infusing the nobility with the new rich, Angelo Michiel reinscribed the relation between the political economy, the microcosm of Venice, and the female body, arguing that Venetian "descendants would weep if 'this unstained Virgin' were prostituted to the basest kind of people" J. C. Davis citing a 1646 speech to the Great Council, 1962, 108.

70 Coryat, 200.

71 "It is a matter very worthy the consideration, to think how this noble citie hath like a pure Virgin and incontaminated mayde . . . kept her virginity untouched these thousand two hundred and twelve yeares (for so long it is since the foundation thereof) though Emperours, Kings, Princes and mighty Potentates, being allured with her glorious beauty, have attempted to deflowre her, every one receiving the repulse: a thing most wonderful and strange" (ibid., 278).

72 See Fletcher, 25-26.

73 Franco's engravings of habiti illustrate the correlation between rituals, spaces and apparel in Venice. For an overview of sixteenth-century costume books, see Olian.

74 Cassini, 74, n. 1, notes the Vecellian character of the cartouche in the first state of the map.

75 Ignoring registration laws were one of the means of evading dress restrictions (Ruggiero, 35-36, 49). The potential for misidentification was complicated by cross-dressing; not only were prostitutes dressing as noblewomen, but noblewomen costumed themselves as prostitutes (Scarabello, 1980, 83). As Ruggiero explains, the "Provveditori alla Sanita forbade prostitutes to attend church on holy days or to sit there next to noblewomen or cittadini" (31). If anxiety over the freedom of movement of prostitutes led Vecellio to categorize them, Speroni was one of those who collapsed these differences: "Courtesan means nothing but prostitute" (cited in Rosenthal, 27).

76 Vecellio, 1590, 142-43, 146. Central to Vecellio's text is his emphasis on the relationship between status, space, and clothing: the courtesan wearing a veil in public and the street prostitute wearing the jacket and trousers of a man (Vecellio, 1590, 138, 146). His broad classification of prostitutes is expanded by Jan Grevembroch in his close copy of the earlier book He lists the following: Signore ambiziose (the revised title for Vecellio's courtesan dressed for winter), Concubine, Cortigiane, Meretrice, Puttana, Prostitute al bordello (after Vecellio's meretrice) and two Ruffiane (nos. 46-53). Also see Bruno, 149; Poli, 99-103. Barzaghi publishes details from a guidebook to the courtesans of Venice, published in the second half of the sixteenth century: Questo si e il Catologo de tutte le Principal et piu honorate cortigiane di Venetia (155-67). The translucent skirt of Vecellio's meretrice, or street prostitute, reveals the high wooden zoccoli. In Siena these platform dogs (and veils) were limited to prostitutes "who lived outside the usual social categories" (Hughes, 92). In Venice, fashion and the environmental situation contributed to their widespread use by courtesans and patricians alike although they were periodically subjected to legislation. Also see Bistort, 168ff; n. 4 above.

77 Vecellio, 1590, 142-43. The caption reads "D'ALCUNE DONNE LA VERNATA, & massime Cortigiane."

78 "PERCHE gli Habiti donneschi sono molto suggetti alia mutatione, & variabili piu che le forme della Luna: non e possibile in una sola descrittione metter tutto quello, che se ne puo fare" (Vecellio, 1590, 140-41).

79 Hughes, 90.

80 See Bistort, 141-84, esp. 149-50, 180 and 184.

81 Bistort, 197. For the "Fureur des perles" see 184-97.

82 On the relation between order and marriage, see Frigo who cites Sperone: "Nondimeno, si come nessun fanciullo si dice esser perfetto infin ch'egli non pervien all'eta della perfezzione: cosi in un certo modo si puo dir, che la donna non sia perfetta, s'ella non viene all'atto del matrimonio, nel quale naturalmente parlando, ella ritrova la sua perfezzione, che e l'huomo [. . .]" (68).

83 Vecellio, 1590, 124. The text begins as follows: "E Di somma & notabile honesta l'uso, & l'instituto d'allevar le donzelle Nobili in Venetia; perche sono cosi ben guardate & custodite nelle case paterne, che bene spesso ne anche i piu stretti parenti le veggono, se non quando elle si maritano. Et non e da tacere, che molte di loro fino a quel tempo del maritarsi, confermandosi con riverente ubidienza alia volonta de' genitori, se ne stanno senza ornamento veruno. Queste, quando gia cominciano ad esser grandicelle, vanno rarissime volte fuor di casa, & quasi non mai, se non per andare alla Messa, & ad altri Ufficii divini in Chiesa. Et allhora portano in testa un velo di seta bianca, ch'esse chiamano fazzuolo, d'assai ampia larghezza, & con esso si coprono il viso, e'l petto." Legislation stipulating the covering of breasts appeared in Venice in 1562. Cozzi, 53; and Hughes, 83: "camisoles or other coverings of the shoulder must be so closed in front that the breast is covered, . . . to ensure 'la honesta muliebre.'"

84 See Vecellio, 1590, 124-29.

85 See Chojnacki, 1994, 73-90.

86 Giovanni Giolito also uses the term "second-degree of celibacy" in his tract in praise of virginity, Venice, 1584 (cited in Cox, 546). The latter term is Cox's (see 540-47).

87 Patriarch Giovanni Tiepolo, writing to the doge in 1629 (ibid., 540).

88 Ibid., 542-43. Cox is citing a nuncio's report of 1580. On conventual legislation see Menotto and Zennaro, 145-87.

89 Ibid., 534.

90 Ibid., 529. By contrast, as Chojnacka has argued, the centralization of institutions for the poor is one of the factors that contributed to the agency and mobility of women from the popolani in early modern Venice.

91 Cox, 543.

92 Soaring dowries for a single daughter were one of the means by which the nobility garnered increasingly prestigious marriages, a practice that had the concomitant effect of decreasing the patrician population by limiting the number of legitimate births. See J. C. Davis, 1975; Chojnacki, 1994, esp. 78-79.

93 Herlihy, 73.

94 My thanks to Margaret Rosenthal for mentioning Tricia Allerston's research on the clothing market.

95 Scarabello, 1980, 83: ". . . uomini che usano di ornamenti femminili, donne che si travestono da uomini magari per partecipare alle imprese anche violente degli uomini, monache che si vestono da donne di mondo, gentildonne che si vestono da meretrici, meretrici che si vestono da gentildonne, stravaganze di abiti talora in funzione esplicita di esibizionismo sessuale, di acconciature, di maschere, di calzature . . ." On legislation to enforce "masculine" attire for men, see Cozzi, 53.

96 Menotto, 45-64.

97 Cited by Muir, 1981, 133, n. 76.

98 The arms of the Morosini and Grimani families appear at least seven times in Franco's perspective of the festival decorations [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 7 OMITTED].

99 Garzoni, 313: ". . . sono i Geografi insieme con gli Cosmografi una cosa istessa, benche alcuni, prendendo largamente questo nome Cosmos, che significa mondo, vogliono che Cosmografi siano quelli, che descrivono tutta la fabrica dell'universo congionta col globo de'cieli, come fa modernamente Giason Demotes e Geografi quei solamente, che descrivono questa nostra terra da basso habitabile. & altri guidati dal proprio, & ristretto significato della parola Cosmos, che propriamente significa ornamento, vogliono che i Cosmografi siano quelli, che senza curarsi della particolar quantita, o misura delle lontananze de'luoghi, narrano, & descrivono le nature, & proprieta de'paesi, & delle cose, che in essi sono, i costumi, i popoli, le cose notabile accadute di tempo in tempo . . ." On the concept of the cosmos, see Fletcher who discusses the relation between the ritual presentation of a city and the decoration of bodies. "Dress and costume can become instruments of social climbing," as he explains the etymology of the term cosmos, elevating "a lower rank to a higher one" (118-19). The most obvious example of this is jewelry, or "sartorial emblems of position" (109-10).

100 In 1589 the first edition of Pietro Bertelli's Diversarum Nationum, Habitus was published in Padua with fold-out procession scenes. Alessandro Fabri's 1593 Diversarum Nationum Ornatus is a close copy.

101 Tafuri, 1989, 164, comments on the association of the spaces of late sixteenth-century renovatio urbis with wisdom and eloquence. Private spaces like parishes - increasingly identified with patrician women - were not represented in Venetian ritual; see Muir, 1989, 81-104. Waning community ties between classes in the parishes and the narrowing group of influential noble families were concomitant with intensifying centralization. Urbanization and the growing employment of men by the state functioned to marginalize areas of the city and social groups. One symptom of these changes was a shift in local bequests to the poor which became increasingly controlled by the state; see Romano, 1987, 152-54 and n. 26. Women tended to retain their ties to the parishes whereas men joined city-wide confraternities (Muir, 1989, 91). As Romano, 156, n. 37, has shown, women were bound to the house, a space increasingly subjected to patriarchal control.

102 See Cassini, 66. The interesting omission of the bollettino indicates the producer intended to call attention to the relationship between orderly stewardship and a well-arranged cityscape rather than the electoral impartiality signified by the boy. The process of anatomization evident in the map and the procession parallels writing practices in contemporary epitomes. In Sansovino's popularized histories, for example, the author dissects his subject into its constituent parts, separating a text's chronology, family histories, forms of government, and descriptions of cities, exhibiting "the same tendency to categorize, organize, and arrange reality" (Grendler, 179).

103 The city's geography was represented in birds'-eye views throughout the sixteenth century. Although the de'Barbari map served as a precedent, his mimetic mode was not emulated until Mattaeus Merian's 1635 engraved copy that was published in Frankfurt. Cassini, 96. On the maps of Venice see Schulz, 1970 and 1978; Mazzi; Cosgrove, 1982; Romanelli.

104 Vecellio distinguishes these women from the classifications of other none women: "percio queste vanno molto sontuose, & con habiti conformi a' titoli, & a' gradi" (1590, 135). On the linguistic dependence on the masculine, see Warner, 68.

105 De Luca is cited by Hughes, 30. Luther's comment is cited by Maclean, 10.

106 Cited by Maclean, 10.

107 Ibid., 12.

108 King, 566.

109 Cited in Kelso, 108.

110 See the comments of Sperone and Plutarch cited by Frigo, 77. On the relation between allegory and status, see Fletcher, 109-10.

111 See Scarabello, 1982, 172.

112 As Cassini notes, Rascicotti's dedicatory text implies he is improving upon Franco's engravings: "questa Venetia intagliata, ampliata, agionta et abbellita assai piu di quante per l'addietro ve ne siano alla vista universale uscite. . . ." (78).

113 On the recent physical changes and an analysis of the political debates around these projects - debates driven by the "sacred origins' of the imago urbis - see Tafuri, 1989, 161-96. Also see Tafuri, 1982; and Foscari.

114 Vives cited in Kelso, 49-50. Discussing Firenzuola and Bembo, Fermor explains the ideology of movement that restricted a woman's "behaviour, carriage of the body, use of the eyes, gestures" (137).

115 This strategy presumably broadened the audience for the print. The engraving was copied by Matteo Florini of Siena which was in turn replicated by Giovanni Antonio de Paoli of Rome (Cassini, 78-79).

116 Ibid., 67.

117 Warner, 82. The two registers are organized visually into parallel hierarchies, the vertical comparison fixing the agents more emphatically into their symbolic network. If the women are physically lower than the men (both visually and in the Aristotelian sense), the pictorial organization presents the doge and the dogaressa as the figurehead of their symbolic level. See Fletcher, 65-66, on the relation between processions and the horizontal ranking of medieval hierarchies in which the ordering of different species and objects "can exist at the same relative level of purity or perfection," as for example, a lion is at the same symbolic level as the king.

118 Ibid., 86.

119 On the relation between the controlling view of space from above and the temporal experience from the streets, see de Certeau.

120 Fletcher's emphasis, 129. Processions, as performances, function allegorically, turning an idea in a spectators mind into an image. This, according to Fletcher, is the operative mechanism of propaganda: "Instead of seeing a free agent on the stage, the audience would see a lively idee fixe, which would induce the same fixated idea in the mind of the audience. By a process of identification the audience, like the allegorical agents, would itself tend to become fixed into stereotypes. This, of course, is precisely the aim of political propaganda art, and such a Platonic art evidently depends almost totally on allegorical agency. The victim of propaganda is allowed no other course but to empathize with scenes that are cast in highly organized, systematized, bureaucratized molds. Since this kind of order is often the aim of the political propagandist, he needs only to get his audience interested in the surface texture of the conformist action. But involving the audience in a syllogistic action, the propagandist gets a corresponding pattern of behavior from his audience when that audience leaves the theatre. At least this is what he hopes will happen" (67; also see 68).

121 de la Houssaye, 286.

122 Jameson explains this political operation further: "this urge to allegorize comes less as a technique for dosing the text off and for repressing alleatory or aberrant reading-sand senses, than as a mechanism for preparing such a text for further ideological investment" (29-30).

123 According to Frigo, the rigid patriarchal posture of tracts by writers on the family was intended as an "antidote" to the real fear of the "natural" order of the sexes being reversed (a wife being wealthier than her husband, or women engaged in public enterprises). She cites Stefano Guazzo: "Con tutto cio hanno le donne d'hoggidi tanto imperio sopra gli huomini che possono gloriarsi che stando ritirate in casa, governano le Citta, e le cose publiche a lor voglia. . . ."(87).

124 Thomas Coryat compares the "indulgence" of Venetians for prostitutes to all those Venetian women "coope[d] up," by their husbands: "For they thinke that the chastity of their wives would be sooner assaulted, and so consequently they should be capricornified were it not for these places of evacuation. But I marvaile how that should be true though these Cortezans were utterly rooted out of the City. For the Gentlemen do even coope up their wives alwaies within the walles of their houses for feare of these inconveniences, as much as if there were no Cortezans at all in the City. So that you shall very seldome see a Venetian Gentlemans wife but either at the solemnization of a great marriage, or at the Christning of a Iew, or late in the evening rowing in a Gondola" (Coryat, 264-65).

125 Bruto's La institutione di una fanciulla nata nobilmente (1555) is noted by Kelso, 61, regarding restricting education.

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